Stupid Parents name their child Hashtag

You might as well call her 

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stupid parents.
below is the article from yahoo

from here

Crazy baby names are nothing new. In fact, in recent years they've become endemic in our culture, with entire websites devoted to bad baby names, deliberate misspellings masquerading as parental "creativity," andcelebrities who go way way  past "unusual" and into "Wait. What?" territory (like actor Jason Lee, who named his child Pilot Inspektor in 2003).

But Hashtag? As in, well, #hashtag? Really? Really.

Related: Top 10 Baby Name Predictions for 2013 

"Hashtag Jameson was born at 10 o'clock last nite," the proud parent announced on FacebookSaturday night. "She weys 8pounds and i luv her so much!!!!!!" 

Spelling-challenged friends started leaving equally creative congratulations in the comments. 

"Aww babes you finally had youre Tweetybird xxx," one wrote. 

Related: 10 Ways Your Baby's Name Could Ruin His Life 

Some internet commenters have questioned whether the announcement is just a poorly executed viral marketing campaign for a certain brand of whiskey -- #Jameson? (Though we tried, Yahoo! Shine couldn't confirm the photo's legitimacy, but it's well within the realm of possibility -- if the musician Prince could use a symbol as his name, why not a non-celebrity?) Others tweeted slightly crueler hashtags of their own: #Foolishparents, #YourParentsHateYou, #StupidestNameEver. Many, many commenters all over the internet wondered about the parents' mental stability. 

"These are the things that convince me the world is ending in a month," lamented John Toronto at Buzzfeed. "Not the unstable sociopolitical nature of many nations of the world. Not the increasingly erratic weather patterns we've been seeing. Nope. Someone named their child Hashtag. We are all f****d and I think we might deserve it." 

Despite the outrage over this most recent naming debacle, parents have always named their kids after things that are important to them, whether it's a beloved relative, "The Hunger Games," a hot celebrity, glittery vampires -- or, today, social media. 

In February 2011, a man in Egypt named his firstborn daughter Facebook -- a nod to the role that the website played at the start of the Arab Spring. In Israel, Lior Adler and his wife, Vardit, named their little girl "Like" when she was born in May 2011 (the couple also named one of their older daughters Pie because they enjoy cooking, they said). Now that little Hashtag has arrived, all we need is a tiny Tumblr, an adorable "@," and sweet little "YouTube" and the social media baby name trend will be properly established. 

We're sure that little Hashtag will find a way to avoid problems on the playground (she can always say her real name is Taggart, as in Romney, or get even more conventional and call herself Ash, short for Ashley). Still, she's likely to face a few issues down the road that her social-media loving parents probably hadn't thought about. 

"I'm betting she'll go by 'Ash' but her classmates will know her real name," wagered Carlo Sta. Romana in the comments at Mashable. "Wonder what it'll be like in 20 years when she'll have to explain what a hashtag is?" 

the winner of the font test.

This is Doctor Soos Light.

This is also a swampy part of Louisiana.

the best part of atlas shrugged

Rearden heard Bertram Scudder, outside the group, say to a girl who made some sound of indignation,
"Don't let him disturb you. You know, money is the root of all evil – and he's the typical product of money."
Rearden did not think that Francisco could have heard it, but he saw Francisco turning to them with a gravely courteous smile.
"So you think that money is the root of all evil?" said Francisco d'Aconia. "Have you ever asked what is the root of money? Money is a tool of exchange, which can't exist unless there are goods produced and men able to produce them. Money is the material shape of the principle that men who wish to deal with one another must deal by trade and give value for value. Money is not the tool of the moochers, who claim your product by tears, or of the looters, who take it from you by force. Money is made possible only by the men who produce. Is this what you consider evil?
"When you accept money in payment for your effort, you do so only on the conviction that you will exchange it for the product of the effort of others. It is not the moochers or the looters who give value to money. Not an ocean of tears nor all the guns in the world can transform those pieces of paper in your wallet into the bread you will need to survive tomorrow. Those pieces of paper, which should have been gold, are a token of honor – your claim upon the energy of the men who produce. Your wallet is your statement of hope that somewhere in the world around you there are men who will not default on that moral principle which is the root of money. Is this what you consider evil?
"Have you ever looked for the root of production? Take a look at an electric generator and dare tell yourself that it was created by the muscular effort of unthinking brutes. Try to grow a seed of wheat without the knowledge left to you by men who had to discover it for the first time. Try to obtain your food by means of nothing but physical motions – and you'll learn that man's mind is the root of all the goods produced and of all the wealth that has ever existed on earth.
"But you say that money is made by the strong at the expense of the weak? What strength do you mean? It is not the strength of guns or muscles. Wealth is the product of man's capacity to think. Then is money made by the man who invents a motor at the expense of those who did not invent it? Is money made by the intelligent at the expense of the fools? By the able at the expense of the incompetent? By the ambitious at the expense of the lazy? Money is made – before it can be looted or mooched – made by the effort of every honest man, each to the extent of his ability. An honest man is one who knows that he can't consume more than he has produced.
"To trade by means of money is the code of the men of good will. Money rests on the axiom that every man is the owner of his mind and his effort. Money allows no power to prescribe the value of your effort except by the voluntary choice of the man who is willing to trade you his effort in return. Money permits you to obtain for your goods and your labor that which they are worth to the men who buy them, but no more. Money permits no deals except those to mutual benefit by the unforced judgment of the traders. Money demands of you the recognition that men must work for their own benefit, not for their own injury, for their gain, not their loss – the recognition that they are not beasts of burden, born to carry the weight of your misery – that you must offer them values, not wounds – that the common bond among men is not the exchange of suffering, but the exchange of goods. Money demands that you sell, not your weakness to men's stupidity, but your talent to their reason; it demands that you buy, not the shoddiest they offer, but the best your money can find. And when men live by trade – with reason, not force, as their final arbiter – it is the best product that wins, the best performance, then man of best judgment and highest ability – and the degree of a man's productiveness is the degree of his reward. This is the code of existence whose tool and symbol is money. Is this what you consider evil?
"But money is only a tool. It will take you wherever you wish, but it will not replace you as the driver. It will give you the means for the satisfaction of your desires, but it will not provide you with desires. Money is the scourge of the men who attempt to reverse the law of causality – the men who seek to replace the mind by seizing the products of the mind.
"Money will not purchase happiness for the man who has no concept of what he wants; money will not give him a code of values, if he's evaded the knowledge of what to value, and it will not provide him with a purpose, if he's evaded the choice of what to seek. Money will not buy intelligence for the fool, or admiration for the coward, or respect for the incompetent. The man who attempts to purchase the brains of his superiors to serve him, with his money replacing his judgment, ends up by becoming the victim of his inferiors. The men of intelligence desert him, but the cheats and the frauds come flocking to him, drawn by a law which he has not discovered: that no man may be smaller than his money. Is this the reason why you call it evil?
"Only the man who does not need it, is fit to inherit wealth – the man who would make his own fortune no matter where he started. If an heir is equal to his money, it serves him; if not, it destroys him. But you look on and you cry that money corrupted him. Did it? Or did he corrupt his money? Do not envy a worthless heir; his wealth is not yours and you would have done no better with it. Do not think that it should have been distributed among you; loading the world with fifty parasites instead of one would not bring back the dead virtue which was the fortune. Money is a living power that dies without its root. Money will not serve that mind that cannot match it. Is this the reason why you call it evil?
"Money is your means of survival. The verdict which you pronounce upon the source of your livelihood is the verdict you pronounce upon your life. If the source is corrupt, you have damned your own existence. Did you get your money by fraud? By pandering to men's vices or men's stupidity? By catering to fools, in the hope of getting more than your ability deserves? By lowering your standards? By doing work you despise for purchasers you scorn? If so, then your money will not give you a moment's or a penny's worth of joy. Then all the things you buy will become, not a tribute to you, but a reproach; not an achievement, but a reminder of shame. Then you'll scream that money is evil. Evil, because it would not pinch-hit for your self-respect? Evil, because it would not let you enjoy your depravity? Is this the root of your hatred of money?
"Money will always remain an effect and refuse to replace you as the cause. Money is the product of virtue, but it will not give you virtue and it will not redeem your vices. Money will not give you the unearned, neither in matter nor in spirit. Is this the root of your hatred of money?
"Or did you say it's the love of money that's the root of all evil? To love a thing is to know and love its nature. To love money is to know and love the fact that money is the creation of the best power within you, and your passkey to trade your effort for the effort of the best among men. It's the person who would sell his soul for a nickel, who is the loudest in proclaiming his hatred of money – and he has good reason to hate it. The lovers of money are willing to work for it. They know they are able to deserve it.
"Let me give you a tip on a clue to men's characters: the man who damns money has obtained it dishonorably; the man who respects it has earned it.
"Run for your life from any man who tells you that money is evil. That sentence is the leper's bell of an approaching looter. So long as men live together on earth and need means to deal with one another – their only substitute, if they abandon money, is the muzzle of a gun.
"But money demands of you the highest virtues, if you wish to make it or to keep it. Men who have no courage, pride, or self-esteem, men who have no moral sense of their right to their money and are not willing to defend it as they defend their life, men who apologize for being rich – will not remain rich for long. They are the natural bait for the swarms of looters that stay under rocks for centuries, but come crawling out at the first smell of a man who begs to be forgiven for the guilt of owning wealth. They will hasten to relieve him of the guilt – and of his life, as he deserves.
"Then you will see the rise of the double standard – the men who live by force, yet count on those who live by trade to create the value of their looted money – the men who are the hitchhikers of virtue. In a moral society, these are the criminals, and the statutes are written to protect you against them. But when a society establishes criminals-by-right and looters-by-law – men who use force to seize the wealth of disarmed victims – then money becomes its creators' avenger. Such looters believe it safe to rob defenseless men, once they've passed a law to disarm them. But their loot becomes the magnet for other looters, who get it from them as they got it. Then the race goes, not to the ablest at production, but to those most ruthless at brutality. When force is the standard, the murderer wins over the pickpocket. And then that society vanishes, in a spread of ruins and slaughter.
"Do you wish to know whether that day is coming? Watch money. Money is the barometer of a society's virtue. When you see that trading is done, not by consent, but by compulsion – when you see that in order to produce, you need to obtain permission from men who produce nothing – when you see that money is flowing to those who deal, not in goods, but in favors – when you see that men get richer by graft and by pull than by work, and your laws don't protect you against them, but protect them against you – when you see corruption being rewarded and honesty becoming a self-sacrifice – you may know that your society is doomed. Money is so noble a medium that it does not compete with guns and it does not make terms with brutality. It will not permit a country to survive as half-property, half-loot.
"Whenever destroyers appear among men, they start by destroying money, for money is men's protection and the base of a moral existence. Destroyers seize gold and leave to its owners a counterfeit pile of paper. This kills all objective standards and delivers men into the arbitrary power of an arbitrary setter of values. Gold was an objective value, an equivalent of wealth produced. Paper is a mortgage on wealth that does not exist, backed by a gun aimed at those who are expected to produce it. Paper is a check drawn by legal looters upon an account which is not theirs: upon the virtue of the victims. Watch for the day when it becomes, marked: 'Account overdrawn.'
"When you have made evil the means of survival, do not expect men to remain good. Do not expect them to stay moral and lose their lives for the purpose of becoming the fodder of the immoral. Do not expect them to produce, when production is punished and looting rewarded. Do not ask, 'Who is destroying the world?' You are.
"You stand in the midst of the greatest achievements of the greatest productive civilization and you wonder why it's crumbling around you, while you're damning its life-blood – money. You look upon money as the savages did before you, and you wonder why the jungle is creeping back to the edge of your cities. Throughout men's history, money was always seized by looters of one brand or another, but whose method remained the same: to seize wealth by force and to keep the producers bound, demeaned, defamed, deprived of honor. That phrase about the evil of money, which you mouth with such righteous recklessness, comes from a time when wealth was produced by the labor of slaves – slaves who repeated the motions once discovered by somebody's mind and left unimproved for centuries. So long as production was ruled by force, and wealth was obtained by conquest, there was little to conquer. Yet through all the centuries of stagnation and starvation, men exalted the looters, as aristocrats of the sword, as aristocrats of birth, as aristocrats of the bureau, and despised the producers, as slaves, as traders, as shopkeepers – as industrialists.
"To the glory of mankind, there was, for the first and only time in history, a country of money – and I have no higher, more reverent tribute to pay to America, for this means: a country of reason, justice, freedom, production, achievement. For the first time, man's mind and money were set free, and there were no fortunes-by-conquest, but only fortunes-by-work, and instead of swordsmen and slaves, there appeared the real maker of wealth, the greatest worker, the highest type of human being – the self-made man – the American industrialist.
"If you ask me to name the proudest distinction of Americans, I would choose – because it contains all the others – the fact that they were the people who created the phrase 'to make money'. No other language or nation had ever used these words before; men had always thought of wealth as a static quantity – to be seized, begged, inherited, shared, looted, or obtained as a favor. Americans were the first to understand that wealth has to be created. The words 'to make money' hold the essence of human morality.
"Yet these were the words for which Americans were denounced by the rotted cultures of the looters' continents. Now the looters' credo has brought you to regard your proudest achievements as a hallmark of shame, your prosperity as guilt, your greatest men, the industrialists, as blackguards, and your magnificent factories as the product and property of muscular labor, the labor of whip-driven slaves, like the pyramids of Egypt. The rotter who simpers that he sees no difference between the power of the dollar and the power of the whip, ought to learn the difference on his own hide – as, I think, he will.
"Until and unless you discover that money is the root of all good, you ask for your own destruction. When money ceases to be the tool by which men deal with one another, then men become the tools of men. Blood, whips and guns – or dollars. Take your choice – there is no other – and your time is running out."

If I were the devil

twinkies will never die

pauly hart
sunday, november 25th 2012

the most annoying thing about twinkies is that there is nothing annoying about them.

they made us laugh in die-hard, they made us smile in school. they are the most wonderfully squishily-sweet treat on the market and the smart investor will seize the twinkie immediately.

do you remember crayola? before 1984, binney & smith had a small market with their one major product. the crayon. after they sold to hallmark, suddenly licencing went thru the roof and there were a slew of products with the crayola name on them. it was madness. i remember walking into the drug-store as a child and seeing the first ever crayola markers, stamps and pencils. i was overwhelmed and blown away by all the choices. good-bye garbage-pail kids... hello crayola scratch-and-sniff stickers!

this is what will happen with twinkie.

you now have the somewhat moist and oily mushy sweet treat seeing a new possible future.


the licencing of the twinkie will follow this simple story:

disney buys twinkies.
twinkies gets a revamp.
dreamworks buys licence to shrek twinkies giving rise to
shrek, donkey, puss (with chocolate dipped boots) and gingerbread man twinkies
tron twinkies come out in select markets
the princess twinkies 8 pack hits the shelf
chocolate dipped twinkies are packaged
twinkie cake-sickle fun bakery is introduced
and a thousand other ideas.

there is a new wave coming and it's name is twinkie. the zombie apocalypse will never occur because there are too many capitalists out there to stop it.

black friday wasn't as bad as i thought, just a harbinger of death.

many many moons ago, i participated in the tickle me elmo debacle. working at kay-b toys during the 1996 holiday season was quite an eye-opener into how crazy people could become over such a trivial thing like the accumulation of things.

and i will never forget it.

so, working at sears this year i was prepared for the worst.

i heard about a wal-mart hiring rent-a-cops with guns and i was a bit concerned with the idea, and since i had just recently moved my wife and my cat to indiana from tulsa oklahoma i was wondering if the hoosiers were going to be as civil as the sooners are famous for.

and so i began my shift.

it was 3:45 and all was in expectation...

but by 4:00, no one pushed anyone, no one shoved... it was long lines and frowns but no one was shot at the store i worked at.

and spending was up.

the store i work was expecting to sell around four hundred thousand based upon last years projections but the fear was that since we were still in a recession, we would only be banking on three hundred... and it did much much than even four hundred. upwards close to six hundred thousand. that's a fifty percent INCREASE! that's amazing!

so, like i said. it wasn't bad. not at all. i am just not a fan of keynesian economics. if you have one dollar in circulation and you want to spend it but owe one dollar and five cents to the people who printed that dollar, don't ask them to print another dollar so you can spend the first one.

a black decade is coming. and by black i don't mean on your books. i mean like no electricity.

This bears posting

can you forgive me?

can i forgive you for hating me
can i forgive you for remembering the bad days
can i forgive you for injuring me
can i forgive?

will i take pain and give it to my savior
will i replace injury with joy
will i deny my right to justification
will i forgive?

can i tell you that everything is over
can i tell you that worry doesn't fix things
or that threats don't often either
do i forgive?

i do forgive and loss becomes lesson
i do forgive and coals are finally quenched
i do forgive and life is all the brighter
i choose forgiveness
because i was first forgiven.

pauly hart 2012

Kevin Smith - I'm a Christian

I'm Christian, I identify as Christian even after all this fucking time.

I used to identify as Catholic, but I can't do that anymore, it's a little too wacky...

Um... Christianity is a little broader, it allows you to do more. Don't worry I'm not one of those "creepy Christian" types: I'll never be the guy that's like: "Have I told you about my friend Christ?"

He just works for me, you know, the religion and that much religion works for me,

You know, I pray usually when I go to bed at night. I've got a wonderful life and a great career. It costs me nothing to believe that somebody up there is responsible for it that's not fuckin me.

 Um, so... You know, I pray usually when I take off in an airplane and land. That's when I pray the most, and usually my wife is with me whenever I'm flying and sitting next to me and stuff like that, and when I pray, eh, if you saw me on a plane - it's not like I sit there and pray out loud: "Oh God! Save us from your fiery death!"

You wouldn't even know man, cause I don't move my lips all creepily and shit. I just sit there with my eyes closed, for all you know I'd be sitting there thinking about pussy - But really - Jesus.

Taken from "Kevin Smith: Burn in Hell" 2011

Of Plymouth Plantation by Bradford part two


had abused them. And this was all the answer they could 
have, for none would take his parte in any thing; but Billing- 
ton, and any whom he named, deneyed the things, and pro- 
tested he wronged them, and would have drawne them to 
such and such things which they could not consents too, 
though they were sometimes drawne to his meetings. Then 
they delte with him aboute his dissembling with them aboute 
the church, and that he professed to concm* with them in all 
things, and what a large confession he made at his admit- 
tance, and that he held not him selfe a minister till he had a 
new calling, etc. And yet now he contested against them, 
and drew a company aparte, and sequestred him selfe; and 
would goe minister the sacrements (by his Episcopall caHng) 
without ever speaking a word unto them, either as magistrats 
or bretheren. In conclusion, he was fully convicted, and 
burst out into tears, and "confest he feared he was a repro- 
bate, his sinns were so great that he doubted God would not 
pardon them, he was imsavorie salte, etc. ; and that he had so 
wronged them as he could never make them amends, con- 
fessing all he had write against them was false and nought, 
both for matter and manner." And all this he did with as 
much fullnes as words and tears could express. 

After their triall and conviction, the comi; censured them 
to be expeld the place; Oldame presently, though his wife and 
family had liberty to stay all winter, or longer, till he could 
make provission to remove them comfortably. Lyford had 
Uberty to stay 6. months. It was, indeede, with some eye to 
his release, if he caried him selfe well in the meane time, and 
that his repentance proved soimd. Lyford acknowledged his 
censure was farr less than he deserved. 

Afterwards, he confest his sin publikly in the church, with 
tears more largly then before. I shall here put it downe as I 
fhid it recorded by some who tooke it from his owne words, as 
him selfe utered them. Acknowledging "That he had don 
very evill, and slanderously abused them; and thinking most 


of the people would take parte with him, he thought to cary 
all by violence and strong hand against them. And that God 
might justly lay innocente blood to his charge, for he knew 
not what hurt might have come of these his writings, and 
blest God they were stayed. And that he spared not to take 
knowledg from any, of any evill that was spoaken, but shut his 
eyes and ears against all the good; and if God should make 
him a vacabund in the earth, as was Caine, it was but just, 
for he had sined in envie and maUce against his brethren as 
he did. And he confessed 3. things to be the groimd and 
causes of these his doings: pride, vaine-glorie, and selfe love." 
Amphfying these heads with many other sade expressions, in 
the perticulers of them. 

So as they begane againe to conceive good thoughts of him 
upon this his repentance, and admited him to teach amongst 
them as before; and Samuell Fuller (a deacon amongst them), 
and some other tender harted men amongst them, were so taken 
with his signes of sorrow and repentance, as they professed they 
would fall upon their knees to have his censure released. 

But that which made them all stand amased in the end, 
and may doe all others that shall come to hear the same, (for 
a rarer president can scarse be showne,) was, that after a 
month or 2. notwithstand all his former conffessions, convic- 
tions, and pubUck acknowledgments, both in the face of the 
church and whole company, with so many tears and sadde 
censures of him selfe before God and men, he should goe againe 
to justifie what he had done. 

For secretly he write a 2^. leter to the adventurers in 
England, in which he justified all his former writings, (save 
in some things which tended to their damage,) the which, be- 
cause it is brefer then the former, I shall here inserte. 

Worthy Srs: Though the filth of mine owne doings may justly be 
cast in my face, and with blushing cause my perpetuall silence, yet that 
the truth may not herby be injuried, your selves any longer deluded, nor 
in[j]urious dealing caried out still, with bould out facings, I have ad- 


ventured once more to write unto you. Firest, I doe freely confess I 
delte very indiscreetly in some of my perticuler leters which I wrote to 
private freinds, for the courses in coming hither and the like; which I doe 
in no sorte seeke to justifie, though stired up ther unto in the beholding 
the indirecte courses held by others, both hear, and ther with you, for 
effecting their designes. But am hartily sory for it, and doe to the glory 
of God and mine owne shame acknowledg it. Which leters being inter- 
cepted by the Gov', I have for the same undergone the censure of ban- 
ishmente. And had it not been for the respecte I have unto you, and 
some other matters of private regard, I had returned againe at this time 
by the pinass for England; for hear I purpose not to abide, unless I re- 
ceive better incouragmente from you, then from the church (as they call 
them selves) here I doe receive. I purposed before I came, to undergoe 
hardnes, therfore I shall I hope cherfuUy bear the conditions of the place, 
though very mean; and they have chainged my wages ten times aUready. 
I suppose my letters, or at least the coppies of them, are come to your 
hands, for so they hear reporte; which, if it be so, I pray you take notice 
of this, that I have writen nothing but what is certainly true, and I could 
make so apeare planly to any indifferente men, whatsoever colours be 
cast to darken the truth, and some ther are very audatious this way; 
besids many other matters which are f arre out of order hear. My mind 
was not to enlarge my selfe any further, but in respecte of diverse poore 
souls here, the care of whom in parte belongs to you, being here destitute 
of the means of salvation. For how so ever the church are provided for, 
to their contente, who are the smalest number in the coUony, and doe 
so appropriate the ministrie to them selves, houlding this principle, that 
the Lord hath not appointed any ordinary ministrie for the conversion of 
those that are without, so that some of the poor souls have with tears 
complained of this to me, and I was taxed for preaching to all in generall. 
Though in truth they have had no ministrie here since they came, but 
such as may be performed by any of you, by their owne possition, what 
soever great pretences they make; but herin they equivocate, as in many 
other things they doe. But I exceede the bounds I set my selfe, therfore 
resting thus, untill I hear further from you, so it be within the time limited 
me. I rest, etc., 

Remaining yours ever. 
Dated Aug: 22. An°: 1624. John Lyfoed, Exille. 

They made a breefe answer to some things in this later, 
but referred cheefly to their former. The effecte was to this 
purpose: That if God in his providence had not brought these 


things to their hands (both the former and later), they might 
have been thus abused, tradused, and calumniated, over- 
throwne, and imdone ; and never have knowne by whom, nor 
for what. They desired but this equall favoure, that they 
would be pleased to hear their just defence, as well as his 
accusations, and waigh them in the balance of justice and 
reason, and then censure as they pleased. They had write 
breefly to the heads of things before, and should be ready to 
give further answer as any occasion should require; craving 
leave to adde a word or tow to this last. 

1. And first, they desire to examene what filth that was 
that he acknowledgeth might justly be throwne in his face, 
and might cause blushing and perpetuall silence; some great 
mater sure! But if it be looked into, it amounts to no more 
then a poynte of indiscretion, and thats all; and yet he licks 
of that too with this excuse, that he was stired up therunto by 
beholding the indirecte course here. But this point never 
troubled him here, it was counted a fight matter both by him 
and his freinds, and put of with this, — ^that any man might 
doe so, to advise his private freinds to come over for their 
best advantage. All his sorrow and tears here was for the 
wrong and hurt he had done us, and not at all for this he 
pretends to be done to you: it was not counted so much as 

2. Having thus payed you full satisfaction, he thinks he 
may lay load of us here. And first complains that we have 
changed his wages ten times. We never agreed with him for 
any wages, nor made any bargen at all with him, neither know 
of any that you have made. You sent him over to teach 
amongst us, and desired he might be kindly used; and more 
then this we know not. That he hath beene kindly used, 
(and farr beter then he deserves from us,) he shall be judged 
first of his owne mouth. If you please to looke upon that 
writing of his, that was sent you amongst his leters, which 
he pals a generall relation, in which, though he doth otherwise 


traduse us, yet in this he him selfe clears us. In the latter 
end therof he hath these words. I speak not this (saith he) 
out of any ill affection to the men, for I have found them very 
kind and loving to me. You may ther see these to be his owne 
words under his owne hand. 2'^. It will appere by this that 
he hath ever had a larger alowance of food out of the store 
for him and his then any, and clothing as his neede hath 
required; a dwelling in one of our best houses, and a man 
wholy at his owne command to tend his private affairs. What 
cause he hath therfore to complaine, judge ye; and what he 
means in his speech we know not, except he aluds to that of 
Jaacob and Laban. If you have promised him more or other 
wise, you may doe it when you please. 

3. Then with an impudente face he would have you 
take notice, that (in his leters) he hath write nothing but 
what is certainly true, yea, and he could make it so appeare 
plainly to any indifferente men. This indeed doth astonish 
us and causeth us to tremble at the deceitfulhies and desper- 
ate wickednes of mans harte. This is to devoure holy things, 
and after voues to enquire. It is admirable that after such 
pubhck confession, and acknowledgmente in court, in church, 
before God, and men, with such sadd expressions as he used, 
and with such melting into teares, that after all this he shoud 
now justifie all againe. If things had bene done in a corner, 
it had been some thinge to deney them; but being done in 
the open view of the cuntrie and before all men, it is more 
then strange now to avow to make them plainly appear to 
any indifferente men; and here wher things were done, and 
all the evidence that could be were presente, and yet could 
make nothing appear, but even his freinds condemnd him and 
gave their voyce to his censure, so grose were they; we leave 
your selves to judge herein. Yet least this man should tri- 
umph in his wikednes, we shall be ready to answer him, when, 
or wher you will, to any thing he shall lay to our charg, though 
we have done it sufficiently allready. 


4. Then he saith he would not inlarge, but for some poore 
souls here who are destiute of the means of salvation, etc. 
But all his soothing is but that you would use means, that his 
censure might be released that he might here continue; and 
imder you (at least) be sheltered, till he sees what his freinds 
(on whom he depends) can bring about and effecte. For 
such men pretend much for poor souls, but they will looke to 
their wages and conditions; if that be not to their content, 
let poor souls doe what they will, they will shift for them 
selves, and seek poore souls some wher els among richer 

Next he fals upon the church, that indeed is the burthen- 
some stone that troubls him. First, he saith they hold this 
principle, that the Lord hath not apointed any ordinarie 
ministrie for the converssion of those without. The church 
needs not be ashamed of what she houlds in this, haveing 
Gods word for her warrente ; that ordinarie officers are boimd 
cheefly to their flocks. Acts 20. 28. and are not to be extrava- 
gants, to goe, come, and leave them at their pleasurs to shift 
for them selves, or to be devoured of wolves. But he perverts 
the truth in this as in other things, for the Lord hath as well 
appoynted them to converte, as to feede in their severall 
charges; and he wrongs the church to say other wise. Againe, 
he saith he was taxed for preaching to all in generall. This 
is a meere untruth, for this dissembler knows that every 
Lords day some are appointed to visite suspected places, and 
if any be found idling and neglecte the hearing of the word, 
(through idhies or profanes,) they are pimished for the same. 
Now to procure all to come to hear, and then to blame him 
for preaching to all, were to play the mad men. 

6. Next (he saith) they have had no ministrie since they 
came, what soever pretences they make, etc. We answer, the 
more is our wrong, that our pastor is kept from us by these 
mens means, and then reproach us for it when they have 
done. Yet have we not been wholy distitute of the means of 


salvation, as this man would make the world beleeve; for our 
reve*^ Elder hath laboured diligently in dispencing the word 
of God unto us, before he came ; and since hath taken equalle 
pains with him selfe in preaching the same; and, be it spoaken 
without ostentation, he is not inferriour to Mr. L3rford (and 
some of his betters) either in gifts or laming, though he would 
never be perswaded to take higher office upon him. Nor ever 
was more pretended in this matter. For equivocating, he 
may take it to him selfe; what the church houlds, they have 
manifested to the world, in all plaines,' both in open confes- 
sion, doctrine, and writing. 

This was the sume of ther answer, and hear I wiU let them 
rest for the presente. I have bene longer in these things then 
I desired, and yet not so long as the things might require, for 
I pass many things in silence, and many more deserve to have 
been more largly handled. But I will retume to other things, 
and leave the rest to its place. 

The pinass^ that was left sunck and cast away near Dam- 
arins-cove, as is before showed, some of the fishing maisters 
said it was a pity so fine a vessell should be lost, and sent 
them word that, if they would be at the cost, they would both 
directe them how to waygh her, and let them have their car- 
penters to mend her. They thanked them, and sente men 
aboute it, and beaver to defray the charge, (without which all 
had been in vaine). So they gott coopers to trime, I know 
not how many tune of cask, and being made tight and fas- 
tened to her at low-water, they boyed her up ; and then with 
many hands hald her on shore in a conveniente place wher 
she might be wrought upon ; and then hired sundrie car- 
penters to work upon her, and other to saw planks, and at 
last fitted her and got her home. But she cost a great deale 
of money, in thus recovering her, and buying riging and seails 
for her, both now and when before she lost her mast; so as she 
proved a chargable vessell to the poor plantation. So they 

• Plainness. 2 The Ja-mes. 


sent her home, and with her Lyford sent his last letter, in 
great secrecie; but the party intrusted with it gave it the 

The winter was passed over in ther ordinarie affairs, with- 
out any spetiall mater worth noteing; saveing that many 
who before stood something of from the church, now seeing 
Lyf ords unrighteous dealing, and mahgnitie agaiast the church, 
now tendered them selves to the chiu-ch, and were joyned to 
the same; proffessing that it was not out of the dishke of any 
thing that they had stood of so long, but a desire to fitte them 
selves beter for such a state, and they saw now the Lord cald 
for their help. And so these troubls prodused a qmte con- 
trary effecte in sundrie hear, then these adversaries hoped for. 
Which was looked at as a great worke of God, to draw on men 
by unhckly means; and that in reason which might rather 
have set them further of. And thus I shall end this year. 

Anno Dom: 1625. 

At the spring of the year, about the time of their Election 
Coiui;,* Oldam came againe amongst them; and though it was 
a part of his censure for his former mutinye and miscariage, 
not to retume without leave first obtained, yet in his dareing 
spirite, he presumed without any leave at all, being also set 
on and hardened by the ill coimsell of others. And not only 
so, but suffered his unruly passion to rune beyond the hmits 
of all reason and modestie; in so much that some strangers 
which came with him were ashamed of his outrage, and re- 
buked him; but all reprofes were but as oyle to the fire, and 
made the flame of his coller greater. He caled them all to 
nought, in this his mad furie, and a hundred rebells and 
traytors, and I know not what. But in conclusion they com- 
mited him till he was tamer, and then apointed a gard of 
musketers which he was to pass throw, and ever one was 
ordered to give him a thump on the brich, with the but end of 

> Annual meeting for election of officers of the colony. 


his musket, and then was conveied to the water side, wher a 
boat was ready to cary him away. Then they bid him goe and 
mende his maners. 

Whilst this was a doing, Mr. WiUiam Peirce and Mr. Wins- 
low came up from the water side, being come from England; 
but they were so busie with Oldam, as they never saw them 
till they came thus upon them. They bid them not spare 
either him or Liford, for they had played the vilans with 
them. But that I may hear make an end with hi m, I shall 
hear once f or_aUj:filate-.wIi at befell concerning him in the 
fiSui%-and 4hat~bFee%:,_ After the removall of his familie 
from hence, he fell into some straits, (as some others did,) 
and aboute a year or more afterwards, towards winter, he 
intended a vioage for Virginia; but it so pleased God that the 
barke that caried him, and many other passengers, was in 
that danger, as they dispaired of Ufe; so as many of them, 
as they fell to prayer, so also did they begine to examine their 
consciences and confess such sins as did most burthen them. 
AnrI Mr. 0.ii]da.Tn e_HidTnpi,ke a free and large confession of the 
wron^_aad-lau±_h£_had done tojihe_geo£l£aiiachurch here, 
in many perticulers, that as he had sought their ruine, so God 
had now mette with him and might destroy him; yea, he 
feared they all fared the worce for his sake ; he prayed God to 
forgive him, and made vowes that, if the Lord spard his Ufe, 
he would become otherwise, and the Uke. This I had from 
some of good credite, yet hving in the Bay, and were them 
selves partners in the same dangers on the ghoulds Qf.,Cap- 
Codd, and heard it from his owne mouth. Clt pleased GodJ^ _ 
ap^ajtheir_]iyes,_though_they lost-^b^ ir viago j a n d - in time 
after wards, Ouldam caried him selfe fairly towards them, 
and acknowledged the hand of God to be with them, and 
seemed to have an honourable respecte of them; and so farr 
made his peace with them, as he in after time had libertie 
to goe and come, and converse with them, at his pleasure. He 
went after this to Virginia, and had ther a great sicknes, but 


recovered and came back againe to his familie in the Bay, 
and ther hved till some store of people came over. At lenght 
going a trading in a smale vessell among the Indians, and 
being weakly mand, upon some quarell they knockt him on the 
head with a hatched, so as he fell downe dead, and never spake 
word more. 2. Utle boys that were his kinsmen were saved, 
but had some hurte, and the vessell was strangly recovered 
from the Indeans by another that belonged to the Bay of 
Massachusets; and this his death was one groimd of the 
Pequente^ warr which followed. 

I am now come to Mr. Lyford. His time being now ex- 
pired, his censure was to take place. He was so farre from 
answering their hopes by amendmente in the time, as he had 
dubled his evill, as is before noted. , Bnt, firRt. t jfthnlH the 

verified;__£sa:-X-i5. He hath made a pitte, and digged it,, 
and is fallen into the pitte he made. Hejthought to bring 
shame and disgrace upo n them, but in stead therof opens h is 
owne toalLAh ilworldr For when he was delte with all aboute 
his second letter, his wife was so affected with his doings, as 
she could no longer conceaill her greefe and sorrow of minde, 
but opens the same to one of their deacons and some other of 
her freinds, and after uttered the same to Mr. Peirce upon his 
arrivall. Which was to this piirpose, that she feared some 
great judgment of God would fall upon them, and upon her, 
for her husbands cause; now that they were to remove, she 
feared to fall into the Indeans hands, and to be defiled by 
them, as he had defiled other women; or some shuch like 
judgmente, as God had threatened David, 2. Sam. 12. 11. I 
will raise up evill against thee, and will take thy wives and 
give them, etc. And upon it showed how he had wronged her, 
as first he had a bastard by another before they were maried, 
and she having some inkUng of some ill cariage that way, when 
he was a suitor to her, she tould him what she heard, and 

• Pequot. 


deneyd him; but she not certainly knowing the thing, 
other wise then by some darke and secrete muterings, he not 
only stifly denied it, but to satisfie her tooke a solemne oath 
ther was no shuch matter. Upon which she gave consente, 
and maried with him ; but afterwards it was found true, and 
the bastard brought home to them. She then charged him 
with his oath, but he prayed pardon, and said he should els 
not have had her. And yet afterwards she could keep no 
maids but he would be medling with them, and some time 
she hath taken him in the maner, as they lay at their beds 
feete, with shuch other circumstances as I am ashamed to 
relate. The woman being a grave matron and of good 
cariage all the while she was hear, and spoake these things out 
of the sorrow of her harte, sparingly, and yet with some 
further intimations. And that which did most seeme to 
affecte her (as they conceived) was, to see his former cariage 
in his repentance, not only hear with the church, but formerly 
about these things; sheding tears, and using great and sade 
expressions, and yet eftsone fall into the hke things. 

Another thing of the same nature did strangly concurr 
herewith. When Mr. Winslow and Mr. Peirce were come over, 
Mr. Winslow informed them that they had had the hke bick- 
ering with Lyfords freinds in England, as they had with him 
selfe and his freinds hear, aboute his letters and accusations 
in them. And many meetings and much clamour was made 
by his freinds theraboute, crjdng out, a minister, a man so 
godly, to be so esteemed and taxed they held a great skandale, 
and threated to prosecute law against them for it. But 
things being referred to a further meetmg of most of the ad- 
venturers, to heare the case and decide the matters, they 
agreed to chose 2. eminente men for moderators in the bus- 
sines. Lyfords faction chose Mr. White, a counselor at law, 
the other parte chose Reve**. Mr. Hooker, • the minister, and 

' Rev. Thomas Hooker, afterward the famous minister of Hartford; at this 
time he was rector of Esher in Surrey. 


many freinds on both sids were brought in, so as ther was a 
great assemblie. In the mean time, God in his providence 
had detected Lyford's eAnll rariagp i.tLJj:fiLm.
  • ,.^^ In the mean time 4t pleased th e Lord t^ give the plantation peace and health and contented minds, and so to blese ther labom-s, as they had come sufficient, (and some to spare to others,) with other foode; neither ever had they any supply of foode but what they first brought with them. After har- vest this year, they sende out a boats load of come 40. or 50. leagues to the eastward, up a river called Kenibeck; it being one of those 2. shalops which their carpenter had built them the year before; for bigger vessell had they none. They had laid a litle deck over her midships to keepe the come drie, but the men were faine to stand it out all weathers without shel- ter; and that time of the year begins to growe tempestious. But God preserved them, and gave them good success, for they brought home 700li. of beaver, besids some other furrs, having fitle or nothing els but this come, which them selves had raised out of the earth. This viage was made by Mr. Winslow and some of the old standers, for seamen they had none. Anno Dom: 1626. About the begining of Aprill they heard of Captain Stand- ish his arrivall, and sent a boat to fetch him home, and the things he had brought. Welcome he was, but the news he broughte was sadd in many regards; not only in regarde of the former losses, before related, which their fremds had suf- fered, by which some in a manor were undon, others much disabled from doing any fm:iiher help, and some dead of the plague, but also that Mr. Robin§Q3ft7-tfaeiii ,Bastor , was dead> which struck them with-uiuch sorrow and sadnes, as they had cause. His and their adversaries had been long and contin- ually plotting how they might hinder his coming hither, but the Lord had appointed him a better place ; concerning whose 1626] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 209 death and the maner therof, it will appere by these few lines write to the Gov"" and Mr. Brewster. Loving and kind f rinds, etc. I know not whether this will ever come to your hands, or miscarie, as other my letters have done; yet in regard of the Lords dealing with us hear, I have had a great desire to write unto you, knowing your desire to bear a parte with us, both in our joyes, and sorrows, as we doe with you. These are therfore to give you to under- stand, that it hath pleased the Lord to take out of this vaell of tears, your and our loving and faithfull pastor, and my dear and Rev** brother, Mr. John Robinson, who was sick some 8. days. He begane to be sick on Saturday in the morning, yet the next day (being the Lords day) he taught us twise. And so the weeke after grew weaker, every day more then other; yet he felt no paine but weaknes all the time of his sicknes. The phisick he tooke wrought kindly in mans judgmente, but he grew weaker every day, feeling litle or no paine, and sensible to the very last. He fell sicke the 22. of Feb: and departed this life the 1. of March.' He had a continuall inwarde ague, but free from infection, so that all his fremds came freely to him. And if either prayers, tears, or means, would have saved his life, he had not gone hence. But he having faithfully finished his course, and performed his worke which the Lord had ap- pointed him here to doe, he now resteth with the Lord in eternall hapi- nes. We wanting him and all Church Gov", yet we still (by the mercie of God) continue and hould close togeather, in peace and quietnes; and so hope we shall doe, though we be very weake. Wishing (if such were the will of God) that you and we were againe united togeather in one, either ther or here; Jw ri Be e ing- iLiaJhewill of the Tiord tlm g tji..flisp nsf gf things., seJaMgt labour with patiensfiJcucesl. caateai£di.tilHtjgleaseJhe Lordothficwise,to -dispose. For news, is here not much; only as in Eng- land we have lost our old king James, who departed this life aboute a month agoe, so here they have lost the old prince. Grave Mourise;^ who both departed this life since my brother Robinson. And as in England ' Robinson was buried three days after his death under the pavement of St. Peter's church in Leyden, nearly opposite his house. A tablet in memory of him has been set up on the outer wall of the church, and another on the front of the house now occupying the site of his dwelling in the Kloksteeg, near which many of his congregation also dwelt. ' King James I. of England died March 27, 1625. Count Maurice of Nassau, Prince of Orange, stadholder of the Netherlands, second son of William the Silent, died April 23, 1625 (new style, which was at this time followed in Hol- land). He was succeeded as prince and as stadholder by his brother. Count Frederick Henry. 210 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1626 we have a new-king Chads, of whom ther is great hope, so hear they have made prince Hendrick Generall in his brothers place, etc. Thus with my love remembred, I take leave and rest. Your assured loving freind, ^ , . .„ „„ Roger White.' Leyden, Aprill 28. An°: 1625. Thus these too great princes, and their pastor, left this world near aboute one time. Djgath maks no difference. He further brought them notice oFtKe~Tdeftth~©f— their anciente freind, Mr. Cush-man, whom the Lord tooke away allso this year, and aboute this time, who was as their right hand with their freinds the adventurers, and for diverce years had done and agitated all their bussines with them to ther great advantage. He had write to the Gove'' but some few months before, of the sore sicknes of Mr. James Sherley, who was a cheefe freind to the plantation, and lay at the pointe of death, declaring his love and helpfullnes, in all things; and much bemoned the loss they should have of him, if God should now take him away, as being the stay and life of the whole bussines. As allso his owne purposs this year to come over, and spend his days with them. But he that thus write of anothers sicknes, knew not that his owne death was so near. It shows allso that a mans ways are not in his owne power, but in his hands who hath the issues of life and death. Man may purpose, but God doth dispose. Their other freinds from Leyden writ many leters to them full of sad laments for ther heavie loss; and though their wills were good to come to them, yet they saw no probabiUtie of means, how it might be effected, but concluded (as it were) that all their hopes were cutt of; and many, being aged, begane to drop away by death. All which things (before related) being well weighed and laied togither, it could not but strick them with great perplexi- ' The writer was Robinson's brother-in-law, Robinson having married Bridget White, his sister. 1626] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 211 tie; and to looke humanly on the state of things as they pre- sented them selves at this time, it is a marvell it did not wholy discourage them, and sinck them. But they gathered up their spirits, and the Lord so helped them, whose worke they had in hand, as now when they were at lowest* they begane to rise againe, and being striped (in a maner) of all humane helps and hops, he brought things aboute other wise, in his devine providence, as they were not only upheld and sus- tained, but their proceedings both honoured and imitated by others; as by the sequell will more appeare, if the Lord spare me Ufe and time to declare the same. Haveing now no fishing busines, or other things to intend, but only their trading and planting, they sett them selves to follow the same with the best Industrie they could. The planters finding their come, what they could spare from ther necessities, to be a commoditie, (for they sould it at 6s. a bushell,) used great dilhgence in planting the same. And the Gove*^ and such as were designed to manage the trade, (for it was retained for the generall good, and none were to trade in perticuler,) they followed it to the best advantage they could; and wanting trading goods, they understoode that a plantation which was at Monhigen, and belonged to some marchants of PHmoth was to breake up, and diverse usefull goods was ther to be sould ; the Gove"" and Mr. Winslow tooke a boat and some hands and went thither. But Mr. David Thomson, who Uved at Pascataway,' tmderstanding their purpose, tooke oppertunitie to goe with them, which was some hinderance to them both; for they, perceiving their joynte desires to buy, held their goods at higher rates; and not only so, but would not sell a parcell of their trading goods, excepte they sould all. So, lest they should further prejudice one an other, they agreed to buy all, and devid them equally between them. They bought allso a parcell of goats, which they distributed at home as they saw neede and occasion, and » "Note." (Br.) ' See p. 164, and note 1. 212 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1626 tooke come for them of the people, which gave them good content. Their moyety of the goods came to above 400K, stariing. Ther was allso that spring a French ship cast away at Sacadahock, in which were many Biscaie ruggs and other commodities, which were falen into these mens hands, and some other fisher men at Damerins-cove, which were allso bought in partnership, and made their parte arise to above 500li. This they made shift to pay for, for the most part, with the beaver and comodities they had gott the winter be- fore, and what they had gathered up that somer. Mr. Thom- son having some things overcharged him selfe, desired they would take some of his, but they refused except he would let them have his French goods only; and the marchant (who was one of Bristol) would take their bill for to be paid the next year. They were both willing, so they became ingaged for them and tooke them. By which means they became very well furnished for trade; and tooke of therby some other in- gagments which lay upon them, as the money taken up by Captaine Standish, and the remains of former debts. With these goods, and their corne after harvest, they gott good store of trade, so as they were enabled to pay their ingagements against the time, and to get some cloathing for the people, and had some comodities before hand. But now they begane to be envied, and others wente and fild the Indeans with corne, and beat downe the prise, giveing them twise as much as they had done, and under traded them in other comodities allso. This year they sent Mr. AUerton into England, and gave him order to make a composition with the adventurers, upon as good termes as he could (unto which some way had ben made the year before by Captaine Standish) ; but yet mjoyned him not to conclud absolutly till they knew the termes, and had well considered of them; but to drive it to as good an issew as he could, and referr the conclusion to them. Also they gave him a commission under their hands and seals to take up some money, provided it exeeded not such a summe 1627] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 213 specified, for which they engaged them selves, and gave him order how to lay out the same for the use of the plantation. And finding they ranne a great hazard to goe so long viages in a smale open boat, espetialy the winter season, they begane to thinke how they might gett a small pinass; as for the reason afforesaid, so also because others had raised the prise with the Indeans above the halfe of what they had formerly given, so as in such a boat they could not carry a quantity sufficient to answer their ends. They had no ship-carpenter amongst them, neither knew how to get one at presente; but they having an ingenious man that was a house carpenter, who also had wrought with the ship carpenter (that was dead) when he built their boats, at their request he put forth him selfe to make a triall that way of his skill; and tooke one of the bigest of ther shalops and sawed her in the midle, and so lenthened her some 5. or 6. foote, and strengthened her with timbers, and so builte her up, and laid a deck on her; and so made her a conveniente and wholsome vessell, very fitt and comfortable for their use, which did them servise 7. years after; and they gott her finished, and fitted with sayles and anchors, the insuing year. And thus passed the affairs of this year. Anno Dom: 1627. At the usuall season of the coming of ships Mr. Allerton returned, and brought some usfuU goods with him, according to the order given him. For upon his commission he tooke up 200Zi. which he now got at 30. per cent. The which goods they gott safly home, and well conditioned, which was much to the comfort and contente of the plantation. He declared unto them, allso, how, with much adoe and no small trouble, he had made a composition with the adventurers, by the help of svmdrie of their faithfull freinds ther, who had allso tooke much pains ther about. The agreement or bargen he had brought a draught of, with a fist of ther names 214 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1627 ther too annexed, drawne by the best counsell of law they could get, to make it firme. The heads wherof I shall here inserte. To all Christian people, greeting, etc. Whereas at a meeting the 26. of October last past, diverse and sundrie persons, whose names to the one part of these presents are subscribed in a schedule hereunto annexed, Adventurers to New-Plimoth in New-England in America, were contented and agreed, in consideration of the sume of one thousand and eight hun- dred pounds sterling to be paid, (in maner and forme foiling,) to sell, and make sale of all and every the stocks, shares, lands, marchandise, and chatles, what soever, to the said adventurers, and other ther fellow ad- venturers to New Plimoth aforesaid, any way accruing, or belonging to the generalitie of the said adventurers aforesaid; as well by reason of any sume or sumes of money, or marchandise, at any time heretofore adven- tured or disbursed by them, or other wise howsoever; for the better ex- pression and setting forth of which said agreemente, the parties to these presents subscribing, doe for them selves severally, and as much as in them is, grant, bargan, alien, sell, and transfere all and every the said shares, goods, lands, marchandice, and chatles to them belonging as aforesaid, unto Isaack Alerton, one of the planters resident at Plimoth afforesaid, assigned, and sent over as agente for the rest of the planters ther, and to such other planters at Plimoth afforesaid as the said Isack, his heirs, or assignes, at his or ther arrivall, shall by writing or otherwise thinke fitte to joyne or partake in the premisses, their heirs, and assignes, in as large, ample, and beneficiall maner and forme, to all intents and purposes, as the said subscribing adventurers here could or may doe, or performe. All which stocks, shares, lands, etc. to the said adven: in severallitie alloted, apportioned, or any way belonging, the said adven: doe warrant and defend unto the said Isaack Allerton, his heirs and as- signes, against them, their heirs and assignes, by these presents. And therfore the said Isaack Allerton doth, for him, his heirs and assigns, covenant, promise, and grant too and with the adven: whose names are here unto subscribed, ther heirs, etc. well and truly to pay, or cause to be payed, unto the said adven: or 5. of them which were, at that meeting afforsaid, nominated and deputed, viz. John Pocock, John Beachamp, Robart Keane, Edward Base, and James Sherley, marchants, their heirs, etc. too and for the use of the generallitie of them, the sume of ISOOli. of lawfull money of England, at the place appoynted for the receipts of money, on the west side of the Royall Exchaing in London, by 200li. yearly, and every year, on the feast of St. 1627] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 215 Migchell/ the first paiment to be made An" : 1628, etc. Allso the said Isaack is to indeavor to procure and obtaine from the planters of N. P. aforesaid, securitie, by severall obligations, or writings obligatory, to make paiment of the said smne of ISOO^i. in forme afforsaid, according to the true meaning of these presents. In testimonie wherof to this part of these presents remaining with the said Isaack AUerton, the said sub- scribing adven: have sett to their names, etc.^ And to the other part remaining with the said adven : the said Isaack Allerton hath subscribed his name, the 15. Nov'"'. An°: 1626. in the 2. year of his Majesties raigne. This agreemente was very well liked of, and approved by all the plantation, and consented imto; though they knew not well how to raise the payment and discharge their other in- gagements, and supply the yearly wants of the plantation, seeing they were forced for their necessities to take up money or goods at so high intrests. Yet they undertooke it, and 7. or 8. of the cheefe of the place became joyntly bound for the paimente of this ISOO^t. (in the behalfe of the rest) at the severall days. In which they rane a great adventure, as their present state stood, having many other heavie burthens all- • Michaelmas, September 29. ° Below are the names of the adventurers subscribed to this paper, taken from Bradford's letter-book, in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, first series, III. 48. John White, John Pocock, Robert Kean, Edward Bass, William Hobson, William Penington, William Quarles, Daniel Poynton, Richard Andrews, Newman Rookes, Henry Browning, Richard Wright, John Ling, Thomas Goffe, Samuel Sharpe, Robert Holland, James Sherley, Thomas Mott, Thomas Fletcher, Timothy Hatherly, Thomas Brewer, John Thomed, Myles Knowles, William Collier, John Revell, Peter Gudbum, Emnu. AUtham, John Beauchamp, Thomas Hudson, Thomas Andrews, Thomas Ward, Fria. Newbald, Thomas Heath, Joseph Tilden, William Perrin, Eliza Knight, Thomas Coventry, Robert Allden, Lawrence Anthony, John Knight, Matthew Thomhill, Thomas Millsop. To this list Dr. Azel Ames. The Mayflower and Her Log, p. 58, suggests that we may perhaps add, as belonging to the original number, the names of William Greene, Christopher Martin, William Mullens, Edward Pickering, John Pierce, William Thomas, John White, John Wincob and Richard Wright. 216 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1627 ready upon them, and all things in an uncertaine condition amongst them. So the next retrntie it was absolutly con- firmed on both sids, and the bargen fairly ingrossed in partch- mente and in many things put into better forme, by the advice of the leamedest counsell they could gett; and least any forfeiture should fall on the whole for none paimente at any of the days, it rane thus: to forfite 30s. a weeke if they missed the time; and was concluded imder their hands and seals, as may be seen at large by the deed it selfe. Now though they had some untowarde persons mixed amongst them from the first, which came out of England, and more afterwards by some of the adventurers, as freindship or other affections led them, — though sundrie were gone, some for Virginia, and some to other places, — yet diverse were still mingled amongst them, about whom the Gove'' and counsell with other of ther cheefe freinds had serious consideration, how to setle things in regard of this new bargen or purchas made, in respecte of the distribution of things both for the presente and future. For the present, excepte peace and union were preserved, they should be able to doe nothing, but in- danger to over throw all, now that other tyes and bonds were taken away. Therfore they resolved, for sundrie reasons, to take in all amongst them, that were either heads of famihes, or single yonge men, that were of abilhty, and free, (and able to governe them selvs with meete descretion, and their affairs, so as to be helpfuU in the comone-welth,) into this partnership or purchass. First, they considered that they had need of men and strength both for defence and carrying on of bussinesses. 2'y, most of them had borne ther parts in former miseries and wants with them, and therfore (in some sort) but equall to partake in a better condition, if the Lord be pleased to give it. But cheefly they saw not how peace would be preserved with- out so doing, but danger and great disturbance might grow to their great hurte and prejudice other wise. Yet they resolved to keep such a mean in distribution of lands, and other 1627] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 217 courses, as should not hinder their growth in others coming to them. So they caled the company togeather, and conferred with them, and came to this conclusion, that the trade should be managed as before, to help to pay the debts; and all such persons as were above named should be reputed and inrouled for purchasers; single free men to have a single share, and every father of a familie to be alowed to purchass so many shares as he had persons in his family; that is to say, one for him seLfe, and one for his wife, and for every child that he had living with him, one. As for servants, they had none, but what either their maisters should give them out of theirs, or their deservings should obtaine from the company afterwards. Thus all were to be cast into single shares according to the order abovesaid ; and so every one was to pay his part accord- ing to his proportion towards the purchass, and all other debts, what the profite of the trade would not reach too; viz. a single man for a single share, a maister of a famaUe for so many as he had. This gave all good contente. And first accordingly the few catle which they had were devided,' which arose to this proportion; a cowe to 6. persons or shars, and 2. goats to the same, which were first equaUsed for age and goodnes, and then lotted for; single persons consorting with others, as they thought good, and smaler familys Hkwise; and swine though more in number, yet by the same rule. Then they agreed that every person or share should have 20. acres of land de- vided unto them, besids the single acres they had alheady; and they appoynted were to begin first on the one side of the towne, and how farr to goe; and then on the other side in Hke maner; and so to devid it by lotte; and appointed sundrie by name to doe it, and tyed them to certaine ruls to proceed by; as that they should only lay out settable or tillable land, at least such of it as should butt on the water side, (as the most they were to lay out did,) and pass by the rest as refvise and ■ For the division of cattle, see Plymouth Colony Records, XH. 9. 218 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1627 commune; and what they judged fitte should be so taken. And they were first to agree of the goodnes and fitnes of it before the lott was drawne, and so it might as well prove some of ther owne, as an other mans ; and this course they were to hould throwout. But yet seekeing to keepe the people to- gither, as much as might be, they allso agreed upon this order, by mutuall consente, before any lots were cast: that whose lotts soever should fall next the towne, or most conveninte for neames, they should take to them a neigboure or tow, whom they best hked; and should suffer them to plant come with them for 4. years; and afterwards they might use as much of theirs for as long time, if they would. Allso every share or 20. acers was to be laid out 5. acres in breadth by the water side, and 4. acres in lenght, excepting nooks and comers, which were to be measured as they would bear to best advantage. But no meadows were to be laid out at all, nor were not of many years after, because they were but streight of meadow groimds ; and if they had bene now given out, it would have hindred all addition to them afterwards; but every season all were appoynted wher they should mowe, according to the pro- portion of catle they had. This distribution gave generally good contente, and setled mens minds. Also they gave the Gove'' and 4. or 5. of the spetiall men amongst them, the houses they lived in; the rest were valued and equaUsed at an in- diferent rate, and so every man kept his owne, and he that had a better alowed some thing to him that had a worse, as the vaulation wente. Ther is one thing that fell out in the begining of the winter before, which I have refferred to this place, that I may handle the whole matter togeither. Ther was a ship, with many pas- sengers in her and sundrie goods, bound for Virginia.* They ' A vessel bound to Virginia was wrecked on Cape Cod in the winter of 1626-1627, called according to tradition the Sparrow-Hawk. She was aban- doned and finally buried by the sand at a place which has been known since as 'Old Ship Harbor." She was occasionally exposed by storms at sufficiently short intervals of time to become a familiar object to generatioa after generatiott. 1627] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 219 had lost them selves at sea, either by the insufficiencie of the maister, or his ilnes; for he was sick and lame of the sctirvie, 60 that he could but lye in the cabin dore, and give direction ; and it should seeme was badly assisted either with mate or mariners ; or else the fear and unrulines of the passengers were such, as they made them stear a course betweene the south- west and the norwest, that they might fall with some land, what soever it was they cared not. For they had been 6. weeks at sea, and had no water, nor beere, nor any woode left, but had burnt up all their emptie caske; only one of the com- pany had a hogshead of wine or 2. which was allso allmost spente, so as they feared they should be starved at sea, or con- sumed with diseases, which made them rune this desperate course. Bij^ tpJased Go dth^ though they came so neare the shoulds o'F Cap-Codd or^efee ran stumbUng over them in the night, they knew not how, they came right before a small blind harbore, that lyes about the midle of Manamoyake Bay, to the southward of Cap-Codd,' with a small gale of wind; and about high water toucht upon a barr of sand that lyes before it, but had no hurte, the sea being smoth; so they laid out an anchore. But towards the evening the wind sprunge up at sea, and was so rough, as broake their cable, and beat them over the barr into the harbor, wher they saved their Uves and goods, though much were hurte with salt water; for with beating they had sprimg the but end of a planke or too, and beat out ther occome;^ but they were soone over, and ran on a drie flate within the harbor, close by a beach ; so at low water they gatt out then- goods on drie shore, and dried those that were wette, and saved most of their things without any great loss; neither was the ship much hurt, but shee might be mended, and made servisable againe. But though they were not a litle glad that they had thus saved their lives, yet when In 1863 she became sufficiently exposed to admit of the removal of her timbers, and she may now be seen in Pilgrim Hall, Plymouth, where she has been set up. ' Somewhere in Chatham; but the outline of this sandy coast has greatly changed in 280 years. Oakum. 220 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1627 they had a Utle refreshed them selves, and begane to thinke on their condition, not knowing wher they were, nor what they should doe, they begane to be strucken with sadnes. But shortly after they saw some Mdians come to them in canows, which made them stand upon their gard. But when they heard some of the Indeans speake Enghsh unto them, they were not a htle revived, especially when they heard them demand if they were the Gove'' of Phmoths men, or freinds; and that they would bring them to the English houses, or carry their letters. They feasted these Indeans, and gave them many giftes; and sente 2. men and a letter with them to the Gove'', and did intreat him to send a boat unto them, with some pitch, and occume, and spiks, with divers other necessaries for the mend- ing of ther ship (which was recoverable). AUso they besought him to help them with some come and sundrie other things they wanted, to enable them to make their viage to Virginia; and they should be much bound to him, and would make satis- faction for any thing they had, in any comodities they had abord. After the Gove'' was well informed by the messengers of their condition, he caused a boate to be made ready, and such things to be provided as they write for; and because others were abroad upon trading, and such other affairs, as had been fitte to send unto them, he went him selfe, and allso carried some trading comodities, to buy them come of the Indeans. It was no season of the year to goe withoute the Cape, but understanding wher the ship lay, he went into the bottom of the bay, on the inside, and put into a crick called Naumskachett,' wher it is not much above 2. mile over land to the bay wher they were, wher he had the Indeans ready to cary over any thing to them. Of his arrivall they were very glad, and received the things to mend ther ship, and other necessaries. Allso he bought them as much come as they ' Naumskachett Creek is on the inside of Cape Cod between Brewster and Orleans. 1627] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 221 would have; and wheras some of their sea-men were rune away amonge the Indeans, he procured their retume to the ship, and so left them well furnished and contented, being very thankfull for the curtesies they receaved. But after the Gove' thus left them, he went into some other harbors ther aboute and loaded his boat with come, which he traded, and so went home. But he had not been at home many days, but he had notice from them, that by the violence of a great storme, and the bad morring of their ship (after she was mended) she was put a shore, and so beatten and shaken as she was now wholy imfitte to goe to sea. And so their request was that they might have leave to repaire to them, and soujourne with them, till they could have means to convey them selves to Virginia; and that they might have means to transport their goods, and they would pay for the same, or any thing els wher with the plantation should releeve them. Considering their distres, their requests were granted, and all helpfulLnes done unto them; their goods transported, and them selves and goods sheltered in their houses as well as they could. The cheefe amongst these people was one Mr. Fells and Mr. Sibsie, which had many servants belonging unto them, many of them being Irish. Some others ther were that had a servante or 2. a peece; but the most were servants, and such as were ingaged to the former persons, who allso had the most goods. Affter they were hither come, and some thing setled, the maisters desirfed some ground to imploye ther ser- vants upon; seing it was like to be the latter end of the year before they could have passage for Virginia, and they had now the winter before them; they might clear some ground, and plant a crope (seeing they had tools, and necessaries for the same) to help to bear their charge, and keep their servants in imployment; and if they had oppertunitie to departe before the same was ripe, they would sell it on the ground. So they had groimd appointed them in convenient places, and Fells and some other of them raised a great deall of come, which they 222 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1627 sould at their departwe. This Fells, amongst his other ser- vants had a maid servante which kept his house and did his household affairs, and by the intimation of some that belonged unto him, he was suspected to keep her, as his concubine ; and both of them were examined ther upon, but nothing could be proved, and they stood upon their justification; so with ad- monition they were dismiste. But afterward it appeard she was with child, so he gott a small boat, and ran away with her, for fear of punishmente. First he went to Cap-Anne, and after into the bay of the Massachussets, but could get no pas- sage, and had Uke to have been cast away; and was forst to come againe and submits him selfe ; but they pact him away and those that belonged unto him by the first oppertunitie, and dismiste all the rest as soone as could, being many unto.- ward people amongst them; though ther were allso some that caried them selves very orderly all the time they stayed. And the plantation had some benefite by them, in selUng them come and other provisions of food for cloathing ; for they had of diverse kinds, as cloath, perpetuanes, and other stuffs, besids hose, and shoes, and such like commodities as the planters stood in need of. So they both did good, and received good one from another; and a cuple of barks caried them away at the later end of sommer. And sundrie of them have acknowledged their thankfullness since from Virginia. That they might the better take all convenient opportunitie to follow their trade, both to maintaine them selves, and to disingage them of those great sumes which they stood charged with, and bound for, they resoloved to build a smale pinass at Manamet,' a place 20. mile from the plantation, standing on the sea to the southward of them, unto which, by an other creeke on this side, they could cary their goods, withia 4. or 5. miles, and then transport them over land to their vessell; and so avoyd the compasing of Cap-Codd, and those deangerous shoulds, and so make any vioage to the southward in much • The place referred to lies near Buzzard's Bay, south of Plymouth. 1627] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 223 shorter time, and with farr less danger. Also for the saftie of their vessell and goods, they builte a house their, and kept some servants, who also planted come, and reared some swine, and were allwayes ready to goe out with the barke when ther was occasion. All which tooke good effecte, and turned to their profite. They now sent (with the retume of the ships) Mr. AUerton againe into England, giveing him full . power, imder their hands and seals, to conclude the former bargaine with the adventurers; and sent ther bonds for the paimente of the money. AUso they sent what beaver they could spare to pay some of their ingagementes, and to defray his chargs; for those deepe interests still kepte them low. Also he had order to procure a patente for a fitt trading place in the river of Kenebec; for being emulated both by the planters at Pas- cataway and other places to the eastward of them, and allso by the fishing ships, which used to draw much profite from the Indeans of those parts, they threatened to procure a grante, and shutte them out from thence; espetially after they saw them so well furnished with commodities, as to carie the trade from them. They thought it but needfuU to prevente such a thing, at least that they might not be excluded from free trade ther, wher them selves had first begune and discovered the same, and brought it to so good effecte. This year allso they had letters, and messengers from the Dutch-plantation, sent unto them from the Gov' ther, writen both in Dutch and French. The Dutch had traded in these southeme parts, diverse years before they came ; but they begane no plantation hear till 4. or 5. years after their coming, and here begining.* Ther letters were as foUoweth. It being their maner to be full of complementall titles. Eedele, Eerenfeste Wyse Voorsinnige Heeren, den Goveerneur, ende Raeden in Nieu-Pliemuen residerende; onse seer Goede vrinden. Den directeur ende Raed van Nieu-Nederlande, wensen uwe Edn: ' See p. 172, note 1. 224 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1627 eerenfesten, ende wijse voorsinnige geluck salichitt [gelukzaligheid ?], In Christi Jesu onsen Heere; met goede voorspoet, ende gesonthijt, naer Siele, ende Lichaem. Amen.' The rest I shall render in English, leaving out the repeti- tion of superfluous titles. We have often before this wished for an opportunitie or an occasion to congratulate you, and your prosperous and praise-worthy undertake- ings, and Goverment of your colony ther. And the more, in that we also have made a good begining to pitch the foundation of a coUonie hear; and seeing our native countrie lyes not farr from yours, and our fore- fathers (diverse hundred years agoe) have made and held frendship and alliance with your ancestours, as sufficiently appears by the old contractes, and entrecourses,^ confirmed under the hands of kings and princes, in the pointe of warr and trafick; as may be seene and read by all the world in the old chronakles. The which are not only by the king now reigning confirmed, but it hath pleased his majesty, upon mature deliberation, to make a new covenante,' (and to take up armes,) with the States Generall of our dear native country, against our commone enemie the Spaniards, who seeke nothing else but to usurpe and overcome other Christian kings and princes lands, that so he might obtaine and possess his pretended monarchic over all Christendom; and so to rule and command, after his owne pleasure, over the consciences of so many hundred thousand sowles, which God forbid. And also seeing it hath some time since been reported unto us, by some of our people, that by occasion came so farr northward with their shalop, and met with sundry of the Indeans, who tould them that they were within halfe a days journey of your plantation, and offered ther service to cary letters unto you; therfore we could not forbear to salute you with these few lines, with presentation of our good will and servise unto, you, in all frendly-kindnes and neighbourhood. And if it so fall out that any goods that comes to our hands from our native countrie, may be serviceable unto you, we shall take our selves bound to help and ac- ' "Noble, worshipful, wise, and prudent Lords, the Governor and Council- lors residing in New Plymouth, our very good friends: — The Director and Council of New Netherland wish to your Lordships, worshipful, wise, and prudent, happiness in Christ Jesus our Lord, with prosperity and health, in soul and body. Amen." ^Inlercursus was a usual Latin word for the Anglo-Dutch commercial treaties; e. g., the Intercursus Magnus of 1496 between Henry VII. of England and the Duke of Burgundy as Count of Flanders. ' The Treaty of Southampton, September 8, 1625. 1627] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 225 commadate you ther with; either for beaver or any other wares or mar- chandise that you should be pleased to deale for. And if in ease we have no commodity at present that may give you contente, if you please to sell us any beaver, or otter, or such like comodities as may be usefull for us, for ready money, and let us understand therof by this bearer in writing, (whom we have apoynted to stay 3. or 4. days for your answer,) when we understand your minds therin, we shall depute one to deale with you, at such place as you shall appointe. In the mean time we pray the Lord to take you, our honoured good freinds and neighbours, into his holy protection. By the appointment of the Gov'' and Counsell, etc. IsAAK DE Rasier, Secretaris.' From the Manhatas, in the fort Amsterdam, March 9. An°: 1627. To this they returned answer as foUoweth, on the other side. To the Honoured, etc. The Gove'' and Counsell of New-Plim: wisheth, etc. We have received your leters, etc. wherin appeareth your good wills and frendship towards us; but is expresed with over high titls, more then belongs to us, or is meete for us to receive. But for your good will, and congratulations of our prosperitie in these smale beginings of our poore colonic, we are much bound unto you, and with many thanks doe acknowledg the same; talcing it both for a great honour done unto us, and for a certaine testimoney of your love and good neighbourhood. Now these are further to give your Wor^*"^ to understand, that it is to us no smale joye to hear, that his majestic hath not only bene pleased to confirme that ancient amitie, aliance, and frendship, and other con- tracts, formerly made and ratified by his predecessors of famous memorie, but hath him selfe (as you say) strengthened the same with a new-union the better to resist the prid of that commone enemy the Spaniard, from whose cruelty the Lord keep us both, and our native countries. Now forasmuch as this is sufficiente to unite us togeather in love and good neighbourhood, in all our dealings, yet are many of us further obliged, by the good and curteous entreaty which we have found in your countrie; haveing lived ther many years, with freedome, and good contente, as also many of our freinds doe to this day ; for which we, and our children after us, • Isaac de Rasiferes had come out to New Netherland in 1626, and remained there two years as chief commissary and secretary of the colony under Director Minuit. The date of his letter is shown by Bradford's letter-book to be a new- style date, after the practice of the Dutch. 226 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1627 are bound to be thankfull to your Nation, and shall never forgett the same, but shall hartily desire your good and prosperity, as our owne, for ever. Likwise for your freindly tender, and offer to acommodate and help us with any comodities or marchandise you have, or shall come to you, either for beaver, otters, or other wares, it is to us very acceptable, and we doubte not but in short time we may have profitable commerce and trade togeather." But for this year we are fully supplyed with all necessaries, both for cloathing and other things; but hereafter it is like we shall deale with you, if your rates be reasonable. And therfore when you please to send to us againe by any of yours, we desire to know how you will take beaver, by the pounde, and otters, by the skine; and how you will deale per cent, for other comodities, and what you can f urnishe us with. As likwise what other commodities from us may be acceptable unto you, as tobaco, fish, corne, or other things, and what prises you will give, etc. Thus hoping that you will pardon and excuse us for our rude and imperfecte writing in your language, and take it in good parte, because for wante of use we cannot so well express that we understand, nor hapily understand every thing so fully as we should. And so we hiunbly pray the Lord for his mercie sake, that he will take both us and you into his keeping and gratious protection. By the Gove'' and Counsell of New-Plimoth, Your Wor^P^ very good freinds and neigbours, etc. New-Plim: March 19. After this ther was many passages betweene them both by letters and other entercom-se;^ and they had some profitable com- ' Bradford here, as is shown by his letter-book, Collections of the Massachu- setts Historical Society, III. 52, omits the following important passage which was in his original letter: "But you may please to understand that we are but one particular colony or plantation in this land, there being divers others besides, unto whom it hath pleased those Honorable Lords of his Majesty's Council for New England to grant the like commission, and ample privileges to them (as to us) for their better profit and subsistence; namely to expulse, or make prize of any, either strangers or other English, which shall attempt either to trade or plant within their limits (without their special license and commission) which extend to forty degrees. Yet for our parts, we shall not go abolit to molest or trouble you in anything, but continue all good neighborhood and correspondence as far as we may; only we desire that you would forbear to trade with the natives in this bay, and river of Naragansett and Sowames, which is (as it were) at our doors: The which if you do, we think no other English will go about any way to trouble or hinder you; which otherwise are resolved to solicit his Majesty for redress, if otherwise they cannot help themselves." 'Portions of this correspondence appear in Bradford's letter-book, Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, III. 53-55. 1627] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 227 merce togither for diverce years, till other occasions interrupted the same, as may happily appear afterwards, more at large. Before they sent Mr. AUerton away for England this year, the Gove"" and some of their cheefe freinds had serious con- sideration, not only how they might discharge those great in- gagments, which lay so heavily upon them, and is affore mentioned but also how they might (if possibhe they could) devise means to help some of their freinds and breethren of Leyden over unto them, who desired so much to come to them, and they desired as much their company. To effecte which, they resolved to rime a high course, and of great adventure, not knowing otherwise how to bring it aboute. Which was to hire the trade of the company for certaine years, and in that time to undertake to pay that ISOOli. and all the rest of the debts that then lay upon the plantation, which was aboute some QOOli. more; and so to set them free, and returne the trade to the generaUtie againe at the end of the terme. Upon which resolution they called the company togeither, and made it clearly appear unto all what their debts were, and upon what terms they would imdertake to pay them all in such a time, and sett them clear. But their other ends they were faine to keepe secrete, haveing only privatly acquaynted some of their trusty freinds therwith; which were glad of the same, but doubted how they would be able to performe it. So after some agitation of the thing with the company, it was yeelded tmto, and the agreemente made upon the conditions following. Articles of agreemente betweene the collony of New-Plimmoth of the one partie, and William Bradford, Captein Myles Standish, Isaack AUerton, etc. one the other partie; and shuch others as they shall thinke good to take as partners and undertakers with them,* con- cerning the trade for beaver and other f urrs and comodities, etc. ; made July, 1627. • The names of the undertakers were William Bradford, Myles Standish, Isaac Allerton, Edward Winslow, William Brewster, John Rowland, John Alden, and Thomas Prence of the colony and James Sherley, John Beauchamp, Richard Andrews, and Timothy Hatherley of London. 228 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1627 First, it is agreed and covenanted betweexte the said parties, that the afforsaid William Bradford, Captain Myles Standish, and Isaack AUerton, etc. have undertaken, and doe by these presents, covenante and agree to pay, discharge, and acquite the said coUony of all the debtes both due for the purchass, or any other belonging to them, at the day of the date of these presents. Secondly, the above-said parties are to have and freely injoye the pinass latly builte, the boat at Manamett, and the shalop, called the Bass- boat, with all other implements to them belonging, that is in the store of the said company; with all the whole stock of furrs, fells, beads, come, wampampeak,' hatchets, knives, etc. that is now in the storre, or any way due unto the same uppon accounte. 3'''. That the above said parties have the whole trade to them selves, their heires and assignes, with all the privileges therof, as the said collonie doth now, or may use the same, for 6. full years, to begine the last of September next insuing. 4'^. In furder consideration of the discharge of the said debtes, every severall purchaser doth promise and covenante yearly to pay, or cause to be payed, to the above said parties, during the full terme of the said 6. years, 3. bushells of corne, or Qli. of tobaco, at the undertakers choyse. 5'''. The said undertakers shall dureing the afforesaid terme bestow 50/i. per annum, in hose and shoese, to be brought over for the coUonies use, to be sould unto them for corne at 6s. per bushell. 6*''. That at the end of the said terme of 6. years, the whole trade shall returne to the use and benefite of the said collonie, as before. Lastly, if the afioresaid undertakers, after they have aquainted their freinds in England with these covenants, doe (upon the first returne) resolve to performe them, and undertake to discharge the debtes of the said collony, according to the true meaning and intente of these presents, then they are (upon such notice given) to stand in full force; otherwise all things to remaine as formerly they were, and a true accounte to be given to the said collonie, of the disposing of all things according to the former order. Mr. Allerton carried a coppy of this agreemente with him into England, and amongst other his instructions had order given him to deale with some of their speciall freinds, to joyne with them in this trade upon the above recited conditions; as allso to imparte their further ends that moved them to take this course, namly, the helping over of some of their freinds ' See page 235, note 1, post. 1628] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 229 from Leyden, as they should be able ; in which if any of them would joyne with them they should thankfully acceptt of their love and partnership herein. And with all (by their letters) gave them some grounds of their hops of the accomphshmente of these things with some advantage. Anno Dom: 1628. After Mr. AUertons arivall in England, he aquainted them with his comission and full power to conclude the foremen- tioned bargan and purchas; upon the veiw wherof, and the delivery of the bonds for the paymente of the money yearly, (as is before mentioned,) it was fully concluded, and a deede^ fairly ingrossed in partchmente was deUvered him, under their hands and seals confirming the same. Morover he delte with them aboute other things according to his instructions. As to admittsomeof these their good freinds into this purchass if they pleased, and to deale with them for moneys at better rates, etc. Touching which I shall hear inserte a letter of Mr. Sherleys, giv- ing light to what followed therof, writ to the Gov'^ as foUoweth. Sr: I have received yours of the 26. of May by Mr. Gibs, and Mr. Goffe, with the barrell of otter skins, according to the contents ; for which I got a bill of store, and so tooke them up, and sould them togeather at 78li. 12s. sterling; and since, Mr. Allerton hath received the money, as will apear by the accounte. It is true (as you write) that your ingagments are great, not only the purchass, but you are yet necessitated to take up the stock you work upon; and that not at 6. or 8. p' cent, as it is here let out, but at 30. 40. yea, and some at 50. p' cent, which, were not your gaines great, and Gods blessing on your honest indeaours more then ordinarie, it could not be that you should longe subsiste in the maintaining of, and upholding of your worldly affaires. And this your honest and discreete agente, Mr. Allerton, hath seriously considered, and deeply laid to mind, how to ease you of it. He tould me you were contented to accepte of me and some few others, to joyne with you in the purchass, as partners; for which I kindly thanke you and all the rest, and doe vsrillingly accepte of it. And though absente, shall willingly be at shuch charge as ' "Nov. 6, 1627. Page 238." (Note by Bradford, referring to the page of bis manuscript. See under 1641, post) 230 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1628 you and the rest shall thinke meete; and this year am contented to forbear my former 50li. and 2. years increase for the venture, both which now makes it 80li. without any bargaine or condition for the profite, you (I mean the generalitie) stand to the adventure, outward, and homeward. I have perswaded Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beachamp to doe the like, so as you are eased of the high rate, you were at the other 2. yeares; I say we leave it freely to your selves to alow us what you please, and as God shall blesse. What course I rune, Mr. Beachamp desireth to doe the same; and though he have been or seemed somwhat harsh heretofore, yet now you shall find he is new moulded. I allso see by your letter, you desire I should be your agente or f actore hear. I have ever found you so f aithf ull, honest, and upright men, as I have even resolved with my selfe (God as- sisting me) to doe you all the good lyeth in my power; and therfore if you please to make choyse of so weak a man, both for abillities and body, to performe your bussines, I promise (the Lord enabling me) to doe the best I can according to those abillities he hath given me; and wherin I faile, blame your selves, that you made no better choyce. Now, because I am sickly, and we are all mortall, I have advised Mr. Allerton to joyne Mr. Beachamp with me in your deputation, which I conceive to be very necessary and good for you ; your charge shall be no more, for it is not your salarie maks me undertake your bussines. Thus comending you and yours, and all Gods people, unto the guidance and protection of the All- mightie, I ever rest. Your faithfull loving freind, London, Nov. 17. 1628. James Sherley. Another leter of his, that should ha ^hpine plane d before:— We cannot but take notice ho^jhe Xord hath bfpn plfnfif'djj? '^r "°°'' ■eur-pioseedlB ^Tand cau s ed"m anv_disasteii~to4>ef^fr^n5^^ con- ceive the only reason to be, we, or many of us, aimed at other ends then Gods glorie; but now I hope that cause is taken away; the bargen being fully concluded, as farr as our powers will reach, and confirmed under our hands and seals, to Mr. Allerton and the rest of his and your copartners. But for my owne parte, I confess as I was loath to hinder the full confirm- ing of it, being the first propounder ther of at our meeting; so on the other side, I was as unwilling to set my hand to the sale, being the receiver of most part of the adventurs, and a second causer of much of the ingagments; and one more threatened, being most envied and aimed at (if they could find any stepe to ground their malice on) then any other whosoever. I profess I know no just cause they ever had, or have, so to doe; neither shall it ever be proved that I have wronged them or any of the adventurers, 1628] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 231 •wittingly or willingly, one peny in the disbursing of so many pounds in those 2. years trouble. No, the sole cause why they maligne me (as I and others conceived) was that I would not side with them against you, and the going over of the Leyden people. But as I then card not, so now I litle fear what they can doe; yet charge and trouble I know they may cause me to be at. And for these reasons, I would gladly have perswaded the other 4. to have sealed to this bargaine, and left me out, but they would not; so rather then it should faile, Mr. Alerton having taken so much pains, I have sealed with the rest; with this proviso and promise of his, that if any trouble arise hear, you are to bear halfe the charge. Wherfore now I doubt not but you will give your generallitie good contente, and setle peace amongst your selves, and peace with the natives ; and then no doubt but the God of Peace will blese your going out and your returning, and cause all that you sett your hands unto to prosper; the which I shall ever pray the Lord to grante if it be his blessed will. Asuredly unless the Lord be mercifull unto us and the whole land in generall, our estate and condition is farr worse then yours. Wherfore if the Lord should send persecution or trouble hear, (which is much to be feared,) and so should put into our minds to flye for refuge, I know no place safer then to come to you, (for all Europ is at varience one with another, but cheefly with us,) not doubting but to find such frendly entertainmente as shall be honest and conscionable, notwithstanding what hath latly passed. For I profess in the word of an honest man, had it not been to procure your peace and quiet from some turbulent spirites hear, I would not have sealed to this last deed; though you would have given me all my adventure and debte ready downe. Thus desiring the Lord to blesse and prosper you, I cease ever resting, Your faithfuU and loving freind, to my power, Des: 27. James Sheelet.* With this leter they sent a draught of a formall deputation to be hear sealed and sent back unto them, to authorise them as their agents, according to what is mentioned in the above said letter; and because some inconvenience grue therby afterward I shall here ioserte it. To all to whom these prets shall come greeting; know yee that we, William Bradford, Gov' of Plimoth, in N. E. in America, Isaak 'The above letter was written on the reverse of a page (154) of the original manuscript. 232 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1628 Allerton, Myles Standish, William Brewster, and Ed: Winslow, of Plimoth aforesaid, marchants, doe by these presents for us, and in our names, make, substitute, and appointe James Sherley, Goldsmith, and John Beachamp, Salter, citizens of London, our true and lawfull agents, factors, substitutes, and assignes; as well to take and receive all such goods, wares, and marchandise what soever as to our said substitutes or either of them, or to the citie of London, or other place of the Relme of Engl: shall be sente, transported, or come from us or any of us, as allso to vend, sell, barter, or exchaing the said goods, wares, and marchandise so from time to time to be sent to such person or persons upon credite, or other wise in such maner as to our said agents and factors joyently, or to either of them severally shall seeme meete. And further we doe make and or- daine our said substituts and assignes joyntly and severally for us, and to our uses, and accounts, to buy and consigne for and to us into New- Engl : aforesaid, such goods and marchandise to be provided here, and to be returned hence, as by our said assignes, or either of them, shall be thought fitt. And to recover, receive, and demand for us and in our names all such debtes and sumes of money, as now are or hereafter shall be due incidente accruing or belonging to us, or any of us, by any wayes or means; and to acquite, discharge, or compound for any debte or sume of money, which now or hereafter shall be due or oweing by any person or persons to us, or any of us. And generally for us and in our names to doe, perf orme, and execute every acte and thing which to our said assignes, or either of them, shall seeme meete to be done in or aboute the premissies, as fully and effectually, to all intents and purposes, as if we or any of us were in person presente. And whatsoever our said agents and factors joyntly or severally shall doe, or cause to be done, in or aboute the premis- ses, we will and doe, and every of us doth ratifie, alow, and confirme, by these presents. In wittnes wherof we have here unto put our hands and seals. Dated 18. Nov''^ 1628. This was accordingly confirmed by the above named, and 4. more of the cheefe of them imder their hands and seals, and dehvered imto them. Also Mr. Allerton formerly had au- thoritie imder their hands and seals for the transacting of the former bussines, and taking up of moneys, etc. which still he retained whilst he was imployed in these affaires; they mis- trusting neither him nor any of their freinds f aithfullnes, which made them more remisse in looking to shuch acts as had passed under their hands, as necessarie for the time; but 1628] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR , , 233-., letting them rune on to long unminded or recaled , it turne d to their harme afterwards ^B will appcrc in ita place : — iMfrrTyiertCnTiaving setled all things thus in a good and hopfuU way, he made hast to returne in the first of the spring to be hear with their supply for trade, (for the fishermen with whom he came used to sett forth in winter and be here be- times.) He brought a resonable supply of goods for the plantation, and without those great interests as before is noted; and brought an accoimte of the beaver sould, and how the money was disposed for goods, and the paymente of other debtes, having paid all debts abroad to others, save to Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beachamp, and Mr. Andrews; from whom lik- wise he brought an accounte which to them all amounted not to above 400Zi. for which he had passed bonds. AUso he had payed the first pajrmente for the purchass, being due for this year, viz. 200K. and brought them the bonde for the same canselled; so as they now had no more foreine debtes but the abovesaid 400Zi. and odde pownds, and the rest of the yearly purchass monie. Some other debtes they had in the cuntrie, but they were without any intrest, and they had wherwith to discharge them when they were due. To this pass the Lord had brought things for them. Also he brought them further notice that their freinds, the abovenamed, and some others that would joyne with them in the trad and purchass, did in- tend for to send over to Leyden, for a competente-nnffiber-^ to be hear the next year without faylek if the Lor d ) pl«asedr^o blesse their journey. He allso brought-themr-'a pateijie' for Kenebeck,* but it was so straite and ill bounded, as they were faine to renew and inlarge it the next year, as allso that which they had at home, to their great charge, as will after appeare. Hithertoo Mr. AUerton did them good and faithfuU service ; and well had it been if he had so continued, ' The Kennebec Purchase of 1628 was better defined in the patent of January 13, 1629/30, which was granted by the Counci! for New England and covered both the region of New Plymouth and the Kennebec grant. 234 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1628 or els they had now ceased for imploying him any longer thus into England. But of this more afterwards. Having procured a patente (as is above said) for Kenebeck, they now erected a house up above in the river in the most convenientest place for trade,' as they conceived, and fur- nished the same with commodities for that end, both winter and sommer, not only with come, but also with such other commodities as the fishermen had traded with them, as coats, shirts, ruggs, and blankets, biskett, pease, prunes, etc.; and what they could not have out of England, they bought of the fishing ships, and so carried on their bussines as well as they could. This year^ the Dutch sent againe unto them from their plantation, both kind leterss, and also diverse comodities, as suger, linen cloth, Holand finer and courser stufes, etc. They came up with their barke to Manamete, to their house ther, in which came their Secretarie Easier;' who was accompanied with a noyse of trumpeters, and some other attendants; and desired that they would send a boat for him, for he could not travill so farr over land. So they sent a boat to Manonscus- sett, and brought him to the plantation, with the cheefe of his company. And after some few days entertainmente, he re- turned to his barke, and some of them wente with him, and bought sundry of his goods; after which begming thus made, they sente often times to the same place, and had entercourse togeather for diverce years; and amongst other comodities, they vended much tobaco for linen cloath, stuffs, etc., which was a good benefite to the people, till the Virginians found out their plantation. But that which turned most to their profite, ' Now Augusta, Maine. "The dates in Bradford's letter-book, however, show that the episode oc- curred in October, 1627. ' His account of the visit, a very interesting document, may be found in a letter he wrote to a friend in Holland, printed in the Collections of the New York Historical Society, second series, II. 351. Manomet (now Monument) was at the head of Buzzard's Bay; Manonscussett was on the opposite side of the isthmus, on Cape Cod Bay, in the present town of Bourne. 1628] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 235 in time, was an entrance into the trade of Wampampeake;' for they now bought aboute 50li. worth of it of them; and they tould them how vendable it was at their forte Orania;' and did perswade them they would find it so at Kenebeck; and so it came to pass in time, though at first it stuck, and it was 2. years before they could put of this small quantity, till the inland people knew of it; and afterwards they could scarce ever gett enough for them, for many years togeather. And so this, with their other provissions, cutt of they trade quite from the fisher-men, and in great part from other of the stragling planters. And strange it was to see the great all- teration it made in a few years among the Indeans them selves; for all the Indeans of these parts, and the Massachus- sets, had none or very htle of it,- but the sachems and some spetiaU persons that wore a litle of it for omamente. Only it was made and kepte amonge the Nariganssets, and Pequents, which grew rich arid potent by it, and these people were poore and begerly, and had no use of it. Neither did the English of this plantation, or any other in the land, till now that they had knowledg of it from the Dutch, so much as know what it was, much less that it was a commoditie of that worth and valew. But after it grue thus to be a comoditie in these parts, these Indeans fell into it allso, and to leame how to make it; for the ' The wampumpeake, of which De Rasiferes brought specimens to Plymouth, was made by the Long Island Indians from the thick quahaug shells and cut in the shape of oblong beads with holes by which they were strung. The wampum made by the Plymouth colonists was evidently made from the common clam- shell, cut in the shape of small button-moulds; a specimen is to be seen in Pil- grim Hall in Plymouth. There are several spots in Plymouth where the soil is filled with small pieces of clam-shells, which may have been the places where the wampum was cut. Wampum became at a later period a legal tender among the colonists, the value of which was from time to time fixed by law. I have seen a specimen of another kind of wampum made apparently of burned white clay, as hard and smooth as porcelain, about three-eighths of an inch in diameter and a quarter of an inch thick, with intervening thin discs of shell. The Indian grave in East Bridgewater in which this specimen was found contained a few bones almost destroyed by decay, and thus suggesting great antiquity. " Fort Aurania, or Orange, was on the site of the present city of Albany. "Teag." (Br.) 236 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1628 Narigansets doe geather the shells of which they make it from their shors. And it hath now continued a current comoditie aboute this 20. years, and it may prove a drugg in time. In the mean time it maks the Indeans of these parts rich and power full and also prowd therby; and fills them with peeces, powder, and shote, which no laws can restraine, by reasone of the bassnes of sundry unworthy persons, both English, Dutch, and French, which may turne to the ruine of many. Hither- too the Indeans of these parts had no peeces nor other armes but their bowes and arrowes, nor of many years after; nether durst they scarce handle a gune, so much were they affraid of them; and the very sight of one (though out of kilter) was a terrour unto them. But those Indeans to the east parts, which had commerce with the French, got peces of them, and they in the end made a commone trade of it; and in time our English fisher-men, led with the Hke cove