Of Plymouth Plantation by Bradford part one








NEW YORK ------ 1908 




Published February, 1908 


The text followed in this edition of Bradford is that of the text- 
edition published by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in 1898, 
which Mr. Davis assured me was unusually accurate. In all cases 
where doubt seemed warranted, comparison was made with the 
excellent facsimile mentioned in the editor's Introduction, and in a 
few cases with the original manuscript. But in some particulars a 
systematic departure has been made from the practice followed in the 
Massachusetts edition. That edition prints the symbols &, if, y* 
and y^, and the contractions w"' and vf^, as they stand in the 
manuscript. In this edition I have followed what is believed to be a 
better practice, by giving to these manuscript marks the form which, 
we may presume, they would have borne in print if Bradford's manu- 
script had been printed in his lifetime; i. e., I have printed, for the 
above, the words and, the, that, they, with and which. Also, where 
the original places a short line over a letter, to indicate the omission 
of an TO or an M directly following it, I have substituted the missing 
letter itself, as would commonly have been done in seventeenth- 
century printing ; and have disregarded Bradford's underscoring or 
italicizing of words whenever it seemed to have no significance, or a 
significance other than that now conveyed by italics. Names of 
ships have been uniformly set in italics. Bradford's frequent use of 
parentheses in place of commas has not been followed. 

The notes which Bradford appended to his text, often writing 
them on the margins of his pages, have been reproduced in the foot- 
notes of the present edition, but have been distinguished from the 
editor's notes by placing them in quotation-marks, and adding " Br." 
or some less abbreviated indication of their authorship. The notes 
which are attributed to Rev. Thomas Prince in this edition are notes 
which he wrote on the manuscript while it was in his posses- 
sion. Not all his notes have been repeated in these pages. 
The dates which are given in square brackets in the headlines of 
the pages may be understood to indicate years beginning on the 

vi NOTE 

first of January, rather than, according to Bradford's custom, on 
the twenty-fifth of March. 

The facsimiles in this volume represent the first page of the 
famous manuscript (reduced to about half its height), the page near 
the beginning of Book 2 on which occurs the text of the Mayflower 
Compact, and the title-page of "Mourt's Relation," concerning which 
work see the editor's Introduction. The map is a reproduction, some- 
what reduced, of Captain John Smith's map of New England, first 
published in 1614 as an accompaniment to his Description of New 
England. As that map exists in various "states," and it was desired 
to reproduce that state which would exhibit the best map of New 
England which the Pilgrims could have consulted at the time of their 
voyage, the general editor sought the aid of the learned bibliographer, 
Mr. Wilberforce Eames, librarian of the Lenox Branch of the New 
York Public Library, who has made a special and minute study 
of the various states of this map, and whose generous kindness to his- 
torical students is well known. Mr. Eames distinguishes nine states 
of this map, each showing some additions to its predecessor, or some 
modifications of its readings. Of these the fifth (or perhaps in equal 
degree the sixth, which is very similar) represents the map as it would 
stand in the freshest copies procurable in 1620. The seventh, on 
the other hand, reads in its title "Prince Charles no we King," indi- 
cates "Salem," "P. Wynthrop," "P. Standish," and reads "New 
Plimouth" in place of "Plimouth," and so is plainly of a later time. 
The eighth and ninth states, the latter of which is reproduced in 
Veazie's reprint of Captain Smith's Advertisements and in Jenness's 
Isles of Shoals, are of still later date. The New York PubHc Library 
(Lenox Building) has three copies of the state which we have chosen, — 
two of them in copies of Smith's Generall Historie of Virginia, the 
third a separate copy; I have chosen the last for reproduction. The 
legend which is nearly obliterated, below "Simon Passaeus sculpsit" 
in the lower left-hand corner, is "Robert Clerke excudit." The 
arms at the right of these legends are those of Smith, including the 
three Turks' heads. 

To the note' on p. 79 a reference might well be added to Mr. 
Reginald G. Marsden's article on the Mayflower in the English 
Historical Review, XIX. 669-680, in which he essays to identify the 
famous Mayflower from among the many contemporary ships of that 
name, to show it to have been a ship of Harwich, and to trace its 
history from 1609 to 1626, when he supposes it to have been captured 

NOTE vii 

by Dunkirkers. To Mr. Davis the identification seemed "not 
proven;" the general editor would have been disposed to adopt it. 

When this volume had nearly passed through the press, on 
December 3, 1907, its editor, Hon. William T. Davis, of Plymouth, 
died at the age of eighty-five. A native of Plymouth and a devoted 
and public-spirited citizen of that town, he had served for many 
years as vice-president and president of the Pilgrim Society, had edited 
the published records of the town, and had written, among other 
historical works, a History of Plymouth and a book of antiquarian 
research entitled Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth, both highly re- 
garded. He was a man of high and genial character. Of this 
volume, his last work, he had finished his reading of the proof-sheets, 
except the very last pages, at the time of his death. 

J. F. J. 


Edited by William T. Davis 


Introduction 3 

History of PLTMOtrrH Plantation 23 

Chapter 1 

The Reformation and Persecution 23 

The Dissensions at Frankfort 25 

The Dissensions under Queen EUzabeth 26 

Later Observations by Bradford 28 

The Beginnings of Separatism in the North of England ... 30 

The Congregations led by Smyth and Clyfton 31 

Chapter 2 

The Resolve to remove to Holland 33 

First Attempt Frustrated 34 

Second Attempt partially Successful 35 

Arrest of those left behind 36 

Chapter 3 

Settlement in Amsterdam; Arrival of Robinson and Brewster . . 38 

Removal to Leyden 39 

Robinson's Leadership as Pastor 40 

Regard in which he and his Congregation were held ... 42 

Chapter 4 

Reasons for Removal 44 

Various Objections; Fears and Doubts 47 

Considerations which prevailed 48 


Chapter 6 


Guiana discussed ^'^ 

Virginia resolved on; the Virginia Company approached ... 50 

Letter of Sir Edwin Sandys • • .52 

Reply of the Leyden Church 54 

Letter to Sir John Wolstenholme 56 

Declarations concerning the Polity of the Leyden Church ... 56 

Letters of "S. B." and of Robert Cushman 57 

Blackwell's Migration to Virginia 60 

Letter of Sabin Staresmore 61 

The Virginia Company grants a Patent 62 

Chapter 6 

Weston's Proposals 64 

Carver and Cushman sent to England as Agents .... 65 

The Agreement with the Adventurers 66 

Letter of Robinson to Carver 68 

Letter of other Members of the Church 70 

Cushman's Reply 71 

Another Letter from Cushman 74 

A Letter of Cushman to Carver 77 

Chapter 7 

Purchase of the Speedwell; Departure from Delfshaven ... 78 

The Pilgrims at Southampton 80 

Their Remonstrance to the Merchant Adventurers .... 81 

Robinson's Farewell Letters 83 

Chapter 8 

The Speedwell found to be Leaking; the Pilgrims return to Plymouth 87 

Cushman's Complaining and Discouraged Letter .... 89 

Chapter 9 

The Voyage of the Mayflower 92 

Arrival at Cape Cod 95 

Reflections on the Situation of the Pilgrims 96 

Chapter 10 

The Exploration of Cape Cod 97 

The Voyage of the Shallop around Cape Cod Bay .... 100 

The Landing of the Explorers at Plymouth 104 



The Mayflower Compact 106' 

John Carver chosen Governor 107 

Hardships and Many Deaths in the First Winter .... 108 

The Appearance of Samoset and Squanto; Treaty with Massasoit . 110 

Dermer's Letter from the Site of Plymouth 112 


The Return of the Mayflower; the Beginning of Planting 
The Death of Carver; Bradford chosen Governor 

Civil Marriage instituted 

Winslow and Hopkins sent as Envoys to Massasoit . 
Corbitant's Attack on Hobomok; Standish's punitive Expedition 
The Gathering of the Harvest; the Arrival of the Fortune 
Letter of Weston 


Cushman persuades the Colonists to accept the Adventurers' Conditions 123 


Letter of Bradford to Weston 

The Narragansetts; Fortifications; Christnias 


Squanto suspected 

Letters from Weston and the Adventurers 
Weston's Selfishness; Letters from Cushman and Peirce 
Scarcity of Provisions; the Fort and Meeting-house . 
Visit of John Pory; Troubles with Weston's People . 



Dissolution of Weston's Colony 143 

Weston assisted 145 

The Beginning of Individual Planting 146 

Peirce treacherously obtains a Patent for Himself .... 149 

Arrival of Captain Francis West 151 

Scarcity of Provisions 152 

Arrival of the Anne and Little James 153 

Arrangements with the New Comers 158 

Arrival of Captain Robert Gorges 158 

Weston is called to Account 159 

The Settlers who came with Gorges 163 


The Loss of the Little James 165 

Winslow brings Letters from Sherley and Cushman . . . .167 



Answers of the Pilgrims to the Adventurers' Complaints . . .170 

\Letters of Robinson to Bradford and Brewster 172 

Progress of Planting and Other Industries 175 

Arrival of Lyford; Troubles with him and Oldham . . • .177 

Answers to their Accusations 1°^ 

Lyford's Apparent Repentance . . . 1°° 

His Treachery confuted 1°^ 

The Repairing of the Little James 194 


The Humiliation of Oldham and Lyford 196 

Certain Adventurers complain as to Ecclesiastical Polity . . . 201 

Letters from the Friendly Adventurers 203 

Fishing and Other Business 205 


News of the Death of Robinson and Cushman 208 

Trading on the Coast of Maine 211 

Allerton sent to England to arrange with the Adventurers . . 212 


A New Agreement negotiated by him 213 

It is accepted by the Colony 215 

Arrangements made for Sharing its Obligations 216 

The Loss of the Sparrow-Hawk 218 

Pinnace and House built at Manomet 222 

Correspondence with the Dutch of Manhattan . . . . . 223 

Twelve Men undertake the Debts and Trade of the Colony . . 227 


Letters of Sherley 229 

AUerton's Conduct as Agent 233 

Trade with the Dutch 234 

Morton and his Company at Merry Mount • 236 

His Conduct endangers the Settlers 239 

His Establishment is broken up 241 

Allerton's Double-Dealing 243 


Letters of Sherley 245 

Further Arrivals of Members from Leyden • . . , . 246 



Letter of Sherley regarding the Kennebec Patent .... 248 

The Return of Morton 

Allerton abuses his Agency .... 

Letter of Sherley and Hatherley concerning Ashley 

Misgivings as to Allerton 

Arrival of Rev. Ralf Smith . . . . 

The Salem Church; Letters of Endecott and Gott 




The Colonists deceived in their Hopes of receiving Trading Goods . 262 

Letter from Sherley 264 

Hatherley, after Investigation, discovers AUerton's Double-Dealing . 266 

Execution of John Billington 270 

The Forming of the Church at Cherlestown 271 


Letter from Winslow in England 273 

Letters from Sherley; the Friendship and the White Angel . . 274 

Reflections concerning Allerton's course 277 

His Accounts 280 

His Subsequent 111 Fortune 283 

The French despoil the Trading House at Penobscot . . . 285 

The Episode of Sir Christopher Gardiner 286 

His Machinations in England 288 


Sherley's Undue Leniency to Allerton 290 

Hatherley comes over as a Colonist 292 

The Growth of Agriculture; Expansion of the Colony . . . 293 

Letter of William Peirce 295 


Edward Winslow chosen Governor 296 

Letter of Sherley 297 

Arrival of Roger Williams 299 

The Establishment of a Trading Post on the Connecticut River . 300 


Thomas Prence chosen Governor 303 

Collision with the Pascataway Men on the Kennebec .... 304 

Intervention of the Massachusetts Authorities 306 

Winslow sent to England to explain 310 



Captain Stone's Attempts against the Plymouth Men . . • 310 

Pestilence among the Indians 312 


Winslow's Agency in England; his Imprisonment . . . .314 

Letter of Sherley 317 

D'Aulney plunders the Trading-House at Penobscot .... 318 

Failure of Attempts to retake the House 319 

Great Storm 322 

The Massachusetts Men attempt to dispossess the Plymouth Men on 

Connecticut River 323 

Letter of Jonathan Brewster 323 

Correspondence between the two Colonies 324 


Edward Winslow chosen Governor 327 

Letter of Sherley 328 

State of Accounts with him 330 

Trouble with the Pequoits 332 


Letter of Governor John Winthrop proposing War .... 335 

The War with the Pequots 338 

Letter of Governor Winthrop describing the War .... 340 

The Fate of Sassacus . 343 


Thomas Prence chosen Governor; Execution of Arthur Peach . . 344 

Growing Prosperity of the Colony 347 

Great Earthquake 348 

1639 AND 1640 

Boundary Dispute between Massachusetts and Plymouth . . . 349 

The Agreement as to the Boundary 351 

Bradford surrenders to the Colony the Patent of 1630 . . . 353 

Endeavors to make a Final Settlement with the Adventurers . . 354 


Letter of Sherley as to Settlement of Accounts 357 

The Agreement made with Sherley 359 

Arrival of Charles Chauncy as Minister 3g2 




Causes for the Growth of Iniquity in the Country .... 363' 

Correspondence with Governor BeUingham 365 

Letters of Sherley respecting Final Settlement 368 

Settlement effected with the Adventurers 371 


Death of Elder William Brewster 375 

Details respecting his Life and Character 376 

Reflections on the Endurance of the Pilgrims . . . . . 380 

The New England Confederation; Text of the Articles . . . 382 - 

Miantonomi defeated by Uncas and killed 388 


Edward Winslow chosen Governor 390 

Actions of the Commissioners of the Confederation . . . .391 

Trouble with the Narragansetts 392 


Preparations for War with the Narragansetts 395 

Debate as to the Authority for War 398 

War averted by Negotiations; Treaty with the Indians . . . 400 


The Episode of Captain Thomas Cromwell 404 

Appendix I. 

Passengers of the Mayflower 407 

Their Posterity 409 

Appendix II. 

Commission of 1634 for regulating Plantations 415 

(xvi blank) 


First Page of the Bradford Manuscript. From the original in the 

Massachusetts State Library Frontispiece 

Captain John Smith's Map op New England. From a copy of the 

fifth state of the map in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building) 95 

The Mayflower Compact. From the original Bradford manuscript in 

the Massachusetts State Library 107 

Title-page of "Motjet's Relation." From a copy of the original 

edition in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building) . . 115 



The new liturgy adopted by the English Church at the 
time of the Reformation retained some features, to which, as 
relics of Romanism, a considerable body of the church refused 
to conform. They remained, however, within the fold of the 
church endeavoring to purify it from every taint of the old 
rehgion. These were called Puritans. Another body, under 
the pressure of persecution, were not long content with ob- 
jections to a ritual, but resenting prelatical power abandoned 
the chm-ch and organized congregations of their own. These 
were called Separatists. 

A biographical sketch of Governor Bradford must neces- 
sarily include a reference to the Separatist movement, with 
which he became early associated. Like an epidemic, which 
when checked in one locaUty breaks out in a far distant 
one, the seed of Separatism, when blasted in the ecclesiastical 
environment of London and its neighborhood, found a lodg- 
ment in more congenial soil in districts farther north. On 
or near the line of what was once called the great North Road 
were the town of Gainsborough in Lincolnshire and the villages 
of Austerfield and Bawtry in Yorkshire and Scrooby and 
Babworth in Nottinghamshire. Bawtry, the present railroad 
centre of these places, hes on the line of the Great Northern 
Railway, 151| miles from London. It contains perhaps a 
population of about five hundred, but it is chiefly interesting 
as a convenient stopping-place for visitors to Austerfield, 
the birthplace of Governor Bradford, a mile or more away on 
the north, and to Scrooby, the birthplace of the Pilgrim Church, 
a mile or more away on the south. The student of Pilgrim 
history will recognize on its store-signs a niunber of names 
held by the famiUes in Plymouth and its neighborhood to-day. 


In the district including the places above mentioned, the 
two clergymen, especially distinguished in the early Separatist 
movement about the time of the close of EUzabeth's reign, 
and in the early years of King James, were Richard Clyfton 
and John Smyth, both of whom were Cambridge University 
men. Smyth appears to have been settled as a pastor of the 
estabhshed church in Lincohi until some time in 1605, when 
he began to minister to a non-conformist congregation in 
Gainsborough, from which place he went with his church to 
Amsterdam in 1606 or 1607.' His arrival in Gainsborough 
is thought by some writers to have been at an earlier period, 
and these writers have ventured to conjecture that some of 
those who later organized the Pilgrim Church in Scrooby were 
guided into the path leading to separatism by attending his 
ministrations. But after sifting all the evidence which re- 
searches up to the present date have disclosed, I have reached 
the conclusion that Smyth's church was in its origin contempo- 
rary with and not antecedent to the church at Scrooby. With 
this conclusion. Rev. John Smyth and his church will have no 
further place in this narrative. 

On the other hand, Rev. Richard Clyfton, who had been 
vicar at Mamham, became rector at Babworth as early as 
July 11, 1586,^ when by his ministrations he prepared the way 
of many to organize the church in Scrooby, ten miles away 
on the north. Governor Bradford in his history caUs him "a 
grave and reverend preacher, who by his pains and diligence 
had done much good, and under God had been the means of 
the conversion of many." He was born in Normanton, 
Derbyshire, and graduated at Cambridge, but the exact year 
in which he settled in Babworth is not known. His assumption 
of the duties of pastor of the Pilgrim Church in Scrooby prob- 
ably took place either in the latter part of 1606 or in the early 
part of 1607. WiUiam Brewster, occupying the manor house 

'See Edward Arber, The Story of the Pilgrim Fathers (London, 1897) 
pp. 4&-54. 2 See Arber, p. 52. 


in that town, was the founder of the ch |v, -and holding the 
government office of master of the post in bcrooby from April 1, 
1594, to September 30, 1607, it may be fairly conjectured that 
he could not have been an officer of the crown* many months 
after the organization of a proscribed church. 

At this place in our narrative WiUiam Bradford enters 
the scene. His family, deriving its name from the Saxon 
Bradenford or Bradford, belonged to the yeoman class, and 
Uved in Austerfield, a small town one mile or more from 
Bawtry, two miles or more from Scrooby, ten miles from 
Gainsborough, and ten miles from Babworth, and containing 
a farming population of about three hundred. Coats of arms 
have been held by Bradford families in Yorkshire and other 
counties, but there is no evidence that either of these famiHes 
included the Austerfield Bradfords. In 1575 William Brad- 
ford and John Hanson of Austerfield were assessed to the sub- 
sidies. The former of these had three sons, Robert, Thomas 
and William, and died January 10, 1595. The last-named son 
married January 21, 1584, Alice, daughter of John Hanson, 
above mentioned, and was the father of WiUiam, the future 
Governor of the Plymouth Colony. WilUam Bradford, the 
father, died July 15, 1591, leaving his son Wilfiam, about two 
years of age, to the care of his uncles. Cotton Mather describes 
Austerfield at that time as an "obscure village, where the people 
were as unacquainted with the Bible as the Jews do seem to have 
been with part of it in the days of Josiah." After a long sick- 
ness, when about twelve years of age, young Bradford became 
much impressed by the Scriptures and by the preaching of 
Clyfton, to listen to which he was in the habit of walking to 
Babworth."" The inevitable result was the question which he 
asked himself "whether it was not his duty to withdraw from 
the commimion of the Parish Assemblies and engage with some 
Society of the Faithful that should keep close imto the written 
Word of God as the rule of their Worship." After reaching 

' See Arber, p. 86. 


a definite decisioj inc' abandon the church and faith of his 
family he answered their remonstrances by saying: "Were 
I hke to endanger my Hfe or consume my estate by any im- 
godly courses, your counsels to me were veiy seasonable. 
But you know that I have been dihgent and provident in my 
CaUing, and not only desirous to augment what I have, but also 
to enjoy it in your company, to part from which will be as great 
a cross as can befall me. Nevertheless, to keep a good con- 
science and walk in such a Way as God has prescribed in his 
Word, is a thing which I must prefer before you all, and above 
hfe itself. Wherefore, since it is for a good Cause that I am 
likely to suffer the disasters which you lay before me, you have 
no cause to be either angry with me or sorry for me. Yea, I 
am not only willing to part with everything that is dear to me 
in this world for this Cause, but I am also thankful that God 
hath given me a heart so to do, and will accept me so to suffer 
for him." Thus in the obscure town of Austerfield, three 
hundred years ago, the farmer boy spoke words which for all 
coming time will illustrate his character and illuminate his Ufe. 
Among the nations of the earth what founder has sanctified 
his work with such words of godliness, seK-sacrifice and duty ? 

Aside from family ties there was nothing in Austerfield 
to bind him to his native village. Its people had acquired 
little education, and its homes were lowly and imattractive. 
It has no features to-day of any interest to a stranger, except 
the house in which, according to a doubtful tradition, Brad- 
ford was born, and the small and unsightly St. Helen's chapel, 
a rehc of days long before the Reformation, in which, as its 
register states, WiUiam Bradford was baptized by Rev. Henry 
Fletcher, March 19, 1589-1590.* 

"V\Tien it was decided by the Scrooby chin-ch to remove to 

'It has been stated that the Bradford baptismal font was removed many 
years ago to the Retford church, but I learn from Rev. A. F. Ebworth, the rector 
of Retford, that this is not true. The font now in the Austerfield church is 
believed by Rev. Mr. Meredith, the present rector, to be the original Nonnan 
font which served at the baptism of Bradford. 


Holland, Bradford, then about seventeen years of age, was 
ready to join them. It was necessary that the removal should 
be conducted as secretly as possible. A law passed March 23, 
1593, requiring non-conformists to abjure the realm, had been 
repealed February 9, 1598, and the existing law forbade any 
one to go out of the kingdom without a royal Ucense. Their 
destined port was Amsterdam, to which they were to proceed 
by the way of Boston in Lincolnshire. The passage to Boston 
was probably down the river Idle to Gainsborough, and thence 
by the River Witham to the' seaboard. At that time the Idle 
was navigable as far up as Bawtry, and until the days of rail- 
roads freight was transported from Bawtry by the Idle and 
the Trent to the seaport of Hull. The attempt to reach Am- 
sterdam was frustrated by the treachery of the captain of the 
transport engaged to receive the party at Boston, and after 
the dispersion of its members, and the imprisonment of some, 
all returned to their homes. 

In the spring of 1608 another attempt was made to cross 
to Holland from the river Humber, near Grimsby, on a Dutch 
vessel engaged for the purpose. The Humber was reached by 
way of the Idle and the Trent, but after a portion of the party 
had gone on board, armed emissaries appeared on the shore 
and dispersed the remainder. The vessel sailed with those 
who had embarked, including Bradford, and after a narrow 
escape from wreck, reached Amsterdam in safety. At various 
times afterwards, those who were left behind reached Amster- 
dam, and before the close of the summer the whole congregation, 
including their pastors, Clyfton and Robinson, had reached 
that city. When the Privy Council was notified of the arrests, 
the persons arrested were soon released, the authorities doubt- 
less believing it would be better to have them out of the king- 
dom than in. Bradford on his arrival in Holland was put under 
arrest for a time, but was soon released by the magistrates. 

For reasons not necessary to explain in this narrative, the 
members of the Scrooby church, including Bradford, removed 


to Leyden in 1609, and made that place their home. Accord- 
ing to Cotton Mather, it appears that while in Amsterdam 
Bradford was employed by a Frenchman in "the working of 
silks," and that about 1611, having come of age, he sold out his 
inheritance and converted it into money. While in Leyden 
he engaged in the business of making fustian, a kind of ribbed 
cloth hke corduroy or velveteen, a business which Mather 
hints did not prove profitable. The records of the Stadhuis, 
or City Hall, in Leyden, show that the first pubUcation of his 
bans of marriage was made on November 8, 1613, and that on 
November 30 William Bradford, fustian maker, a young man 
of Austerfield, in England, was married to Dorothy May of 
"Wizbuts."^ Little besides the above is known of Bradford's 
career while in Leyden. To the older members of the church, 
John Carver, Robert Cushman and WilUam Brewster, were 
intrusted the negotiations for their emigration to America, 
but it is evident that by study and industry, and the display 
of a trustworthy judgment, he was laying the foundation for 
the estimate in which he came to be held by the colonists. 
Mather says that at a later period "he attained imto a notable 
skill in language. The Dutch tongue was become almost as 
vernacular to him as the Enghsh. The French tongue he 
could also manage. The Latin and Greek he had mastered. 
But the Hebrew he most of all studied, because, he said, he 
would see with his own eyes the ancient oracles of God in their 
native beauty." 

Nothing more is known concerning Bradford until after the 
arrival of the Mayflower in Cape Cod harbor on November 11, 
1620. On that day an expedition was fitted out to explore 
the land, consisting of sixteen men imder the command of 
Myles Standish, to whom were added as counsel Wilham 
Bradford, Stephen Hopkins and Edward Tilley. The expedi- 
tion returned on the 17th, reporting among other incidents 

' Wisbech or Wisbeach, a municipal borough on the river Wen, in Cam- 


the entanglement of Bradford in an Indian deer-trap made 
with a noose attached to a bent tree. 

On the 27th another expedition was fitted out mider the 
command of Captain Jones of the Mayflower, of thirty or more 
whose names are not recorded, but which probably included 
Bradford. This expedition returned to the ship on the 29th 
and 30th, without results important to our narrative. On 
December 6 a third expedition was fitted away in the shallop 
with the determination to find, if possible, a suitable place for 
a permanent settlement. The following persons composed the 
shallop's party: Myles Standish, John Carver, WiUiam Brad- 
ford, Edward Winslow, John Tilley, Edward Tilley, John 
Howland, Richard Warren, Stephen Hopkins, Edward Doty, 
John AUerton, Thomas Enghsh, John Clark, mate, Robert 
Coppin, pilot, the master gunner and three sailors, eighteen 
in all. On the 8th, at a place now known as Eastham, they 
had an encounter with the Indians, and on the 11th landed at 
Plymouth, after spending Saturday the 9th and Sunday the 
10th on Clarke's Island, at the entrance of Plymouth harbor. 
The landing at Plymouth on December 11, old style, was the 
historic landing. 

On December 12th the expedition returned to the ship and 
learned the sad news of the death by drowning, December 7, 
of Dorothy the wife of Bradford. On the 16th the ship reached 
Plymouth harbor, where she remained until April 5, when she 
sailed for England. It is recorded that on "Thursday the 11th 
[of January] WilUam Bradford being at work, for it was a fair 
day,* was vehemently taken with a grief and pain, and so shot 
to his huckle-bone it was doubted that he would have instantly 
died. He got cold in the former Discoveries, especially the 
last, and felt some pain in his ankles by times. But he grew 
a little better towards night, and in time, through God's 

' The only positive information concerning the weather in Plymouth during 
the winter of 1620, is contained in a letter from Thomas White of Dorchester, in 
1630, to a friend in England, which stated that a colony landed at Plymouth 
ten years before, when there was a foot of snow on the ground. 


mercy in the use of means, recovered." On Friday the 19th, 
while Bradford lay sick in the rendezvous or common house, 
the building was burned, but he escaped without injury. 

And now we have reached the threshold of Bradford's 
career, as governor of the Plymouth Colony. About the middle 
of April John Carver, who had been governor up to that time, 
died, and Bradford was chosen to succeed him. Winslow and 
Standish were comparatively recent members of the Pilgrim 
company, and Brewster was the elder, but Bradford had been 
a member of the church since the time of its organization in 
1606, and his companions had discovered in him traits which 
suggested him at once as the man to take Carver's place. 

Before Governor Carver died he had executed a treaty 
with Massasoit, the aim of which was to secure peace with the 
Indians, and one of the first acts of Bradford was to send a 
mission consisting of Winslow and Hopkins to the home of 
the great chief to more thoroughly confirm amicable relations 
between the natives and the colony. In September he sent ten 
men in the shallop to Massachusetts to examine what is now 
Boston harbor, and to trade with the Indians. In November 
it became necessary on the arrival of the Fortune with thirty- 
five passengers to provide for their comfort, and to arrange for 
a cargo of beaver skins and clapboards for her return voyage. 
A more important affair, however, was to be settled before the 
Fortune returned, which required tact and judgment. An 
vmsatisfactory contract between Robert Cushman, the agent 
of the colonists, and the merchant adventurers in London had 
been drawn up before the Mayflower sailed from Southampton, 
which the colonists refused to sign, and the Mayflower sailed 
without its execution. Cushman came out in the Fortune to 
secure the necessary signatm-es of the colonists, and what is 
called a sermon dehvered by him in the "common house" was 
clearly a speech to induce the colonists to close the contract. 
He was successful in his mission, and returned to England 
with the contract signed. 


The winter and early spring of 1621 must be assigned as 
the period when Bradford first appeared as an author. In 
1622 a book was printed in London entitled A Relation or 
Journal of the Beginning and Proceedings of the English Planta- 
tion settled at Plymouth in New England, commonly called 
"Mourt's Relation," the chief feature of which is a journal 
kept by Wilham Bradford from the date of the departure of 
the Mayflower from old Plymouth on Wednesday, September 
6, 1620, to Friday, March 23, on which day John Carver was 
chosen governor. The other contents of the book are a letter 
from John Robinson, written at the time of the departure of 
the Mayflower from England, four narratives of missions to 
Massasoit, to Nauset, to Nemasket and to Massachusetts; 
a letter from Edward Winslow, probably to George Morton, 
dated Plymouth in New England, December 11, 1621, and a 
statement by Robert Cushman on the lawfulness of moving out 
of England. It contains also a letter from R. G. to his much 
respected friend, Mr. J. P., dated Plymouth, in New England, 
and a notice to the reader, signed G. Mourt. The paging be- 
gins with the journal, and runs through seventy-two pages. 

Inasmuch as Bradford was its chief author, I will attempt 
to clear up some of the mystery which has heretofore sur- 
roimded this interesting and valuable book. It has been 
assumed by former writers that the journal, the four narratives 
and the letter of Winslow were sent to England by the hand of 
Robert Cushman, who came out and returned in the Fortune, 
and were pubMshed by George Morton, who signed himself 
G. Mourt. I ventvire, however, to suggest that the journal 
of Bradford was sent to England by the Mayflower, which 
sailed on April 5, and not by the Fortune. This suggestion is 
strengthened by the probabiKty that Bradford would wish to 
improve the first opportunity to send to friends in England an 
account of the voyage of the Mayflower, and of the incidents 
occurring since her arrival. Another conjecture naturally fol- 
lows, that the narratives of the visits to Massasoit and to 


Massachusetts, which bear internal evidence of having been 
written by Winslow, together with his letter, were sent to 
George Morton by the Fortune, while the Nauset and Nemasket 
narratives, written probably by Richard Gardhier and some 
other author, were sent to John Pierce, a friend of the Pilgrims, 
and later were delivered to Morton. 

The assumption of Dr. Yoimg, approved by Dr. Dexter 
and other writers, that the mitials R. G. attached to the letter 
to J. P., were a misprint for R. C, and that Robert Cushman 
was the author, will not bear a close investigation. It is 
argued in its support that the author could not have been 
Richard Gardiner, who was the only Mayflower passenger with 
the initials R. G., because, first, he was an humble member of 
the colony who would not have referred to the other narra- 
tives in the book, includmg those of Bradford and Winslow, 
as "writ by the several actors themselves, after their plain 
and rude manner . . . better acquainted with planting than 
writing"; secondly, that his feeble interest in the colony is 
shown by the fact that he did not remain there long enough to 
share in the division of lands in the spring of 1624 ; and thirdly, 
that Bradford says in his history that Gardiner became a 
seaman, and died in England or at sea. 

The answers to these arguments are, first, the presimiption 
that there was no misprint; secondly, that Gardiner's place 
at the end of Bradford's Ust of passengers was naturally among 
those having no famiUes, and not necessarily because he was 
among the less conspicuous, and further, that (as above sug- 
gested) the journal of Bradford had been sent by the Mayflower, 
while the narratives and letter written by Winslow were not 
those referred to by Gardiner, having been inclosed directly to 
George Morton, but were the narratives of himself and another 
of visits to Nauset and Nemasket; thirdly, that Gardiner did 
share in the division of lands in 1624, receiving one acre on the 
south side of the brook, and may have been a valued member 
of the colony five or six years, and that the fact that he became 


a seaman (not necessarily a mere sailor) does not prove his unfit- 
ness as a writer, and finally, the letter in question clearly shows 
that its author must have been one of the Mayflower passengers.' 
It must be remembered that the Fortune was captured on 
her way home by a French man-of-war, and that the official 
complaints =* against the outrages perpetrated by the master 
of the ship contained the specification "that he sent for all 
their letters; opened and kept what he pleased; especially, 
though he was much intreated to the contrary, a letter written 
by the Governor of om- Colony in New England, containing a 
general relation of all matters there." This relation, written 
by Bradford as governor, was probably a continuation of that 
which, according to my theory, was sent by him, not yet gov- 
ernor, on the Mayflower. Its existence and loss confirm my 
theory, and lead to the further suggestion that some of the 
narratives sent to John Pierce, may have been also stolen. 

» The letter of R. G. was as follows: "To his much respected friend Mr. J. P. 
Good friend: As we cannot but account it an extraordinary blessing of God in 
directing our course for these parts, after we came out of our native country, for 
that we had the happiness to be possessed of the comforts we receive by the benefit 
of one of the most pleasant, most healthful and most fruitful parts of the world, 
so must we acknowledge the same blessing to be multiplied upon our whole Com- 
pany for that we obtained the honor to receive allowance and approbation of our 
free possession and enjoying thereof, under the authority of those thrice honored 
persons, the President and Council for the Affairs of New England; by whose 
bounty and grace in that behalf all of us are tied to dedicate our best service unto 
them, as those under His Majesty that we owe it unto, whose noble endeavors in 
these their actions the God of Heaven and earth multiply to his glory and their 
own eternal comforts. 

"As for this poor Relation, I pray you to accept it, as being writ by the several 
actors themselves after their plain and rude manner. Therefore doubt nothing of 
the truth thereof. If it be defective in any thing, it is their ignorance that are 
better acquainted with planting than writing. If it satisfy those that are well 
affected to the business, it is all I care for. Siure I am the place we are in, and the 
hopes that are apparent cannot but sufiSce any that will not desire more then 
enough. Neither is there want of aught among us but company, to enjoy the 
blessings so plentifully bestowed upon the inhabitants that are here. While I 
was a writing this, I had almost forgot that I had but the recommendation of the 
Relation itseLF to your further consideration, and therefore I will end without saying 
more, save that I shall always rest, Yours in the way of Friendship, 

R. G." 

" See list of complaints in Arber, p. 507. 


Of this valuable book only seven copies of the first edition 
are extant as far as I know, six of which are in the hbraries 
of Harvard College, Yale College, the Lenox Library, the 
Library Company of Philadelphia, the Pilgrim Society of 
Plymouth, and the British Museum. The seventh is in a 
private hbrary. The following entire or partial reprints of 
Mourt's Relation have been pubUshed. In 1624 an abstract 
was printed by John Smith in his Generall Historie; in 1625 
it was pubhshed in a condensed form in the Pilgrims of Piu-chas, 
and in 1802 in the same form in the Collections of the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society. The portion omitted by Purchas 
was printed in the above collections in 1822. In 1841 Rev. 
Dr. Alexander Yoimg printed the whole work in a book entitled 
Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers. In 1848 Rev. George B. 
Cheever pubhshed the whole, and in 1865 Rev. Dr. Henry 
M. Dexter pubhshed a literal reprint. In 1897 Edward Arber 
pubhshed the entire book in London in his Story of the Pilgrim 

The above suggestion which I have ventured to make 
concerning a book which is the more valuable because it is 
the foundation stone of American hteratiire, the first book 
written by permanent American citizens, is submitted to 
future writers on Pilgrim history for their reconsideration of 
the statements of Young and Dexter, and others, with some 
degree of confidence that it will be finally accepted as the 
only one which clears up the mystery which has heretofore 
surrounded the book. 

WilUam Bradford was chosen governor in 1621, and every 
year thereafter imtil 1657, except 1633, 1636 and 1644, when 
Edward Winslow was chosen, and 1634 and 1638, when Thomas 
Prence was chosen^ To his faithful and judicious administra- 
tion of affairs it cannot be doubted that the survival and 
permanent estabhshment of the Plymouth Colony were mainly 
due. On August 14, 1623, he married Alice, daughter of 
Alexander Carpenter and widow of Edward Southworth, who 


came in the Anne in July of that year. By his first wife he had 
a son, John, bom in Leyden, who, coming over at some time 
later than 1620, lived at various times in Duxbury, Marshfield 
and Norwich, in which latter place he died childless in 1678. 
By his second wife he had WilUam, bom in 1624, who died in 

1704, Mercy, bom before 1627, who married Benjamin Ver- 
mayes, and Joseph, 1630, who died in 1715. 

Governor Bradford owned at various . times considerable 
tracts of land in Plymouth, among which may be mentioned 
a house and lot on the comer of Main Street and Town 
Square, and a house and lot near Stony Brook, in that part 
of Plymouth which was incorporated as Kingston, in 1726, in 
both of which he at various times made his home. 

The History of Plymouth Plantation begun by Governor 
Bradford about the year 1630/ and coming down to 1648, has 
a value which it is impossible to exaggerate. Without it 
the history of the Plymouth Colony, now so complete, would 
have been, so far as its early years are concemed, involved in 
mystery. In a note written by him, found among papers in 
his pocket-book, he said soon after 1626 "it was God's marvel- 
lous Providence that we were able to wade through things as 
will better appear if God give me Ufe and opportimity to handle 
them more particularly in another treatise more at large as I 
desire and purpose (if God permit) with many other things in 
a better order." 

The manuscript had an eventful career.'' According to an 
attestation attached to it by Samuel Bradford, dated March 20, 

1705, it was given by the govemor to his son William, who 
gave it to his son Major John Bradford, the father of Samuel. 
The manuscript bears also a memorandmn made by Rev. 
Thomas Prince, dated June 4, 1728, stating that he borrowed 
it from Major John Bradford, and deposited it, together with 

• See p. 28, post. 

' See Justin Winsor, "Govemor Bradford's Manuscnpt History of Plymouth 
Plantation and Its Transmission to Our Times," in the Proceedings of the 
Massachusetts Historical Society, XIX. 106-122. 


Governor Bradford's letter-book, in the New England Library 
in the tower of the Old South Church in Boston. When Prince 
died in 1758 he gave his Ubrary to the church. While in the 
possession of Wilham, the son of the governor, the manuscript 
was used by Nathaniel Morton in the preparation of the 
New England's Memorial, pubUshed in 1669, and it is known 
that later it was used by Prince in his Chronological History 
of New England, by Hubbard in his History of New England, 
and by Hutchinson in 1767 in his History of Massachusetts 
Bay. It is not improbable that it was in Hutchinson's pos- 
session when, adhering to the crown, he left the country, and 
that in some way before his death in Brompton, near London, 
in June, 1780, it reached the Library of the Bishop of London 
at Fulham, where it was discovered in 1855. Samuel Wilber- 
force. Bishop of Oxford, published in 1844 a history of the 
Protestant Episcopal Church in America, in the first edition of 
which he referred to a manuscript history of the plantation of 
Plymouth, which was recognized by John Wingate Thornton 
of Boston, and Rev. J. S. Barry, the author of a history of 
Massachusetts, as probably the long-lost history of Bradford. 
A copy was at once secured by the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, and ably edited by the late Charles Deane of Cam- 
bridge, was pubhshed in their Collections in 1856. 

Governor Bradford's letter-book and pocket-book were also 
deposited in the New England Library in the tower of the Old 
South Church. The former was found in Hahfax after the 
Revolution in a mutilated condition, and pubhshed in the 
Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, first series,in. 
27. The fragment of the letter-book which was recovered 
begms with the 339th page, and contains about thirty letters 
and original copies of one letter from Bradford to Robert 
Cushman, two to Ferdinando Gorges, two to the Council for 
New England, and three to the government of New Nether- 
lands. The pocket-book, which was seen by Prince m 1736, 
contained a register of deaths from that of Wm. Butten on 


board the Mayflower, November 6, 1620, to the end of March, 
1621. It is irretrievably lost. 

The manuscript of the history, after a copy had been 
secured in 1855, reposed in the Fulham Library until 1897, 
when after several ineffectual attempts to recover it a renewed 
effort was made by a formal petition signed by Roger Wolcott, 
governor of Massachusetts, and others, and filed in the reg- 
istry of the consistorial and episcopal court of London, by 
Thomas F. Bayard, the American Ambassador to the Court 
of St. James, requesting the deUvery of the manuscript to the 
Commonwealth of Massachusetts. On April 12, 1897, a decree 
was issued, formally surrendering the manuscript to Mr. 
Bayard in behalf of the. State, and its dehvery to the governor 
of Massachusetts by Mr. Bayard was celebrated in a convention 
of the two houses of the legislature on May 26, 1897, where ad- 
dresses were made by Senator George F. Hoar, who had been 
especially active in the recovery of the manuscript, by Mr. 
Bayard, and by Governor Roger Wolcott. The manuscript 
is now deposited in the Massachusetts State Library, protected 
by a fire-proof safe, and is daily exhibited under glass to visitors. 
A photographic fac-simile of the manuscript was printed in 
London in 1896, with an introduction by the late John A. 
Doyle. Besides the two above-mentioned repubUcations the 
State of Massachusetts pubUsh^d it in 1898 in connection with 
a report of the proceedings incident to the dehvery of the 

In the same volume with the history but forming no part 
of it, are eight pages of Hebrew roots and quotations with 
explanations in Enghsh, a reference to which, illustrating as 
they do the scholarly habits of the author, ought not to be 
omitted. By way of preface to these pages Bradford wrote, 

"Though I am growne aged, yet I have had a longing desu'e, to 
see with my own eyes, something of that most ancient language, and 
holy tongue, in which the Law, and oracles of God were write; and 
in which God, and angels, spake to the holy patriarks, of old time; and 


what names were given to things, from the creation. And though I 
cannot attaine to much herein, yet I am refreshed, to have seen some 
glimpse hereof; (as Moses saw the Land of canan afarr of). My 
aime and desire is, to see how the words, and phrases lye in the holy 
texte; and to dicerne somewhat of the same for my owne contente." 

Besides the literary productions of Governor Bradford above 
mentioned, he left some poetical Hnes referred to in his will, 
and others to be found in the Davis edition of Morton's New 
England's Memorial, p. 264, and in the Collections of the 
Massachusetts Historical Society, first series, IIL 77, and third 
series, VII. 27. The lines contained in the former volume, 
about four hundred in nimiber, written apparently after the 
death of John Cotton, which occurred in 1652, are interesting 
as throwing light on the condition of the Plymouth Colony 
thirty years after its settlement. 

He also wrote a dialogue entitled, A Dialogue or the Sum 
of a Conference between Some Young Men horn in New England 
and Sundry Ancient Men that came out of Holland and Old 
England, written in 1648, and printed for the first time in Dr. 
Young's Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers in 1841. In 1855 it 
was again pubhshed in full by the Congregational Board of Pub- 
hcation in a voliraie containing also Morton's New England's 
Memorial. It may be properly stated here that there is in the 
cabinet of the Pilgrim Society at Plymouth an original letter 
from Governor Bradford to Governor Winthrop, dated 1643- 
1644. Another of his letters, of 1623, recently discovered in 
the PubUc Record Office in London, is printed in the American 
Historical Review, VIII. 295-301. 

It is unnecessary to refer to those incidents in Bradford's 
life which are fully described in his history, but such as need 
elucidation will be further treated in suitable annotations. 
Mather says in speaking of his death, "at length he fell into 
an indisposition of body which rendered him unhealthy for a 
whole winter [1656-1657], and as the Spring advanced his 
health yet more dechned. ... He died May 9th, 1657, hi the 


69th [or rather 68th] year of his age; lamented by all the 
Colonies of New England as a common Blessing and Father 
to them all," 

He was probably buried on the Plymouth Burial Hill. 
There is a family tradition that his son WilHam on his death- 
bed expressed a wish to be buried by the side of his father. 
In 1835 a modest marble obehsk was erected over his supposed 
grave adjoining the graves of his sons William and Joseph, 
and in excavating for its foundation rehcs of an ancient grave 
were found. It is not certain whether he died in his house 
on the corner of Main Street and Town Square in Plymouth, 
or in his house near Stony Brook in what is now Kingston, 
but the inventory' of his estate leads to the conclusion that 
his residence was in the latter place at the time of his death.^ 

William T. Davis. 

• While it is unnecessary to print the entire inventory of Governor Brad- 
ford's estate, a judicious selection from its contents will throw light on the per- 
sonal life of the governor, and on the habits and custbms of the Plymouth Colony. 
Among the articles mentioned are twelve chairs, three carpets, parts of an armor, 
seventeen sheets, seventy-nine napkins, ninety-odd poimds of pewter, seven 
porringers, four dozen trenchers, a cloth cloak, clothing including two suits with 
silver buttons, thirteen silver spoons, two silver beer-bowls, two silver wine-cups, 
and a case of six knives. There are no buckles, watch, carriage, looking-glass, 
forks, china or lamps. The value of the entire inventory was one thousand and 
five pounds and two shillings. 

' For modem reading in Pilgrim history, the student may turn to J. A. 
Goodwin, The Pilgrim Republic (Boston, 1888), to Rev. John Brown, The PH- 
grim Fathers of New England (London and New York, 1895), to Arber's book 
mentioned in previous footnotes, to Dr. Azel Ames's The May-Flower and Her 
Log (Boston, 1901), to Rev. Morton Dexter's The England and Holland of the 
Pilgrims (Boston, 1905), and to W. T. Davis's Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth 
(Boston, 1899), 



And first of ihe occasion and indusments ther unto; the which 
that I may truly unfould, I must begine at th &^very 
roote and rise of the same. The which I shall endevor 
£'lmnefest in a pUine stile , with singuler regard 
unto the simple trueth in all things, at least as near 
a s my slen d &r judgmmte can attaine the sam^. 

1. Chapter 

It is well knowne iinto the godly and judicious, how ever 
since the first breaking out of the lighte of the gospell in our 
Honourable Nation of England, (which was the first of nations 
whom the Lord adorned ther with, affter that grosse darknes 
of popery which had covered and overspred the Christian 
worled,) what warrs and opposissions ever since, Satan hath 
raised, maintained, and continued against the Saincts, from 
time to time, in one sorte or other. Some times by bloody 
death and cruell torments; other whiles imprisonments, 
i banishments, and other hard usages; as being loath his king- 
dom should goe downe, the trueth prevaile, andj^e chiuches 
of God reverte to their anciente puritie, and recover their 
primative order, hbertie, and hewtiej But when he cot;iId 
n ot prevaile by these means, aga inst the maine trueths of 
tfie^ gospell, but that they 13egan to take rootting in many 
places, being watered with the blooud of the martires, and 
blessed from heaven with a gracious encrease; HgJJtieaJaeg^ne^ 

' The exact title which Bradford gave to his book, as may be seen from our 
fac-simile of the first page, is "Of Pliiooth Plantation." The manuscript sign 
m, is intended for, and is properly represented in print by, mm, and in Brad- 
ford's text we shall print the name "Plimmoth." But it seems better to use, 
for title-page and headings, the conventional title, History of Plymouth Planta- 
tion, by which the book is commonly known. 



to take him to M.s„ancieni a.j^:^Sgmg§Uielof old against 
'tlie first Christians^ That when by the bloody andlmrbarous 
persecutions of the Heathen Emperours, he could not stoppe 
and subuerte the course of the gospell, but that it speedily 
overspred with a wounderfuU celeritie the then best known 
parts of the world, He then begane to sow errours, heresies, 
and wounderfuU dissentions amongst the profess ours-them 

lelves, (working upon tKeir'^dJand ambition, with other 
corfupfe^assions incidente to all mortall men, yea to the 
saints them selves in some measure,) by which wofuU effects 
followed; as not only bitter contentionsT'aM'ii^tburnings, 

■^*iSTII5Sr-mr'mEenTomBF"cS^ tooke 

occasion and a^an^^genEESr^TcTfoyst in a nmnoCT of vile 
ceremoneys, with many unproffitable cannons and decrees, 
which have since been as snares to many poore and peaceable 
souls even to this day. So as in the anciente times, the perse- 
cutions by the heathen and their Emperours, was not greater 
then of the Christians one against other; the Arians and 
other their comphces against the orthodoxe and true Christians. 
As witneseth Socrates in his 2. booke. His words are these;' 
The violence truly (saith he) was no less than that of ould prac- 
tised towards the Christians when they were compelled and 
drawne to sacrifice to idoles; for many indured sundrie kinds 
of tormente, often rackings, and dismembering of their joynts; 
confiscating of ther goods; some bereaved of their native soyle; 
others departed this life under the hands of the tormentor; and 
some died in banishmente, and never saw ther cuntrie againe, etc. 
The like methode Satan hath seemed to hold in these later 
times, since the trueth begane to springe and spread after 
the great defection made by Antichrist, that man of sinne. 

For to let pass the infinite examples in sundrie nations 
and severall places of the world, and instance in our owne, 
when as that old serpente could not prevaile by those firie 

' "Lib. 2 Chap. 22." (Note by Bradford, referring to the Church Hilary 
of Socrates Scholasticus.) 


flames and other his cruell tragedies, which he by his instru- 
ments put in ure' every wher in the days of queene Mary and 
before, he then begane an other kind of warre, and went more 
closely to worke; not only to oppuggenJ^but_e.Y£aJ.-t© ruinate 
and destroy the kingdom of Christ, by mQre,se.firete,and subtile 
means, by kindling the flames of contention and sowing the 
seeds of discorde^nd bitter enmitie amongst tEe. protEgssors 
'ffidseMimg'' reformed them selves. For when he could not 
pre?Sifei3]r' the former means against the principall doctrins 
of faith, he bente his force against the holy discipline and 
outward regimente of the kingdom of Christ, by which those 
holy doctrines should be conserved, and true pietie maintained 
ama9.gg§0&essaints and people of God. 

Mr. Foxe jecordeth how that besids those worthy martires 
anSTioirfSgsors which were burned in queene Marys days and 
otherwise tormented,^ many (both studients and others) fled 
out of the land, to the number of 800. And became severall 
congregations. At Wesell, Frankford, Bassill, Emden, Mark- 
jmrge, Strausborugh,^ and Geneva, etc. Amongst whom (but 
especialy those at Frankford) begane that bitter warr of con- 
tention and persecution aboute the ceremonies, and servise- 
booke, and other popish and antichristian stuffe, the plague 
of England to this day, which are like the highplases in Israeli, 
which the prophets cried out against, and were their ruine; 
which the better parte sought, according to the puritie of the 
gospell, to roote out and utterly to abandon. And the other 
parte (under veiled pretences) for their ouwn ends and advanc- 
ments, sought as stifly to continue, maintaine, and defend. As 
appeareth by the discourse therof pubhshedin printe, An°:1575; 
a booke that deserves better to be knowne and considered.' 

1 Use. ' Oppugn, attack. 

'"ActsandMon: pag. 1587. editi: 2." (Note by Bradford.) The refer- 
ence is to John Fox's Acts and Monuments of the Christian Church, commonly 
called "Fox's Book of Martyrs." 'Marburg, Strassburg. 

^ This book is entitled A Brieff Discours off the Troubles hegmne at Franck- 
ford in Germany, anno Domini 1554, printed in 1575, and probably written by 
William Whittingham, afterward dean of Durham. 


The one side laboured to have the right worship of God 
and disciphne of Christ estabhshed in the church, according 
to the simphcitie of the gospell, wit h out tJi a .Tni x ta^^ i^ens 
inventions, and to have and to be ruled by the laws of Gods 
wordTdi^ensed in those offices, and by those officers of Pastors, 
Teachers, and Elders, etc. according to the Scripturs/ The 
other partie, though under many colours and pretences, en- 
devored to have the episcopall dignitie (affter the popish 
manner) with their large power and jurisdiction still retamed; 
with all those courts, cannons, and ceremOttie^, togeather with 
all such Uvings^ revenues, and subordinate offifeers, with other 
such means as formerly upheld their antichristian greatnes, 
and enabled them with lord^afldJaS^o^JBgf er to perse- 
cute the poore servants of God. This contention was so great, 
as neither the honour of God, the commone persecution, nor 
the mediation of Mr. Calvin and other worthies of the Lord 
in those places, could prevaile with those thus episcopally 
minded, ^b«t4hey proceeded by all means to disturbe the peace 
of tMgr ]goorjgeragiSulifi4..£laMj:ph, even so farr as to charge 
(very uhjustly, and ungodlily, yet prelatelike) some of their 
cheefe opposers, with rebelhon and hightreason against the 
Emperour,^ and other such crimes. 

'Vf^ And this contention dye d not with queene Mary, nor was 
left beyonde the seas, but at her death these people returning 
into England under gracious queene Elizabeth, many of 

' Authorities differ so much concerning pastors, tesEchers and elders in the 
Congregational churches that it is difficult to define their functions and duties. 
Indeed each church seems to have had rules of its own concerning them. Accord- 
ing to the Cambridge Platform the pastor attended to exhortation; taught the 
word of God; prayed for the flock; administered the communion, and visited 
the sick. The teacher attended to the doctrine and was an assistant of the 
pastor. The duty of the elder was to call the church together, to prepare matters 
for church meetings, to act as moderator and guide and lead in church meetingSj 
and in the absence of the pastor to preach. The church in Salem never had an 
elder, and Thomas Faimce, who died in 1745, was the last elder of the Plymouth 
church. After his death the office of elder was obsolete. 

^The accusation was made at Frankfort in 1555 against John Knox, by 
some partisan of Richard Cox, in the course of the struggle between the twq 


them being preferred to bishopricks and other promotions, 
according to their aimes and desires, that inveterate hatered 
against the holy disciphne of Christ in his church hath con- 
tinued to this day. In somuch that for fear it should pre- 
veile, all plotts and devices have been used to keepe it out, 
incensing the queene and state against it as dangerous for 
the common wealth; and that it was most needfuU that the 
fundamentall poynts of Religion should be preached in those 
ignorante and superstitious times; and to winne the weake and 
ignorante, they might retains diverse harmles ceremoneis; 
and though it were to be wished that diverse things were 
reformed, yet this was not a season for it. And many the 
like, to stop the mouthes of the more godly, to bring them 
over to veeld to one ceremoney after another, and oa^ co^ 
"nmtion; a fter anoth er: by these wyles begyleing some-Tam 
"BSPFBjting others till at length they begane to persecute all 
the zealous professors in the land (though they knew little 
what this disciphne mente) both by word and deed, if they 
would not submitte to their ceremonies, and become slaves 
to them and their popish trash, which have no groimd m the 
word of God, but are relikes of that man of sine. ..And-fche 
more the Ught of the gospell grew, ihe more they urged their 
subscriptions to these corruptions. So as (notwithstanding 
all their former pretences and fair colures) they whose eyes 
God had not justly blinded might easily see wherto these 
things tended. And to cast contempte the more upon the 
sincere servants of God, they opprobriously and most injuri- 
ously gave imto, and imposed upon them, that name of Puri- 
tans, which [it] is said the Novatians out of prid did assume 
and take unto themselves.' And lamentable it is to see the 
effects which have followed. Religion hath been disgraced, 
the godly greeved, afflicted, persecuted, and many exiled, 
sundrie have lost their lives in prisones and otherways. On 

"'Eus: lib: 6. Chap. 42." (Note by Bradford, referring to the £cciesio« our Saviour) shall be rooted up. Mat : 15. 13.' I 
have snared the, and thou art taken, O Babell (Bishops), and thou wast 
not aware; thou art found, and also caught, because thou hast striven 
against the Lord. Jer. 50. 24. But will they needs strive against the 
truth, against the servants of God; what, and against the Lord him 
selfe? Doe they provoke the Lord to anger? Are they stronger than 
he? l.Cor: 10.22. No, no, they have mete with their match. Behold, 
I come unto thee, O proud man, saith the Lord God of hosts; for thy 
day is come, even the time that I will visite the. Jer : 50. 31. May 
not the people of God now say (and these pore people among the rest), 

'"Pag. 421." (Bradford, referring to William Perkins's sermon, A Faith- 
full and Plaine Exposition upon the first twoVerses of the 2. Chapter of Zephaniah, 
reprinted in his Workes, of which there are many editions. The passage quoted 
occurs on p. 421 of the third volume of the edition of 1613.) 

' A note of the author at this place, written subsequent to this portion of the 
narrative, on the reverse of page 3 of his History. 

' All these and subsequent passages are quoted from the Geneva version 
of the Bible. 


The Lord hath brought forth our righteousnes; come, let us declare in 
Sion the work of the Lord our God. Jer: 51. 10. Let all flesh be still 
before the Lord; for he is raised up out of his holy place. Zach : 2. 13. 
In this case, these poore people may say (among the thousands of 
Israll), When the Lord brougt againe the captivite of Zion, we were like 
them that dreame. Psa : 126. 1. The Lord hath done greate things for 
us, wherof we rejoyce. v. 3. They that sow in teares, shall reap in 
joye. They wente weeping, and carried precious seede, hut they shall 
retume with joye, and bring their sheaves, v. 5, 6. 


witneses^^df___the_same, and |;^ee Me handful! amongst the rest^ the least 
amongest the,^tlLftjis£iys^of Israll? You "have not only ""had a seede 
tmie, but many of you have scene the joyefull harvest; shgjjld.ypu not 
T Een^']oygg,--y^a7-aTia'"agaIne 're;ioYce.^ HaUelu-iahr salvation, 

and glone, and honour, and power, be to the Lord our God; for true 
and righteous are his judgments. Rev. 19. 1, 2. 

But thou wilte aske whatis,thg.^^atert»-What.js. done 2 . Why, .art 
thou astrangsEjtt-IsialljJJiatJthou- *h0^^ ? 

Are not those Jebusites overcome that have vexed the people of Israll 
so long, even holding Jerusalem till Davids days, and been as thorns 
in their sids, so many ages; and now begane to scorne that any David 
should meadle with them; they begane to fortifie their tower, as that 
of the old Babelonians; but those proud Anakimes are throwne downe, 
and their glory laid in the dust. The tiranous bishops are ejected, their 
courts dissolved, their cannons forceless, their servise casheired, their 
ceremonies uselese and despised; their plots for popery prevented, and 
all their superstitions discarded and returned to Roome from whence 
they came, and the monuments of idolatrie rooted out of the land. And 
the proud and profane suporters, and cruell defenders of these (as bloody 
papists and wicked athists, and their malignante consorts) marvelously 
over throwne. jj\.nd are no tJheaP gTpgta tViiTiny?__Whn can^denej[_it? 

But who hath done it ? Who, even he that siteth on the white horse, 
who is caled faithfull, and true, and judgeth and fighteth righteously. 
Rev : 19. 11. whose garments are dipte in blood, and his name was 
caled the word of God, v. 13. for he shall rule them with a rode of iron; for 
it is he that treadeth the winepress of the f eircenes and wrath of God al- 
mighty. Arid he hath upon his garmente, and upon his thigh, a name writen. 
The King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, v. 15, 16. Hallelu-iah. 

Anno Dom : 1646. 


But that I may come more near my intendmente; when 
as by the travell and dihgence of some godly and zealous 
preachers, and Gods blessing on their labours, as in other 
places of the land, so in the North parts, many became in- 
hghtened by the word of God, and had their ignorance and 
sins discovered imto them, and begane by his grace to reforme 
their lives, and make conscience of their wayes, the worke of- 
God was no sooner manifest in them, but presently they 
were both scoffed and scorned by the prophane multitude, 
and the ministers urged with the yoak of subscription, or els 
must be silenced; and the poore people were so vexed with 
apparators, and piu^uants,' and the comissarie courts, as 
truly their affliction was not smale; which, notwithstanding, 
they bore simdrie years with much patience, till they were 
occasioned (by the continuance and encrease of these troubls, 
and other means which the Lord raised up in those days) to 
see further into things by the hght of the word of God. How 
not only these base and beggerly ceremonies were imlawfull, 
but also that the lordly and tiranous power of the prelats 
ought not to be submitted unto; which thus, contrary to the 
freedome of the gospell, would load and burden mens con- 
sciences, and by their compulsive power make a prophane 
mixture of persons and things in the worship of God. And 
that their offices and calings, comi;s and cannons, etc. were 
unlawfull and antichristian; being such as have no warranto 
in the word of God; but the same that were used in poperie, 
and still retained. Of which a famous author thus writeth 
in his Dutch com[men]taries.^ At the coming of king James 
into England; The new king (saith he) found their [there] 
established the reformed religion, according to the reformed 
religion of king Edward the 6. Retaining, or keeping still the 

'Apparitors and pursuivants, oflicers of the ecclesiastical courts. 

= " Em: meter: lib: 25. fol. 119." (Note by Bradford.) The reference is 
to the Dutch history by Emanuel van Meteren, Corwmentarien ofte Memorien 
van den N ederlandtschen Staet, Handel, etc. (1610, etc.) The passage quoted 
is on fol. 472 of the edition of 1652. 


spirituall state of the Bishops, etc. after the ould maner, much 
varying and differing from the reformed churches in Scotland, 
France, and the Neatherlands, Embden, Geneva, etc. whose 
reformation is cut, or shapen much nerer the first Christian 
churches, as it was used in the Apostles times.^ 

So many therfore of these proffessors as saw the evill 
of these things, in thes parts, and whose harts the Lord had 
touched with heavenly zeale for his trueth, they shooke of 
this yoake of antichristian bondage, and as the Lords free 
people, joyned them selves (by a covenant of the Lord) into 
a church estate, in the felowship of the gospell, to walke in 
all his wayes, made known, or to be made known imto them, 
according to then- best endeavours, whatsoever it should cost 
them, the Lord assisting them. And that it cost them some- 
thing this ensewing historie will declare. 

These people became 2. distincte bodys or churches,^ 
and in regarde of distance of place did congregate severally; 
for they were of sundrie townes and vilages, some in Noting- 
amshire, some of LincoUinshire, and some of Yorkshire, wher 
they border nearest togeather. In one of these churches 
(besids others of note) was Mr John Smith, a man of able 
gifts, and a good preacher, who afterwards was chosen their 
pastor. But these afterwards falling into some errours in 
the Low Countries, ther (for the most part) buried them selves, 
and their names.' 

But in this other church (which must be the subjecte of 

'"The reformed churches shapen much nearer the primitive patteme then 
England, for they cashered the Bishops with al their courts, cannons, and cere- 
moneis, at the first; and left them amongst the popish tr. . to ch w^^ they per- 
tained." (Note by Bradford. The last word in the note is imcertain in the 
manuscript.) ''See the editor's Introduction. 

'Rev. John Smyth, preacher to the city of Lincoln, became about 1606 a 
Separatist, and pastor of a Separatist church at Gainsborough. With it he 
migrated to Amsterdam in 1608. There, after various changes of doctrine and 
practice respecting baptism, the church divided in 1609. The majority, imder 
Rev. Thomas Helwys, returned to England in 1613. Smyth died in Amsterdam 
in 1612. The minority of the church, his adherents, became absorbed among 
the Mennonites and other Dutch. 


our discourse) besids other worthy men, was Mr. Richard 
Clifton/ a grave and reverend preacher, who by his paines 
and dilHgens had done much good, and xmder God had ben 
a means of the conversion of many. And also that famous 
and worthy man Mr. John Robinson, who afterwards was 
their pastor for many years, till the Lord tooke him away 
by death. Also Mr. William Brewster^ a reverent man, who 
afterwards was chosen an elder of the church and lived with 
them till old age. 

But after these things they covld not long continue in 
any peaceable condition, but were hunted and persecuted 
on every side, so as their former afHictions were but as flea- 
bitings in comparison of these which now came upon them." 
For some were taken and clapt up in prison, others had their 
houses besett and watcht night and day, and hardly escaped 
their hands; and the most were faine to flie and leave their 
howses and habitations, and the means of their livelehood. 
Yet these and many other sharper things which afterward 
befell them, were no other then they looked for, and therfore 
were the better prepared to bear them by the assistance of 
Gods grace and spirite. Yet seeing them selves thus molested, 
and that ther was no hope of their continuance ther, by a 
joynte consente they resolved to goe into the Low-Countries, 
wher they heard was freedome of Religion for all men; as 
also how sundrie from London, and other parts of the land, 
had been exiled and persecuted for the same cause, and were 
gone thither, and lived at Amsterdam, and in other places of 
the land. So affter they had continued togeither aboute a 
year, and kept their meetings every Saboth in one place or 
other, exercising the worship of God amongst them selves, 
notwithstanding all the dilhgence and mahce of their advers- 

' Richard Clyfton was born in Normanton, Derbyshire. In 1586 he became 
rector of Babworth in Nottinghamshire. He afterwards became pastor of the 
Pilgrim church in Scrooby and went with the church to Amsterdam in 1608. 
He remained in Amsterdam when the church removed to Leyden, and died there 
May 20, 1616. 'See the Introduction. 


saries, they seeing they could no longer continue in that 
condition, they resolved to get over into Holland as they 
could; which was in the year 1607. and 1608.; of which more 
at large in the next chap. 

2. Chap. 

Of their departure into Holland and their trouhls ther ahoute, 
with some of the many difficulties they found and 
mete withalU 

An". 1608. 

Being thus constrained to leave their native soyle and 
- countrie, their lands and hvings, and all their freinds and 
famiUier acquaintance, it was much, and thought marvelous 
by manyTj But to goe into a coimtrie they knew not (but 
by hearsay^, wher they must learne a new language, and get 
their hvings they knew not how, it being a dear place, and 
subjecte to the misseries of warr,^ it was by many thought 
an adventure almost desperate, a case intolerable, and a 
misserie worse then death. Espetially seeing they were not 
aqiialTlted with trads'Tior traffique, (by which that coimtrie 
doth subsiste,) but had only been used to a plaine countrie 
hfe, and the inocente trade of husbandrey. But these things 
did not dismay them (thoiigh they did some times trouble 
them) for their desires were sett on the ways of God, and to 
injoye his -ordinances; but they rested on his providence, and 
knew whom they had belecved. Yet this was not all, for 
though they could not stay, yet were they not suffered to goe, 
but the ports and havens were shut against them,^ so as 

'See the Introduction. 

"The war of Dutch independence, begun in 1567, continued till interrupted 
by the truce of April, 1609. " I. e., handicrafts. 

*The ports were not closed especially against the Pilgrims, but, under a 
royal proclamation, emigrants to Virginia, their presumed destination, were for- 
bidden to embark without a royal license. 


they were faine to seeke secrete means of conveance, and 
to bribe and fee the mariners, and give exterordinarie rates 
for their passages. And yet were they often times betrayed 
(many of them), and both they and their goods intercepted 
and surprised, and therby put to great trouble and charge, 
of which I will give an instance or tow, and omitte the 

Ther was a large companie of them purposed to get pas- 
sage at Boston in Lincoln-shire, and for that end had hired 
a shipe wholy to them selves, and made agreement with 
the maister to be ready at a certaine day, and take them and 
their goods in, at a conveniente place, wher they accordingly 
would all attende in readines. So after long waiting, and 
large expences, though he kepte not day with them, yet he 
came at length and tooke them in, in the night. But when 
he had them and their goods abord, he betrayed them, haveing 
before hand complotted with the serchers and other officers 
so to doe; who tooke them, and put them into open boats, 
and ther rifled and ransaked them, searching them to their 
shirts for money, yea even the women furder then became 
modestie; and then caried them back into the towne, and 
made them a spectackle and wonder to the multitude, which 
came flocking on all sids to behould them. Being thus first, 
by the chatch-poule' officers, rifled, and stripte of their 
money, books, and much other goods, they were presented to 
the magestrates, and messengers sente to informe the lords 
of the Counsell of them; and so they were commited to 
ward. Indeed the magestrats used them courteously, and 
shewed them what favour they could; but could not dehver 
them, till order came from the Counsell-table. But the 
issue was that after a months imprisonmente, the greatest 
parte were dismiste, and sent to the places from whence they 
came; but 7. of the principall ^ were still kept in prison, and 
bound over to the Assises. 

' Catchpole. " William Brewster was one of them. 


The nexte spring after, ther was another attempte made 
by some of these and others, to get over at an other place. 
And it so fell out, that they hght of a Dutchman at Hull, 
having a ship of his owne belonging to Zealand; they made 
agreemente with him, and acquainted him with their condi- 
tion, hoping to find more faithfullnes in him, then in the 
former of their owne nation. He bad them not fear, for he 
would doe well enough. He was by appointment to take 
them in betweene Grimsbe and Hull, wher was a large commone 
a good way distante from any towne. Now aganst the prefixed 
time, the women and children, with the goods, were sent to 
the place in a small barke, which they had hired for that end ; 
and the men were to meete them by land. But it so fell out, 
that they were ther a day before the shipe came, and the sea 
being rough, and the women very sicke, prevailed with the 
seamen to put into a creeke hardby, wher they lay on ground 
at lowwater. The nexte morning the shipe came, but they 
were fast, and could not stir till aboute noone.- In the mean 
time, the shipe maister, perceiving how the matter was, sente 
his boate to be 'getting the men abord whom he saw ready, 
walking aboute the shore. But after the first boat full was 
gott abord, and she was ready to goe for more, the m''^ 
espied a greate company, both horse and foote, with bills, 
and gunes, and other weapons; for the countrie was raised to 
take them. The Dutch-man seeing that, swore his countries 
oath, "sacremente," and having the wind faire, waiged his 
Ancor, hoysed sayles, and away. But the poore men which 
were gott abord,^ were in great distress for their wives and 
children, which they saw thus to be taken, and were left 
destitute of their helps; and them selves also, not having a 
cloath to shifte them with, more then they had on their 
baks, and some scarce a peney aboute them, all they had 
bemg abord the barke. It drew tears from their eyes, 
and any thing they had they would have given to have 
> Master, ' William Bradford was one of those on board the vessel. 


been a shore againe; but all in vaine, ther was no rem- 
edy, they must thus sadly part. And afterward endured 
a fearfull storme at sea, being 14. days or more before they 
arived at their porte, in 7. wherof they neither saw jon, 
moone, nor stars, and were driven near the coast of Norway; 
the mariners them selves often despairing of hfe; and once 
with shriks and cries gave over all, as if the ship had been 
foundred in the sea, and they sinking without recoverie. 
But when mans hope and helpe wholy failed, the Lords power 
and mercie appeared in ther recoverie; for the ship rose againe, 
and gave the mariners courage againe to manage her. And 
if modestie woud suffer me, I might declare with what fervente 
prajres they cried unto the Lord in this great distres, (espetialy 
some of them,) even without any great distraction, when the 
water rane into their mouthes and ears; and the mariners 
cried out. We sinke, we sinke ; they cried (if not with mirake- 
lous, yet with a great hight or degree of devine faith). Yet 
Lord thou canst save, yet Lord thou canst save; with shuch 
other expressions as I will forbeare. Upon which the ship 
did not only recover, but shortly after the violence of the 
storme begane to abate, and the Lord filed their afflicted minds 
with shuch comforts as every one cannot understand, and in 
the end brought them to their desired Haven, wher the people 
came flockeing admiring their deliverance, the storme hav- 
ing ben so longe and sore, in which much hurt had been 
don, as the masters freinds related imto him in their congrat- 

But to returne to the others wher we left. The rest of 
the men that were in greatest danger, made shift to escape 
away before the troope could surprise them; those only stay- 
ing that best might, to be assistante unto the women. But 
pitiful! it was to see the heavie case of these poore women 
in this distress; what weeping and crying on every side, some 
for their husbands, that were caried away in the ship as is 
before related; others not knowing what should become of 


them, and their Utle ones; others againe melted in teares, 
seeing their poore Utle ones hanging aboute them, crying for 
feare, and quaking with could. Being thus aprehended, they 
were hurried from one place to another, and from one justice 
to another, till in the ende they knew not what to doe with 
them; for to imprison so many women and innocent children 
for no other cause (many of them) but that they must goe 
with their husbands, semed to be imreasonable and all would 
crie out of them ; and to send them home againe was as difficult, 
for they aledged, as the trueth was, they had no homes to 
goe to, for they had either sould, or otherwise disposed of their 
houses and livings. To be shorte, after they had been thus 
turmolyed a good while, and conveyed from one constable to 
another, they were glad to be ridd of them in the end upon 
any termes; for all were wearied and tired with them. 
Though in the mean time they (poore soules) indured miserie 
enough; and thus in the end necessitie forste a way for 

But that I be not tediou s i n these things , I will omitte 
the rest, though 1 might relate many otEeTnotable passages 
and troubles which they endured and imderwente in these 
their wanderings and tra veils both at land and sea; but I 
hast to other things. Yet I may not omitte the fruite that 
came hearby, for by these so publick troubls, in so many 
eminente places, their cause became famouss, and occasioned 
many to looke into the same; and then- godly cariage and 
Christian behaviour was such as left a deep impression in 
the minds of many. And though some few shrimk at these 
first conflicts and sharp beginings, (as it was no marvell,) 
yet many more came on with fresh courage, and greatly ani- 
mated others. And in the end, notwithstanding all these 
stormes of oppossition, they all gatt over at length, some at 
one time and some at an other, and some in one place and 
some in an other, and mette togeather againe according to 
their desires, with no small rejoycing. 


The 3. Chapter 

Of their selling in Holand, and their maner of living, and enter- 

tainmente ther. 

Being now come into the Low Countries, they saw many 
goodly and fortified cities, strongly walled and garded with 
troopes of armed men. Also they heard a strange and vin- 
couth language, and beheld the differente manners and cus- 
tomes of the people, with their strange fashons and attires; 
all so farre differing from that of their plaine countrie villages 
(wherin they were bred, and had so longe Uved) as it seemed 
they were come into a new world. But these were not the 
things they much looked on, or long tooke up their thoughts; 
for they had other work in hand, and an other kind of wan- 
to wage and maintaine. For though they saw faire and 
bewtifull cities, flowing with abundance of all sorts of welth 
and riches, yet it was not longe before they saw the grimme 
and grisly face of povertie coming upon them like an armed 
man, with whom they must bukle and incoimter, and from 
whom they could not flye; but they were armed with faith 
and patience against him, and all his encounters ; and though 
they were sometimes foyled, yet by Gods assistance they 
prevailed and got the victorie. 

Now when Mr. Robinson, Mr. Brewster, and other prin- 
cipall members were come over, (for they were of the last, 
and stayed to help the weakest over before them,) such things 
were thought on as were necessarie for their setling and best 
ordering of the church affairs. And when they had hved 
at Amsterdam aboute a year, Mr. Robinson, their pastor, 
and some others of best discerning, seeing how Mr. John 
Smith and his companie was allready fallen in to contention 
with the church that was ther before them,' and no means 

'A Separatist church, of which Francis Johnson was pastor and Heniy 
Ainsworth teacher, was already in Amsterdam when John Smith with his congre- 
gation arrived, and it was the contention between Smith and Johnson to which 


they could use would doe any good to cure the same, and also 
that the flames of contention were Uke to breake out in that 
anciente church it selfe (as affterwards lamentably came 
to pass) ; which things they prudently foreseeing, thought it 
was best to remove, before they were any way engaged with 
the same; though they well knew it would be much to the 
prejudice of their outward estats, both at presente and in 
hcklyhood in the future; as indeed it proved to be. 

Their remoovall to Leyden. 

For these and some other reasons they removed to Ley- 
den, a fair and bewtifull citie, and of a sweete situation, but 
made more famous by the universitie wherwith it is adorned, 
in which of late had been so many learned men. But wanting 
that traffike by sea which Amsterdam injoyes, it was not so 
beneficiall for their outward means of living and estats. But 
being now hear pitchet they fell to such trads and implojmaents 
as they best could;' valewing peace and their spirituall com- 
forte above any other riches whatsoever. And at lenght they 
came to raise a competente and comforteable hving, but with 
hard and continuall labor. 

Being thus setled (after many difficulties) they continued 
many years in a comfortable condition, injoying much sweete 

Bradford refers. Francis Johnson, originally preacher to the Merchants of the 
Staple in Middelburg, became in 1592 a Separatist, and minister of a Separatist 
congregation in London. He and its other leaders emigrated in 1597 to Amster- 
dam, and there, after many ecclesiastical disputes and vicissitudes, he died in 1618. 

'William Brewster at first taught English to the students in the university 
of Leyden, and afterwards engaged in publishing books proscribed in England, 
among which were Commentarii in Proverbia Salomonis (1617), by Thomas 
Cartwright with a preface by Polyander, Grevinchovius on the Arminian contro- 
versy (1617), A Confutation of the Rhemists' Translation of the New Testament 
(1618) by Thomas Cartwright, a treatise in Latin De Vera et Genuina Jesu 
Christi Religione (1618), and other works. Those books published by him in 
1617 have his imprint, but in consequence of efforts to suppress his work his 
imprint was omitted in books printed at a later date. 

William Bradford became a fustian-maker, Robert Cushman and William 
White wool-carders, Samuel Fuller and Stephen Tracy silk-makers, John Jenney 
a brewer, Edward Winslow a printer, and Degory Priest a hatter. 


and delightefuU societie and spirituall comforte togeather in 
the wayes of God, under the able ministrie, and prudente 
govemmente of Mr. John Robinson, and Mr. William Brewster, 
who was an assistante imto him in the place of an Elder, unto 
which he was now called and chosen by the church. So as 
they grew in knowledge and other gifts and graces of the 
spirite of God, and hved togeather in peace, and love, and 
holines; and many came unto them from diverse parts of 
England, so as they grew a great congregation. And if at 
any time any differences arose, or offences broak out (as it 
cannot be, but some time ther will, even amongst the best 
of men) they were ever so mete with, and nipt in the head 
betims, or otherwise so well composed, as still love, peace, 
and communion was continued; or els the church purged of 
those that were incurable and incorrigible, when, after much 
patience used, no other means would serve, which seldom 
came to pass. Yea such was the mutuall love, and reciprocall 
respecte that this worthy man had to his flocke, and his flocke 
to him, that it might be said of them as it once was of that 
famouse Emperour Marcus AureUous,^ and the people of 
Rome, that it was hard to judge wheather he delighted more 
in haveing shuch a people, or they in haveing such a pastor. 
His love was greate towards them, and his care was all ways 
bente for their best good, both for soule and body; for besids 
his singuler abilities in devine things (wherin he excelled), he 
was also very able to give directions in civill affaires, and to 
foresee dangers and inconveniences; by which means he was 
very helpfull to their outward estats, and so was every way 
as a commone father unto them. And none did more offend 
him then those that were close and cleaving to them selves, 
and retired from the commone good; as also such as would 
be stiffe and riged in matters of outward order, and invey 

'"Goulden booke, etc." (Note by Bradford.) The book to which he 
refers, known in its English translations as "The Golden Book of the Emperor 
Marcus Aurehus," was in reahty a, Spanish romance, written by Antonio de 
Guevara, bishop of Mondonedo, and published in 1629. 


against the evills of others, and yet be remisse in them selves, 
and not so careful! to express a vertuous conversation. They 
in like maner had ever a reverente regard unto him, and had 
him in precious estimation, as his worth and wisdom did 
deserve; and though they esteemed him highly whilst he 
hved and laboured amongst them, yet much more after his 
death,^ when they came to feele the wante of his help, and 
saw (by woefuU experience) what a treasure they had lost, 
to the greef e of their harts, and wounding of their sowls ; yea 
such a loss as they saw could not be repaired; for it was as 
hard for them to find such another leader and feeder in all 
respects, as for the Taborits to find another Ziska.^ And 
though they did not call themselves orphans, as the other did, 
after his death, yet they had cause as much to lamente, in 
another regard, their present condition, and after usage. 
But to retume ; I know not but it may be spoken to the honour 
of God, and without prejudice to any, that such was the true 
pietie, the humble zeale, and fervent love, of this people 
(whilst they thus Uved together) towards God and his waies, 
and the single hartednes and sinceir affection one towards 
another, that they came as near the primative patterne of 
the first churches, as any other church of these later times 
have done, according to their ranke and qualitie. 

But seeing it is not my purpose to treat of the severall 
passages that befell this people whilst they thus lived in the 
Low Countries, (which might worthily require a large treatise 
of it selfe,) but to make way to shew the begining of this 
plantation, which is that I aime at; yet because some of their 
adversaries did, upon the rumore of their removall, cast out 
slanders against them, as if that state had been wearie of them, 
and had rather driven them out (as the heathen historians 
did faine of Moyses and the Isralits when they went out of 

» John Robinson died in Leyden, March 1, 1624/5. 

2 John Ziska was the invincible leader of the Taborites or Hussites of 
Bohemia, in the fifteenth century. 


Egipte), then that it was their owne free choyse and motion, 
I will therfore mention a perticuler or too to shew the contrary, 
and the good acceptation they had in the place wher they 
lived. And first though many of them weer poore, yet ther 
was none so poore, but if they were known to be of that con- 
gregation, the Dutch (either bakers or others) wodd trust 
them in any reasonable matter when they wanted money. 
Because they had found by experience how carfull they were 
to keep their word, and saw them so painfull and dilhgente 
in their callings; yea, they would strive to gett their custome, 
and to imploy them above others, in their worke, for theu- 
honestie and diligence. 

Againe; the magistrats of the citie, aboute the time of their 
coming away, or a Utle before, in the publick place of justice, 
gave this comendable testemoney of them, in the reproofe of 
the Wallons,^ who were of the French church in that citie. 
These Enghsh, said they, have lived amongst us now this 12. 
years, and yet we never had any sute or accusation came against 
any of them; but your strifs and quarels are continuall, etc. 
In these times allso were the great troubls raised by the Ar- 
minians,^ who, as they greatly moUested the whole state, so 
this citie in particuler, in which was the cheefe universitie; so 
as ther were dayly and bote disputs in the schooles ther aboute; 
and as the studients and other lerned were devided in their op- 
pinions hearin, so were the 2. proffessors or devinitie readers 
them selves ; the one daly teaching for it, the other against it. 
Which grew to that pass, that few of the discipls of the one 

' The Walloons inhabited the Belgic border of France and spoke French. 
Owing to persecution many of them who were Protestants moved into Holland. 
Esther, the wife of Francis Cooke, was a Walloon, and so it is supposed was 
William Mullens or Mollines, who came in the Mayflower, while Philip Delano 
or De La Noye, who came in the Fortune in 1621, was "born of French parents." 

^ Jacobus Arminius, professor of theology in the University of Leyden from 
1603 to his death in 1609, had taught a doctrine of grace opposed to the strictest 
Calvinism. His successor, Simon Episeopius, and on the other side the other 
divinity professor, Johannes Polyander, maintained the controversy with warmth. 
Robinson's views were Calvinistic. 


would hear the other teach. But Mr. Robinson, though he 
taught thrise a weeke him selfe, and write sundrie books,"- be- 
sids his manyfould pains otherwise, yet he went constantly to 
hear ther readings, and heard the one as well as th& other;. by 
which means he was so well grounded in the controversie, and 
saw the force of all their arguments, and knew the shifts of the 
adversarie, and being him selfe very able, none was fitter to 
buckle with them then him selfe, as appered by sundrie disputs; 
so as he begane to be terrible to the Arminians; which made 
Episcopius (the Arminian professor) to put forth his best 
stringth, and set forth sundrie Theses, which by publick dis- 
pute he would defend against all men. Now Poliander the 
other proffessor, and the cheefe preachers of the citie, desired 
Mr. Robinson to dispute against him; but he was loath, being 
a stranger; yet the other did importune him, and tould him 
that such was the abilitie and nimblnes of the adversarie, that 
the truth would suffer if he did not help them. So as he con- 
descended, and prepared him selfe against the time; and when 
the day came, the Lord did so help him to defend the truth and 
foyle this adversarie, as he put him to an apparent nonplus, in 
this great and publike audience. And the hke he did a 2. or 3. 
time, upon such like occasions. The which as it caused many 
to praise God that the trueth had so famous victory, so it pro- 
cured him much honour and respecte from those lemed men 
and others which loved the trueth. Yea, so farr were they 
from being weary of him and his people, or desiring theu- ab- 
sence, as it was said by some, of no mean note, that were.it not 
for giveing offence to the state of England, they would have 
preferd him otherwise if he would, and alowd them some pub- 

' Robinson lived near the university. The following works written by him 
were published at the appended dates: A Justification of Separation from the 
Church of England (1610); Apologia BrowniMarum (1619); Defence of the 
Doctrine propounded by the Synode at Dort (1624); Essayes, or Observations 
Divine and Morall (1625). Bradford's copy of the first named is still extant. 
A copy of the first edition of the last named, which is very rare, has been recently 
bought by the Pilgrim Society of Plymouth. Robinson's works in three volumes 
were reprinted in 1851. 


like favour. Yea when ther was speech of their remoovall into 
these parts, sundrie of note and eminencie of that nation would 
have had them come under them, and for that end made them 
large offers. Now though I might aledg many other perticulers 
and examples of the like kinde, to shew the untruth and un- 
Ucklyhode of this slander, yet these shall suffice, seeing it was 
beleeved of few, being only raised by the mahce of some, who 
laboured their disgrace. 

The 4. Chap. 

Showing the reasons and causes of their remoovall. 

After they had hved in this citie about some 11. or 12. 
years, (which is the more observable being the whole time of 
that famose truce ^ between that state and the Spaniards,) 
and sundrie of them were taken away by death, and many 
others begane to be well striken in years, the grave mistris 
Experience haveing taught them many things, those prudent 
governours with sundrie of the sagest members begane both 
deeply to apprehend their present dangers^ and wisely to fore- 
see the future, and thinke of timly remedy. In the agitation 
of their thoughts, and much discours of things hear aboute, at 
length they began to incline to this conclusion, of remoovall 
to some other place. Not out of any newfanglednes, or other 
such like giddie humor, by which men are oftentimes trans- 
ported to their great hurt and danger, but for sundrie weightie 
and sohd reasons; some of the cheefe of which I will hear 
briefly touch. And first, they saw and foimd by experience 
the hardnes of the place and countrie to be such, as few in 
comparison would come to them, and fewer that would bide 
it out, and continew with them. For many that came to them, 
and many more that desired to be with them, could not endure 
that great labor and hard fare, with other inconveniences which 
they underwent and were contented with. But though they 

'This truce, signed April 9, 1609, was to expire in 1621. 


loved their persons, approved their cause, and honoured their 
sufferings, yet they left them as it weer weeping, as Orpah did 
her mother in law Naomie, or as those Romans did Cato in 
Utica, who desired to be excused and borne with, though they 
could not all be Catoes. For many, though they desired to 
injoye the ordinances of God in their puritie, and the hbertie 
of the gospell with them, yet, alass, they admitted of bondage, 
with danger of conscience, rather than to indure these hard- 
ships; yea, some preferred and chose the prisons in England, 
rather then this hbertie in Holland, with these afflictions. But 
it was thought that if a better and easier place of Uving could 
be had, it would draw many, and take away these discourag- 
ments. Yea, their pastor would often say, that many of those 
who both wrote and preached now against them, if they were 
in a place wher they might have libertie and live comfortably, 
they would then practise as they did. 

2'y- They saw that though the people generally bore all 
these difficulties very cherfuUy, and with a resolute courage, 
being in the best and strength of their years, yet old age began 
to steale o n ma ny -of them, (and their great and continuall 
labours, with other crosses and sorrows, hastened it before the 
time,) so as it was not only probably thought, but apparently 
seen, that within a few years more they would be in danger to 
scatter, by necessities pressing them, or sinke imder their 
burdens, or both. And therfore according to the devine 
proverb, that a wise man seeth the plague when it cometh, 
and hideth him selfe. Pro. 22. 3., so they like skillfull and 
beaten* souldiers were fearfull either to be intrapped or sur- 
rounded by their enimies, so as they should neither be able to 
"fight nor flie; and therfor thought it better to dislodge be- 
times to some place of better advantage and less danger, if 
any such could be foimd. Thirdly; as necessitie was a task- 
master over them, so they were forced to be such, not only to 
their :^ervants, but in a sorte, to their dearest children; the 

'7. e., hardened, experienced. 


which as it did not a litle wound the tender harts of many a 
loving father and mother, so it produced^Jikwise snndrie sad 
and sorowful effects. For many of their"|hildren, that were 
of best dispositions and gracious inclinations, haveing lemde 
to bear the yoake in their youth, and willing to bear parte of 
their parents burden, were, often times, so oppressed with 
their heyie labours, that though their minds were free mST 
wiHing, yet their bodies bowed under the weight of the same, 
and became decreped in their early youth; the vigor of nature 
being consumed in the very budd as it were. But that which 
was more lamentable, and of all sorowes most heavie to be 
borne, was that many of their children, by these occasions, 
and the great hcentiousness of youth in that countrie, and the 
manifold temptations of the place, were drawneaway by ev ill 
examples into extra vagante and dangerous courses, getting the 
Taihes off their neks, and departing from their parents. Some 
became souldiers, others tooke upon them farr viages by sea, 
and other some worse courses, tending to dissolutnes and the 
danger of their soules, to the great greefe of their parents and 
dishonour of God. So that they saw their posteritie would 
be in danger to degenerate and be corrupted. 

Lastly, (and which was not least), a greaj^hope and in- 
ward zeall they had of laying some good foundation, or at 
least to make some way therunto, for the propagating and^ 
advancing the gospell of the kingdom of Christ m those re- 
mote parts of the world; yea, though they should be but even 
as stepping-stones unto others for the performing of so great 
a work. 

These, and some other like reasons, moved them to imder- 
take this resolution of their removall; the which they after- 
ward prosecuted with so great difficulties, as by the sequel! 
will appeare. 

The place they had thoughts on was some of those vast 
and unpeopled countries of America, which are frutfull and 
fitt for habitation, being devoyd of all civill inhabitants, wher 


ther are only salvage and brutish men, which range up and 
downe, litle otherwise then the wild beasts of the same. This 
proposition bemg made publike and coming to the scaning of 
all, it raised many variable opinions amongst men, and caused 
many fears and doubts amongst them selves. Some, from 
their reasons and hops conceived, laboured to stirr up and in- 
courage the rest to undertake and prosecute the same; others, 
againe, out of their fears, objected against it, and sought to 
diverte from it, aledging many things, and those neither un- 
reasonable nor improbable; as that it was a great designe, 
and subjecte to many unconceivable perills and dangers; as, 
besids the casulties of the seas (which none can be freed from) 
the length of the vioage was such, as the weake bodys of 
women and other persons wome out with age and traville (as 
many of them were) could never be able to endure. And yet 
if they should, the miseries of the land which they should be 
exposed unto, would be to hard to be borne; and lickly, some 
or all of them togeither, to consume and utterly to ruinate 
them. 'For ther they should be hable to famine, and naked- 
nes, and the wante, in a maner, of all things. The chang of 
aire, diate, and drinking of water, would infecte their bodies 
-^ with sore sickneses, and greevous diseases. And also those 
which should escape or overcome these difficulties, should yett 
be in continuall danger of the salvage people, who are cruell, 
barbarous, and most trecherous, being most furious in their 
rage, and merciles wher they overcome; not being contente 
only to kill, and take away Ufe, but dehght to tormente men 
in the most bloodie manner that may be; fleaing' some alive 
with the shells of fishes, cutting of the members and jojoits of 
others by peesmeale, and broiling on the coles, eate the collops 
of their flesh in their sight whilst they live; with other cruel- 
ties horrible to be related. And surely it could not be thought 
but the very hearing of these things could not but move the 
very bowels of men to grate within them, and make the weake 



to quake and tremble. It was furder objected, that it would 
require greater summes of money to furnish such a voiage, and 
to fitt them with necessaries, then their consumed estats would 
amounte too; and yett they must as well looke to be seconded 
with supphes,' as presently to be transported. Also many 
presidents of ill success, and lamentable misseries befalne others 
in the like designes, were easie to be foimd, and not forgotten to 
bealedgedjbesids their owne experience, in their former troubles 
and hardships in their removall into Holand, and how hard a 
thing it was for them to live in that strange place, though it 
was a neighbour countrie, and a civill and rich comone wealth. 
It was answered, that all great and honourable actions 
are accompanied with great difficulties, and must be both 
enterprised and overcome with answerable courages. It was 
granted the dangers were great, but not desperate; the diffi- 
culties were many, but not invincible. For though their were 
many of them likly, yet they were not cartaine; it might be 
sundrie of the things feared might never befale; others by 
providente care and the use of good means, might in a great 
measure be prevented; and all of them, through the help of 
God, by fortitude and patience, might either be borne, or 
overcome. True it was, that such atempts were not to be 
made and undertaken without good ground and reason; not 
rashly or hghtly as many have done for curiositie or hope of 
gaine, etc. But their condition was not ordinarie; their 
ends were good and honourable; their calling lawfuU, and ur- 
gente; and therfore they might expecte the blessing of God 
in their proceding. Yea, though they should loose their Hves 
in this action, yet might they have comforte in the same, and 
their endeavors would be honourable. They hved hear but 
as men in exile, and in a poore condition; and as great miseries 
might possibly befale them in this place, for the 12. years of 
truce were now ^ out, and ther was nothing but beating of 

'/. e., reinforcements. 

* The truce between the Dutch and Spain would end in April, 1621. 


drumes, and preparing for warr, the events wherof are allway 
uncertaine. The Spaniard might prove as cruell as the salvages 
of America, and the famine and pestelence as sore hear as ther, 
and then- hbertie less to looke out for remedie. After many 
other perticuler things answered and aledged on both sids, 
it was fully concluded by the major parte, to put this designe 
in execution, and to prosecute it by the best means they 

The 5. Chap. 

Shewing what means they used for preparation to this waightie 


And first after thir htimble praiers tmto God for his direction 
and assistance, and a generall conferrence held hear aboute, 
they consulted what perticuler place to pitch upon, and prepare 
for. Some (and none of the meanest) had thoughts and were 
emest for Guiana, or some of those fertill places in those hott 
cUmats; others were for some parts of Virginia, wher the 
EngUsh had all ready made enterance, and begining. Those 
for Guiana aledged that the cuntrie was rich, frutfull, and 
blessed with a perpetuaU spring, and a florishing greenes;* 
where vigorous nature brought forth all things in abundance 
and plentie without any great labour or art of man. So as 
it must needs make the inhabitants rich, seing less provisions 
of clothing and other things would serve, then in more coulder 
and less frutfull coimtries must be had. As also that the Span- 
iards (having much more then they could possess) had not 
yet planted there, nor any where very near the same.^ But 
to this it was answered, that out of question the countrie was 
both frutfull and pleasante, and might yeeld riches and main- 

' Greenness. 

" Though the contrary view was sometimes maintained at the time of the 
Venezuela-Guiana boundary controversy, it was shown in the report of the 
American commission (vol. I., pp. 37-56) that up to 1648, at least, Spain had no 
settlements on that coast, south of the Orinoco. Several English attempts to 
eettle in the region had been recently made. 


tenance to the possessors, more easily then the other; yet, 
other things considered, it would not be so fitt for them. And 
first, that such hott countries are subject to greevuos diseases, 
and many noysome impediments, which other more temperate 
places are freer from, and would not so well agree with our 
EngUsh bodys. Againe, if they should ther hve, and doe well, 
the jealous Spaniard would never suffer them long, but would 
displante or overthrow them, as he did the French in Florida,' 
who were seated furder from his richest countries; and the 
sooner because they should have none to protect them, and 
their owne strength would be too smale to resiste so potent an 
enemie, and so neare a neighbor. 

On the other hand, for Virginia it was objected, that if 
they lived among the English which wear ther planted, or so 
near them as to be under their goverment, they should be in 
as great danger to be troubled and persecuted for the cause of 
reUgion, as if they lived in England, and it might be worse. 
And if they Uved too farr of, they should neither have succour, 
nor defence from them. 

But at length the conclusion was, to live as a distincte 
body by them selves, under the generall Goverment of Virginia; 
and by their freinds to sue to his majestie that he would be 
pleased to grant them freedome of Religion; and that this 
might be obtained, they wear putt in good hope by some 
great persons, of good ranke and quaUtie, that were made their 
freinds. Whereupon 2. were chosen and sent in to England 
(at the charge of the rest) to solUcite this matter, who found 
the Virginia Company^ very desirous to have them goe thither, 
and wilMng to grante them a patent, with as ample priviliges 
as they had, or could grant to any, and to give them the best 
furderance they could. And some of the cheefe of that com- 

' The reference is to the destruction of the Huguenots at Port Royal by 
Menendez in 1565. 

" On April 10, 1606, King James I. instituted two Virginia companies, of 
which the southern, or London Company, was authorized to make settlements 
on that part of the Atlantic coast extending from the 34th to the 41st degree of 


pany douted not to obtaine their suite of the king for hberty in 
ReUgion, and to have it confirmed under the kings broad 
seale, according to their desires. But it prooved a harder peece 
of worke then they tooke it for; for though many means were 
used to bring it aboute, yet it could not be effected; for ther 
were diverse of good worth laboured with the king to obtaine it, 
(amongst whom was one of his cheefe secretaries,)* and some 
other wrought with the archbishop^ to give way therunto; 
but it proved all in vaine. Yet thus farr they prevailed, in 
soimding his majesties mind, that he would connive at them, 
and not molest them, provided they carried them selves peaca- 
bly. But to allow or tolerate them by his pubUck authoritie, 
under his seale, they fovind it would not be. And this was all 
the cheefe of the Virginia companie or any other of their best 
freinds could doe in the case. Yet they perswaded them to 
goe on, for they presumed they should not be troubled. And 
with this answer the messengers returned, and signified what 
diligence had bene used, and to what issue things were come. 
But this made a dampe in the busines, and caused some 
distraction, for many were afraid that if they should unsetle 
them selves, and put of their estates, and goe upon these hopes, 
it might prove dangerous, and but a sandie foundation. Yea, 
it was thought they might better have presiuned hear upon 
without makeing any suite at all, then,' haveing made it, to 
be thus rejected. But some of the cheefest thought other 
wise, and that they might well proceede hereupon, and that 
the kings majestie was willing enough to suffer them without 
molestation, though for other reasons he would not confirme 
it by any publick acte. And furdermore, if ther was no 

north latitude, the northern company on that part between the 38th and the 45th. 
The first patent or grant issued to the Pilgrims came from the southern company, 
commonly now called the Virginia Company, but this was not used and another, 
issued by the Council for New England, successor of the northern company, 
was brought over in the Fortune in November, 1621. 

• " Sr Robert Nanton." (Bradford.) 

'George Abbot, archbishop of Canterbury 1611-1633. 

'"Then" for "than." 


securitie in this promise intimated, ther would be no great 
certainty in a furder confirmation of the same; for if after 
wards ther should be a purpose or desire to wrong them, 
though they had a seale as broad as the house flore, it would 
not serve the turne; for ther would be means enew found to 
recall or reverse it. Seeing therfore the course was probable, 
they must rest herein on Gods providence, as they had done 
in other things. 

Upon this resolution, other messengers were dispatched, 
to end with the Virginia Company asiwell as they could. And 
to procure a patent with as good and kmple conditions as they 
might by any good means obtaineii As also to treate and 
conclude with such merchants and otner freinds as had mani- 
fested their forwardnes to provoke too and adventure in this 
vioage. For which end they had instructions given them 
upon what conditions they should proceed with them, or els to 
conclude nothing without further advice. And here it will be 
requisite to inserte a letter or too that may give hght to these 

A coppie of leter from Sr: Edwin Sands, directed to Mr. John Robinson 
and Mr. William Brewster. 

After my hartie salutations. The agents of your congregation, 
Robert Cushman* and John Carver,^ have been in communication with 

' Robert Cushman was born in England about 1580, but precisely when he 
joined the Leyden church is not known. He was an active and efficient agent 
of the church at various times in England and assented to a contract with the 
merchant adventurers which was so unsatisfactory to the Pilgrim company that 
they sailed without signing it. He came out in the Fortune in 1621, and delivered 
in Plymouth an address commonly called a sermon, urging the colonists to close 
the contract. After successfully accomplishing his mission he returned in the 
Fortune, and died in England in 1625. He brought with him to Plymouth his son 
Thomas, fourteen years of age, who was educated by Governor Bradford and 
succeeded Brewster as the elder of the Plymouth church. Soon after his return 
to England Robert Cushman published (1622) his "sermon," accompanied by a 
vindication of the colonial enterprise and an appeal for a Christiap. mission to the 
American Indians. 

' Little is known of John Carver except that he was a deacon of the Leyden 
church and one of the agents of the church to obtain if possible a charter from the 
king, and to negotiate with the Virginia Company for a grant of lands, and with 


diverse selecte gentlemen of his Majesties Counsell for Virginia; and by 
the writing of 7. Articles subscribed with your names/ have given them 
that good degree of satisfaction, which hath caried them on with a resolu- 
tion to sett forward your desire in the best sorte that may be, for your 
owne and the publick good. Divers perticulers wherof we leave to their 
faithfull reporte; having carried them selves heere with that good discre- 
tion, as is both to their owne and their credite from whence they came.^ 
And wheras being to treate for a multitude of people, they have requested 
further time to conferr with them that are to be interessed in this action, 
aboute the severall particularities which in the prosecution thereof will 
fall out considerable, it hath been very willingly assented too. And so 
they doe now returne unto you. If therfore it may please God so to 
directe your desires as that on your parts ther fall out no just impediments, 
I trust by the same direction it shall likewise appear, that on our parte, all 
forwardnes to set you forward shall be found in the best sorte which with 
reason may be expected. And. so I betake you with this designe (which I 
hope verily is the worke of God), to the gracious protection and blessing 
of the Highest. 

London, Novbr: 12. Your very loving freind 

An": 1617. Edwin Sandys.' 

the merchant adventurers of London for transportation and supplies for the 
colony. The language of the letter dated July 27, 1620, which Robinson wrote 
to Carver, while the Mayflower lay at Southampton (p. 83, -post) makes the 
conjecture plausible that Katherine, the wife of Carver, may have been Robinson's 
sister. Carver was made governor of the Mayflower company and, after the 
compact was signed in the cabin of that ship after her arrival at Cape Cod harbor, 
he was confirmed in that office. He was one of the eighteen who landed on Ply- 
mouth Rock December 11, O. S., and on April 1, 1621, he negotiated a treaty with 
Massasoit. He died, probably of apoplexy, early in April. 

' The manuscript of the Seven Articles, signed by Robinson and Brewster, is 
in the Public Record Office in London. The articles, expressing the assent of 
the Leyden church to the Thirty-nine Articles of 1562, their desire to keep 
spiritual communion with the members of the Church of England, and their 
acknowledgment of the royal supremacy and of the authority of the bishops, may 
be found printed in the History of Plymouth by William T. Davis, p. 13, and 
in Goodwin's Pilgrim Republic, p. 41. 

' I. e., for their own credit and that of those from whom they came. 

' Sir Edwin Sandys was the son of Edwin Sandys, archbishop of York, and 
was bom in Worcester in 1561 and died in 1629. He was a brother of Sir Samuel 
Sandys under whom William Brewster occupied Scrooby manor. Sir Edwin 
Sandys wrote in 1599 a book entitled A Relation of the State of Religion; and 
with what Hopes and Polieies it hath beene framed and is maintained in the 
severall States of these western parts of the World. It was printed in London 
in 1605, and forthwith ordered by the High Commission to be burned. It is 


Their answer was as joloweih. 


Our humble duties remembred, in our owne, our messengers, and 
our churches name, with all thankfull acknowledgmente of your singular 
love, expressing itselfe, as otherwise, so more spetially in your great care 
and earnest endeavor of our good in this weigk^tie bussines aboute Virginia, 
which the less able we are to requite, we shall thinke our selves the more 
bound to commend in our prayers unto God f6r recompence; whom, as 
for the presente you rightly behould in our indeavors, so shall we not be 
wanting on our parts (the same God assisting us) to returne all answerable 
fruite, and respecte unto the labour of your love bestowed upon us. We 
have with the best speed and consideration withall that we could, sett 
downe our requests in writing, subscribed, as you willed, with the hands 
of the greatest parte of our congregation, and have sente the same unto 
the Counsell by our agente, and a deacon of our church, John Carver, unto 
whom we have also requested a gentleman of our company to adyone^ 
him selfe; to the care and discretion of which two, we doe referr the prose- 
cuting of the bussines. Now we perswade our selves Right Wor^P' that 
we need not provoke your godly and loving minde to any further or more 
tender care of us, since you have pleased so f arr to interest us in your selfe, 
that, under God, above all persons and things in the world, we relye upon 
you, expecting the care of your love, counsell of your wisdome, and the 
help and countenance of your authority. Notwithstanding, for your 
encouragmente in the worke, so farr as probabilities may leade, we will 
not forbeare to mention these instances of indusmente. 

1. We veryly beleeve and trust the Lord is with us, unto whom and 
whose service we have given our selves in many trialls ; and that he will 
graciously prosper our indeavours according to the simplicitie of our 
harts therin. 

2*''. We are well weaned from the delicate milke of our mother 
countrie, and enured to the difficulties of a strange and hard land, which 
yet in a great parte we have by patience overcome. 

3'^. The people are for the body of them, industrious, and frugall, 
we thinke we may safly say, as any company of people in the world. 

4'^. We are knite togeather as a body in a most stricte and sacred 

therefore rare. A copy is owned by the Pilgrim Society of Plymouth, which 
contains on its title-page two autographs of Rev. John Robinson. Sir Edwin 
Sandys had now become an eminent statesman and member of Parliament, of the 
"country party." From the time of his election as treasurer of the Virginia 
Company in April, 1619, he bore a leading part in its affairs. 
' Worshipful. » Adjoin. 


bond and covenante of the Lord, of the violation * wherof we make 
great conscience, and by vertue wherof we doe hould our selves straitly 
tied to all care of each others good, and of the whole by every one and so 

5. Lastly, it is not with us as with other men, whom small things 
can discourage, or small discontentments cause to wish them selves at 
home againe. We knowe our entertainmente in England, and in Holand; 
we shall much prejudice both our arts and means by removall; who, if 
we should be driven to returne, we should not hope to recover our present 
helps and comforts, neither indeed looke ever, for our selves, to attaine 
unto the like in any other place during our lives, which are now drawing 
towards their periods. 

These motives we have been bould to tender unto you, which you in 
your wisdome may also imparte to any other our wor^P: freinds of the 
Counsell with you; of all whose godly dispossition and loving towards our 
despised persons, we are most glad, and shall not faile by all good means 
to continue and increase the same. We will not be further troublesome, 
but doe, with the renewed remembrance of our humble duties to your 
WorPP; and (so farr as in modestie we may be bould) to any other of our 
weUwiUers of the Counsell with you, we take our leaves, commiting your 
persons and counsels to the guidance and direction of the Almighty. 

Yours much bounden in all duty, 

Leyden, Desem: 15. John Robinson, 

An°: 1617. William Beewster. 

For fvirther light in these proceedings see some other 
letters and notes as foUoweth. 

'"O sacred bond, whilst invioUably preserved I how sweete and precious 
were the fruits that flowed from the same, but when this fidelity decayed, then 
their mine approached. O that these anciente members had not dyed, or been 
dissipated, (if it had been the will of God) or els that this holy care and constants 
faithfullnes had still lived, and remained with those that survived, and were in 
times afterwards added unto them. But (alass) that subtill serpente hath slylie 
wound in himselfe under faire pretences of necessitie and the like, to imtwiste 
these sacred bonds and tyes, and as it were insensibly by degrees to dissolve, or 
in a great measiu:e to weaken, the same. I have been happy, in my first times, 
to see, and with much comforte to injoye, the blessed fruits of this sweete com- 
munion, but it is now a parte of my miserie in old age, to find and feele the decay 
and wante therof (in a great measure), and with greefe and sorrow of hart to 
lamente and bewaile the same. And for others warning and admonnition, and 
my owne humiliation, doe I hear note the same." (These reflections of Brad- 
ford were penned at a later period, on a reverse page of his History, at this 


The coppy of a letter sent to Sr. John Worssenham} 

Right WorP": with due acknowledgmente of our thankfullnse for 
your singular care and pains in the bussines of Virginia, for our, and, we 
hope, the commone good, we doe remember our humble dutys unto you, 
and have sent inclosed, as is required, a further explanation of our judg- 
ments in the 3. points specified by some of his majesties Hon*"' Privie 
Counsell;^ and though it be greevious unto us that such unjust insinuations 
are made against us, yet we are most glad of the occasion of making our 
just purgation unto so honourable personages. The declarations we have 
sent inclosed, the one more breefe and generall, which we thinke the 
fitter to be presented; the other something more large, and in which we 
express some smale aecidentall differances, which if it seeme good unto 
you and other of our wor^' freinds, you may send in stead of the former. 
Our prayers unto God is, that your WorPP may see the frute of your 
worthy endeaours, which on our parts we shall not faile to furder by 
all good means in us. And so praing that you would please with the con- 
venientest speed that may be, to give us knowledge of the success of the 
bussines with his majesties Privie Counsell, and accordingly what your 
further pleasure is, either for our direction or furtherance in the same, 

®° ^^ ^^^ Your WorPP in all duty, 

Leyden, Jan: 27. John Robinson, 

An°: 1617. old stile.^ William Brewstek. 

The first breefe note was this. 

Touching the Ecclesiasticall ministrie, namly of pastores for teaching, 
elders for ruling, and deacons for distributing the churches contribution, 
as allso for the too Sacrements, baptisme, and the Lords supper, we doe 
wholy and in all points agree with the French reformed churches, accord- 
ing to their publick confession of faith.^ 

The oath of Supremacie we shall willingly take if it be required of us, 

and that conveniente satisfaction be not given by our taking the oath of 

Alleagence. ^ ^ 

John Rob: 

William Brewster. 

' Sir John Wolstenholme was one of the richest merchants in London, and a 
prominent member of the Virginia Company. 

^ The three points referred to are explained on the following page. 

= Englishmen at that time began the year on March 25; so the date was 1618, 
according to the new style. 

*The Confessio Gailicana, adopted by a French Reformed (or Huguenot) 
synod in 1559. 


Ths 2. was this. 

Touching the Ecclesiasticall ministrie, etc. as in the former, we 
agree in all things with the French reformed churches, according to their 
publick confession of faith; though some small differences be to be found 
in our practises, not at all in the substance of the things, but only in some 
accidentall circumstances. 

1. As first, their ministers doe pray with their heads covered; ours 

2. We chose none for Governing Elders but such as are able to teach; 
which abilitie they doe not require. 

3. Their elders and deacons are annuall, or at most for 2. or 3. 
years; ours perpetuall. 

4. Our elders doe administer their ofiice in admonitions and ex- 
communications for publick scandals, publickly and before the congrega- 
tion; theirs more privately, and in their consistories. 

5. We doe administer baptisme only to such infants as wherof the 
one parente, at the least, is of some church, which some of ther churches 
doe not observe; though in it our practice accords with their publick con- 
fession and the judgmente of the most larned amongst them. 

Other differences, worthy mentioning, we know none in these points. 
Then aboute the oath, as in the former. 

Subscribed, John R. 

W. B. 

Part of another letter from him that delivered these. 

London. Feb: 14. 
Your letter to Sr. John Worstenholme I delivered albnost as soone 
as I had it, to his owne hands, and staid with him the opening and reading. 
Ther were 2. papers inclosed, he read them to him selfe, as also the letter, 
and in the reading he spake to me and said, Who shall make them? viz. 
the ministers; I answered his Wor^P that the power of making was in the 
church, to be ordained by the unposition of hands, by the fittest instru- 
ments they had. It must either be in the church or from the pope, and 
the pope is Antichrist. Ho! said Sr. John, what the pope houlds good, 
(as in the Trinitie,) that we doe well to assente too; but, said he, we will 
not enter into dispute now. And as for your letters he would not show 
them at any hand, least he should spoyle all. He expected you should 
have been of the archbp minde for the calling of ministers, but it seems you 
'According to the new style the date was 1618. 


differed. I could have wished to have known the contents of your tow 
inclosed, at which he stuck so much, espetially the larger. I asked his 
WorP what good news he had for me to write to morrow. He tould me 
very good news, for both the kings majestie and the bishops have con- 
sented. He said he would goe to Mr. Chancelor, Sr. Fulk Grivell,' 
as this day, and nexte weeke I should know more. I mett Sr. Edw. 
Sands on Wedensday night; he wished me to be at the Virginia Courte' 
the nexte Wedensday, wher I purpose to be. Thus loath to be troubl- 
some at present, I hope to have somewhate nexte week of certentie 
concerning you. I committee you to the Lord. Yours, 

S. B.' 

These things being long in agitation, and messengers 
passing too and againe aboute them, after all their hopes they 
were long delayed by many rubs that fell in the way; for at 
the retume of these messengers into England they found things 
farr otherwise then they expected. For the Vkginia Counsell 
was now so disturbed with factions and quarrels amongst them 
selves, as no bussines could well goe forward. The which may 
the betteragg ear in one ofj themessengers letters astoBbweth. 

To his loving freinds, etc. 
I had thought long since to have write unto you, but could not effecte 
that which I aimed at, neither can yet sett things as I wished; yet, not- 
withstanding, I doubt not but Mr. B.* hath writen to Mr. Robinson. 
But I thinke my selfe bound also to doe something, least I be thought to 
neglecte you. The maine hinderance of our proseedings in the Virginia 
bussines, is the dissentions and factions, as they terme it, amongs the 
Counsell and Company of Virginia; which are such, as that ever since 
we came up no busines could by them be dispatched. The occasion of 

'Sir Fulke Greville (Lord Brooke) was born in Warwickshire in 1554 and 
studied at Cambridge. He was knighted in 1597, was a member of Parliament 
and in 1615 was made imder-treasurer and chancellor of the exchequer. In 1621 
he became Baron Brooke and died in London in 1628. He wrote a £i/e of Sir 
Philip Sidney, his intimate friend, poems, two tragedies and other works. 

^By Virginia court is meant the regular meeting of the Virginia Company, 
occurring on February 18, 1617/8. 

'S. B. were probably fictitious initials standing for Sabin Staresmore. Prince 
has a note upon this: "In Govt. Bradford's Collection of Letters, this letter is 
more large, and subscribed Sabine Staresmore." One of that name was a member 
of a Separatist body in London, and afterward of Robinson's congregation in 
Leyden. ' Brewster. 


this trouble amongst them is, for that a while since Sr. Thomas Smith, 
repining at his many offices and troubls, wished the Company of Virginia 
to ease him of his office in being Treasurer and Gover'. of the Virginia 
Company.^ Whereupon the Company tooke occasion to dismisse him, 
and chose Sr. Edwin Sands Treasurer and Gover^ of the Company. 
He having 60. voyces, Sr. John Worstenholme 16. voices, and Alderman 
Johnsone 24. But Sr. Thomas Smith, when he saw some parte of his 
honour lost, was very angrie, and raised a faction to cavill and contend 
aboute the election, and sought to taxe Sr. Edwin with many things that 
might both disgrace him, and allso put him by his office of Governour. 
In which contentions they yet stick, and are not fit nor readie to intermedle 
m any bussines; and what issue things will come to we are not yet cer- 
taine. It is most like Sr. Edwin will carrie it away, and if he doe, things 
will goe well in Virginia; if otherwise, they will goe ill enough allways. 
We hope in some 2. or 3. Court days things will setle. Mean space I 
thinke to goe downe into Kente, and come up againe aboute 14. days, or 
3. weeks hence; except either by these afforesaid contentions, or by the 
ille tidings from Virginia, we be wholy discouraged, of which tidings I 
am now to speake. 

Captaine Argoll is come home this weeke (he upon notice of the intente 
of the Counsell, came away before Sr. Georg Yeardley^ came ther, and 
so ther is no small dissention). But his tidings are ill, though his person 
be Wellcome. He saith Mr. Blackwells^ shipe came not ther till March, 
but going towards winter, they had still norwest winds, which carried 
them to the southward beyond their course. And the M'' of the ship 
and some 6. of the mariners dicing, it seemed they could not find the bay, 
till after long seeking and beating aboute. Mr. Blackwell is dead, and 
Mr. Maggner, the Captain; yea, ther are dead, he saith, 130. persons, one 
and other in that ship; it is said ther was in all an 180. persons in the ship, 
so as they were packed togeather like herings. They had amongst them 
the fluxe, and allso wante of fresh water; so as it is hear rather wondred 

• Sir Thomas Smith's request may be seen, in the records of the Virginia 
Company for the transactions of this very meeting, in the fac-simile presented in 
Early Narratives of Virginia, p. 334, in this series. Smith had had the leading 
part in the Virginia Company from its beginning. 

' Samuel Argall was the abductor of Pocahontas, the destroyer of Port Royal 
in 1613, and deputy governor of Virginia from 1617 to 1619. Sir George Yeardley, 
governor of Vbginia 1619-1621 and 1626-1627. 

' Francis Blackwell, one of the adherents of Rev. Francis Johnson in the 
"ancient church" at Amsterdam, seceded from him in 1618, became reconciled 
with the Anglican establishment, and sailed for Virginia with his followers, in 
September, 1618, in the William and Thomas. 


at that so many are alive, then that so many are dead. The marchants 
hear say it was Mr. Blackwells faulte to pack so many in the ship; yea, 
and ther were great mutterings and repinings amongst them, and upbraid- 
ing of Mr. Blackwell, for his dealing and dispossing of them, when they 
saw how he had dispossed of them, and how he insulted over them. Yea, 
the streets at Gravsend' runge of their extreame quarrelings, crying out 
one of another, Thou hast brought me to this, and, I may thanke the for 
this. Heavie newes it is, and I would be glad to heare how farr it will 
discourage. I see none hear discouraged much, but rather desire to lame 
to beware by other mens harmes, and to amend that wherin they have 
failed. As we desire to serve one another in love, so take heed of being 
inthraled by any imperious persone, espetially if they be discerned to 
have an eye to them selves. It doth often trouble me to thinke that 
in this bussines we are all to learne and none to teach ; but better so, 
then to depend upon such teachers as Mr. Blackwell was. Such a strate- 
geme he once made for Mr. Johnson and his people at Emden,^ which was 
their subversion. But though he ther clenlUy (yet unhonstly) plucked 
his neck out of the collar, yet at last his foote is caught. Hear are no 
letters come, the ship captain Argole came in is yet in the west parts; 
all that we hear is but his report; it seemeth he came away secretly. 
The ship that Mr. Blackwell went in will be hear shortly. It is as 
Mr. Robinson once said; he thought we should hear no good of them. 
Mr. B. is not well at this time; whether he will come back to you or 
goe into the north, I yet know not. For my selfe, I hope to see an end of 
this bussines ere I come, though I am sorie to be thus from you; if things 
had gone roundly forward, I should have been with you within these 14. 
days. I pray God directe us, and give us that spirite which is fitting for 
such a bussines. Thus having summarily pointed at things which Mr. 
Brewster (I thinke) hath more largely write of to Mr. Robinson, I leave 
you to the Lords protection. 

Yours in all readines, etc. London, May 8. 


A word or tow by way of digression touching this Mr. 
Blackwell; he was an elder of the church at Amsterdam, a 

' Gravesend, at the mouth of the Thames, from which ships from London 
commonly "took their departure." 

" Contention arose in the elder of the Separatist churches at Amsterdam, 
between the partisans of Rev. Francis Johnson and those of Rev. HeniyAins- 
worth. The burgomasters of the city awarded the meeting-house to the latter. 
The former then (1613) removed to Emden in East Friesland, and remained there 
three or four years. 


man well known of most of them. He declined from the trueth 
with Mr. Johnson' and the rest, and went with him when they 
parted assunder in that wofuU maner, which brought so great 
dishonour to God, scandall to the trueth, and outward ruine 
to them selves in this world. But I hope, notwithstanding, 
through the mercies of the Lord, their souls are now at rest 
with him in the heavens, and that they are arrived in the 
Haven of hapines; though some of their bodies were thus 
buried in the terrable seas, and others sunke under the burthen 
of bitter afflictions. He with some others had prepared for 
to goe to Virginia. And he, with sundrie godly citizens, being 
at a private meeting (I take it a fast) in London, being dis- 
covered, many of them were apprehended, wherof Mr. Black- 
well was one; but he so glosed with the bps,' and either dis- 
sembled or flatly denyed the trueth which formerly he had 
maintained; and not only so, but very unworthily betrayed 
and accused another godly man who had escaped, that so 
he might shp his own neck out of the collar, and to obtaine 
his owne freedome brought others into bonds. Wherupon 
he so wone the bps favour (but lost the Lord's) as he was not 
only dismiste, but in open courte the archbishop gave him 
great applause and his soUemne blessing to proseed in his 
vioage. But if such events follow the bps blessing, happie are 
they that misse the same; it is much better to keepe a good 
conscience and have the Lords blessing, whether in hfe or death. 
But see how the man thus apprehended by Mr. Blackwells 
means, writs to a freind of his. 

Right dear freind and christian brother, Mr. Carver, I salute you and 
yours in the Lord, etc. As for my owne presente condition, I doubt not 
but you well understand it ere this by our brother Maistersone,^ who should 
have tasted of the same cupp, had his place of residence and his person 

' Bishops. 

''Richard Masterson was from Sandwich, England, and was a member ot 
the Leyden church. He married in Leyden in 1619 Mary Goodale of Leicester 
and came to Plymouth in 1629, where he died in 1633. He was a deacon of the 
Plymouth church. 


been as well knowne as my selfe. Some what I have written to Mr. 
Cushman how the matter still continues. I have petitioned twise to Mr. 
Sherives, and once to my Lord Cooke/ and have used such reasons to 
move them to pittie, that if they were not overruled by some others, I 
suppose I should soone gaine my libertie; as that I was a yonge man 
living by my credite, indebted to diverse in our citie, living at more then 
ordinarie charges in a close and tedious prison; besids great rents abroad, 
all my bussines lying still, my only servante lying lame in the countrie, my 
wife being also great with child. And yet no answer till the lords of his 
majesties Counsell gave consente. Howbeit, Mr. Blackwell, a man as 
deepe in this action as I, was delivered at a cheaper rate, with a great deale 
less adoe; yea, with an addition of the Archp: blessing. I am sorie for 
Mr. Blackwels weaknes, I wish it may prove no worse. But yet he and 
some others of them, before their going, were not sorie, but thought it was 
for the best that I was nominated,^ not because the Lord sanctifies evill 
to good, but that the action was good, yea for the best. One reason I 
well remember he used was, because this trouble would encrease the 
Virginia plantation, in that now people begane to be more generally in- 
clined to goe; and if he had not nomminated some such as I, he had not 
bene free, being it was knowne that diverse citizens besids them selves 
were ther. I expecte an answer shortly what they intende conscerning 
me; I purpose to write to some others of you, by whom you shall know the 
certaintie. Thus not haveing further at present to acquaint you withall, 
commending myselfe to your prairs, I cease, and committe you and us all 
to the Lord. 

From my chamber in Wodstreete Compter.' 

Your freind, and brother in bonds, 

Sept^ 4. An°: 1618. ^^^^^ Staeesmoee. 

But thus much by the way, which may be of instruction 
and good use. 

But at last, after all these things, and their long attendance, 
they had a patent granted them, and confirmed imder the 
Companies seale;'' but these devissions and distractions had 

'To the sheriflEs of London and Middlesex, and to Sir Edward Coke, till 
lately lord chief justice. 'I. e., informed against. 

'Wood Street Compter (counter) was a prison in London. 

*The records of the Virginia Company for May 26 and June 9, 1619, show 
"one Mr. Wencop, commended to the Company by the [late] Earle of Lincolne," 
presenting his patent for confirmation on the former date; on the latter it was 
ordered to be sealed. 


shaken of many of ther pretended freinds, and disappointed 
them of much of their hoped for and proffered means. By 
the advise of some freinds this pattente was not taken in the 
name of any of their owne, but in the name of Mr. John 
Wrticob (a reUgious gentleman then belonging to the Countess 
of Lincohne), who intended to goe vnth. them. But God so 
disposed as he never went, nor they ever made use of this 
patente/ which had cost them so much labour and charge, 
as by the sequell will appeare. This patente being sente over 
for them to veiw and consider, as also the passages aboute the 
propossitions between them and such marchants and freinds as 
should either goe or adventure with them, and espetially with 
those' on whom they did cheefiy depend for shipping and 
means, whose proffers had been large, they were requested to 
fitt and prepare them selves with all speed. A right e mbljing, 

i^maybe, onhgjanfigrtJne-thiiigaijilW^^ 

have toyld them selves for them, they vanish into smoke. 

The 6. Chap. 

Consceming the agreements and artickles between them, and 
such marchants and others as adventured moneys; with 
other things falling out aboute making their provissions. 

Upon the receite of these things by one of their messengers, 
they had a soUemne meeting and a day of humiUiation to 
seekethe Lord for his direction; and their pastor tooke this 
texte, 1 Sam. 23. 3, 4. And David's men said unto him, see, 
we be afraid hear in Judah, how much more if we come to Keilah 
against the host of the Phillistinesf Then David asked counsell 
of the Lard againe, etc. From which texte he taught many 
things very aptly, and befittmg ther present occasion and 
condition, strengthing them against their fears and perplexities, 
and incouraging them in the resolutions. After which they 
concluded both what nvunber and what persons should prepare 

* It was undoubtedly surrendered afterward. 
»" Mr, Tho; Weston, etc." (Br.) 


them selves to goe with the first; for all that were wilhng to 
have gone could not gett ready for their other affairs in so 
shorte a time; neither if all could have been ready, had ther 
been means to have transported them alltogeather. Those that 
staled being the greater number required the pastor to stay 
with them; and indeede for other reasons he could not then 
well goe, and so it was the more easilie yeelded unto. The 
other then desired the elder, Mr. Brewster, to goe with them, 
which was also condescended unto. It was also agreed on by 
mutuall consente and covenante, that those that went should 
be an absolute church of them selves, as well as those that 
staid; seing in such a dangrous vioage, and a removall to such 
a distance, it might come to pass they should (for the body of 
them) never meete againe in this world ; yet with this proviso, 
that as any of the rest came over to them, or of the other re- 
turned upon occasion, they shoiild be reputed as members 
without any further dismission or testimoniall. It was allso 
promised to those that wente first, by the body of the rest, 
that if the Lord gave them life, and means, and opportxmitie, 
they would come to them as soone as they could. 

Aboute this time, whilst they were perplexed with the pro- 
seedings of the Virginia Company, and the ill news from thence 
aboute Mr. Blackwell and his company, and making inquirey 
about the hiring and buying of shiping for their vioage, some 
Dutchmen made them faire offers aboute goeing with them.' 
Also one Mr. Thomas Weston,^ a merchant of London, came 
to Ley den aboute the same time, (who "was well aquainted with 

'This seems to dispose of the statement of Morton in New England's 
Memorial that Captain Jones of the Mayflower was bribed by the Dutch to keep 
away from New Netherland. 

2 Thomas Weston, whose first deahngs with the Pilgrims are here recounted, 
is referred to by Cushman as one of the " adventurers," but he probably left them 
before 1622. He sent several vessels to New England and came himself with a 
colony which afterwards settled at Wessagusset (Weymouth). He was charged 
with fraudulent transactions by Robert Gorges, who for a time was governor- 
general of New England, but saved from punishment by the intercession of 
Governor Bradford. He died in Bristol, England, not far from 1640. 


some of them, and a furtherer of them in their former pro- 
seedings,) haveing much conferance with Mr. Robinson and 
other of the cheefe of them, perswaded them to goe on (as it 
seems) and not to medle with the Dutch, or too much to depend 
on the Virginia Company; for if that failed, if they came to res- 
olution, he and such marchants as were his friends (togeather 
with their owne means) would sett them forth; and they 
should make ready, and neither f eare •wante of shipping nor 
money; for what they wanted should be provided. And, not 
so much for him selfe as for the satisfing of such frends as he 
should procure to adventure in this bussines, they were to 
draw such articls of agreemente, and make such propossitions, 
as might the better induce his freinds to venture. Upon which 
(after the formere conclusion) articles were drawne and agreed 
unto, and were showne unto him, and approved by him; and 
afterwards by their messenger (Mr. John Carver) sent into 
England, who, togeather with Robart Cushman, were to receive 
the moneys and make provissione both for shiping and other 
things for the vioage; with this charge, not to exseede their 
commission, but to proseed according to the former articles. 
Also some were chossen to doe the like for such things as were 
to be prepared there; so those that weare to goe, prepared 
them selves with all speed, and sould of their estats and (such 
as were able) put in their moneys into the commone stock, 
which was disposed by those appointed, for the making of 
generall provissions. Aboute this time also they had heard, 
both by Mr. Weston and others, that sundrie Hon''': Lords 
had obtained a large grante from the king, for the more north- 
erly parts of that countrie, derived out of the Virginia patente, 
and wholy secluded from their Govermente, and to be called by 
another name, viz. New-England.' Unto which Mr. Weston, and 

' The reference is, of course, to the famous patent of November 3, 1620, by 
which forty noblemen and gentlemen were constituted the Council for New 
England, with jurisdiction over the territory from 40° to 48° north latitude. 
Though it did not pass the great seal till November, the warrant for its preparation 
was issued in July. 


the cheefe of them, begane to indine it was best for them to goe, 
as for other reasons, so cheefiy for the hope of present profits 
to be made by the fishing that was found in that countrie. 

But as in all bussineses the acting parte is most difficulte, 
espetially wher the worke of many agents must concurr, so 
it was found in this; for some of those that should have gone 
in England, fell of and would not goe; other marchants and 
freinds that had offered to adventure their moneys withdrew, 
and pretended many excuses. Some disliking they wente not 
to Guiana; others againe would adventure nothing excepte 
they wente to Virginia. Some againe (and those that were 
most reUed on) fell in utter dislike with Virginia, and would 
doe nothing if they wente thither. In the midds of these 
distractions, they of Leyden, who had put of their estats, and 
laid out their moneys, were brought into a greate streight, 
fearing what issue these things would come too ; but at length 
the generaUtie- was swaid to this latter opinion. 

But now another difficultie arose, for Mr. Weston and some 
other that were for this coiirse, either for their better advantage 
or rather for the drawing on of others, as they pretended, 
would have some of those conditions altered that were first 
agreed on at Leyden. To which the 2. agents sent from Leyden 
(or at least one of them who is most charged with it) did con- 
sente ; seeing els that all was like to be dashte, and the oppor- 
tunitie lost, and that they which had put of their estats and 
paid in their moneys were in hazard to be imdon. They pre- 
sumed to conclude with the marchants on those termes, in 
some things contrary to their order and commission, and with- 
out giving them notice of the same; yea, it was conceled least 
it should make any furder delay; which was the cause after- 
ward of much trouble and contention. 

It will be meete I here inserte these conditions, which are 
as foloweth. 

An°: 1620. July 1. 

1. The adventurers and planters doe agree, that every person that 


goeth being aged 16. years and upward, be rated at lOli., and ten pounds 
to be accounted a single share. 

2. That he that goeth in person, and fumisheth him selfe out with 
lOli. either in money or other provissions, be accounted as haveing 20li. 
in stock, and in the devission shall receive a double share. 

3. The persons transported and the adventurers shall continue their 
joynt stock and partnership togeather, the space of 7. years, (excepte 
some unexpected impedimente doe cause the whole company to agree 
otherwise,) during which time, all profits and benifits that are gott by 
trade, traffick, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means of any 
person or persons, remaine still in the commone stock untill the division. 

4. That at their comming ther, they chose out such a number of 
fitt persons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing upon the sea; 
implojdng the rest in their severall faculties upon the land; as building 
houses, tilling, and planting the ground, and makeing shuch commodities 
as shall be most usefuU for the coUonie. 

5. That at the end of the 7. years, the capitall and profits, viz. the 
houses, lands, goods and chatles, be equally devided betwixte the ad- 
venturers, and planters ; which done, every man shall be free from other 
of them of any debt or detrimente concerning this adventure. 

6. Whosoever cometh to the colonic herafter, or putteth any into the 
stock, shall at the ende of the 7. years be alowed proportionably to the 
time of his so doing. 

7. He that shall carie his wife and children, or servants, shall be 
alowed for everie person now aged 16. years and upward, a single share 
in the devision, or if he provid them necessaries, a duble share, or if 
they be between 10. year old and 16., then 2. of them to be reconed for 
a person, both in transportation and devision. 

8. That such children as now goe, and are under the age of ten years, 
have noe other shar in the devision, but 50. acers of unmanured land. 

9. That such persons as die before the 7. years be expired, their 
executors to have their parte or sharr at the devision, proportionably 
to the time of their life in the coUonie. 

10. That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have their 
meate, drink, apparell, and all provissions out of the common stock and 
goods of the said collonie. 

The cheefe and principall differences betwene these and 
the former conditions, stood in those 2. points; that the 
houses, and lands improved, espetialy gardens and home 
lotts should remaine imdevided wholy to the planters at the 


7. years end. 2^^, that they should have had 2. days in a 
weeke for their owne private imploymente, for the more 
comforte of them selves and their famiUes, espetialy such as 
had families. ,But_because letters j.re_bx_.SQm £. wise m en^ 
-counted-the best^rteoThrstories, I- shall shew their greevances 
hereaboute by their owne letters, in which the passages of 
things will be more truly discerned. 

A letter of Mr. Robinsons to John Carver. 

June 14. 1620. N. Stile.' 
My dear freind and brother, whom with yours I alwaise remember in 
my best affection, and whose wellfare I shall never cease to commend to 
God by my best and most earnest praires. You doe throwly understand 
by our generall letters the estate of things hear, which indeed is very ' 
pitiful!; espetialy by wante of shiping, and not seeing means lickly, much 
less certaine, of having it provided; though withall ther be great want of 
money and means to doe needfull things. Mr. Pickering,^ you know 
before this, will not defray a peny hear; though Robart Cushman pre- 
sumed of I know not how many lOOli. from him, and I know not whom. 
Yet it seems strange that we should be put to him to receive both his and 
his partners adventer, and yet Mr. Weston write unto him, that in regard 
of it, he hath drawne upon him a lOOli. more. But ther is in this some 
misterie, as indeed it seems ther is in the whole course. Besids, wheras 
diverse are to pay in some parts of their moneys yet behinde, they refuse 
to doe it, till they see shiping provided, or a course taken for it. Neither 
doe I thinke is ther a man hear would pay any thing, if he had againe his 
money in his purse. You know right well we depended on Mr. Weston 
alone, and upon such means as he would procure for this commone 
bussines; and when we had in hand another course with the Dutchmen, 
broke it of at his motion, and upon the conditions by him shortly after 
propounded. He did this in his love I know, but things appeare not 
answerable from him hitherto. That he should have first have put in his 
moneys, is thought by many to have been but fitt, but that I can well 
excuse, he being a marchante and haveing use of it to his benefite; wheras 
others, if it had been in their hands, would have consumed it. But that 
he should not but have had either shipping ready before this time, or at 
' On the back of the preceding page of manuscript Prince wrote these words: 
" June 14 N. S. is June 4 O. S. which is Lords Day and therefore here is doubtless 
a mistake." 

' Edward Pickering was one of the merchant adventurers. 


least certaine means, and course, and the same knowne to- us for it, or 
have taken other order otherwise, cannot in my conscience be excused. 
I have heard that when he hath been moved in the bussines, he hath put 
it of from him selfe, and referred it to the others; and would come to 
Georg Morton,' and enquire news of him aboute things, as if he had scarce 
been some accessarie unto it. Wether he hath failed of some helps from 
others which he expected, and so be not well able to goe through with 
things, or whether he hath feared least you should be ready too soone and 
so encrease the charge of shiping above that is meete, or whether he have 
thought by withhoulding to put us upon straits, thinking that therby Mr. 
Brewer ^ and Mr. Pickering would be drawne by importunitieto doe more, 
or what other nlisterie is in it, we know not; but sure we are that things 
are not answerable to such an occasion. Mr. Weston maks himselfe 
mery with our endeavors about buying a ship, but we have done nothing 
in this but with good reason, as I am perswaded, nor yet that I know in 
any thing els, save in those tow; the one, that we imployed Robart Cush- 
man, who is known (though a good man, and of spetiall abilities in his kind 
yet) most unfitt to deale for other men, by reason of his singularitie, and 
too great indifferancie for any conditions, and for (to speak truly) that we 
have had nothing from him but termes and presumptions. The other, 
that we have so much relyed, by implicite faith as it were, upon general- 
ities, without seeing the perticuler course and means for so waghtie an 
affaire set down unto us. For shiping, Mr. Weston, it should seeme, is 
set upon hireing, which yet I wish he may presently effecte; but I see litle 
hope of help from hence if so it be. Of Mr. Brewer you know what to 
expecte. I doe not thinke Mr. Pickering will ingage, excepte in the course 
of buying, in former letters specified. Aboute the conditions, you have 
our reasons for our judgments of what is agreed. And let this spetially 
be borne in minde, that the greatest parte of the Collonie is lilce to be 

* George Morton had been a merchant in the city of York and probably went 
to Holland with the Pilgrim Church. He married in Leyden in 1612 a sister of 
the second wife of Governor Bradford. "Mourt's Relation," written chiefly by 
Bradford and Winslow, was published under his direction in 1622, prefaced by 
him with an address to the reader signed "G. Mourt." He came over in the 
Anne in 1623 with his wife and four children and died in 1624. His son Nathaniel, 
bom in Leyden in 1613, was secretary of the Plymouth Colony and author of 
New England's Memorial, published in 1669. 

' Thomas Brewer was a landed proprietor of Kent and one of the merchant 
adventurers. He was a Separatist, a neighbor of Elder Brewster in Leyden, 
and a sustaining partner in his printing business, which was carried on in Brewer's 
garret. For the history of King James's persecution of him see Arber, Story of 
the Pilgrim Fathers, pp. 195-247. He was imprisoned in England from 1626 
to 1640, and died in the latter year. 


imployed constantly, not upon dressing ther perticuler land and building 
houses, but upon fishing, trading, etc. So as the land and house will be 
but a trifell for advantage to the adventurers, and yet the devission of it 
a great discouragmente to the planters, who would with singuler care make 
it comfortable with borowed houres from their sleep. The same con- 
sideration of commone imploymente constantly by the most is a good 
reason not to have the 2. dales in a weeke denyed the few planters for 
private use, which yet is subordinate to commone good. Consider also 
how much unfite that you and your liks must serve a new prentishipe of 
7. years, and not a daies freedome from taske. Send me word what per- 
sons are to goe, who of usefull faculties, and how many, and perticulerly 
of every thing. I know you wante not a minde. I am sorie you have not 
been at London all this while, but the provLssions could not wante you. 
Time will suffer me to write no more; fare you and yours well allways in 
the Lord, in whom I rest. 

Yours to use, 

John Robinson. 

An other letter from sundrie of them at the same time. 

To their loving f reinds John Carver and Robart Cushman, these, etc. 

Good bretheren, after salutations, etc. We received diverse letters at 
the coming of Mr. Nash ' and our pilott, which is a great incouragmente 
unto us, and for whom we hop after times will minister occasion of prais- 
ing God; and indeed had you not sente him, many would have been 
ready to fainte and goe backe. Partly in respecte of the new conditions 
which have bene taken up by you, which all men are against, and partly 
in regard of our owne inabillitie to doe any one of those many waightie 
bussineses you ref err to us here. For the former wherof, wheras Robart 
Cushman desirs reasons for our dislike, promising therupon to alter the 
same, or els saing we should thinke he hath no brains, we desire him to 
exercise them therin, ref ering him to our pastors former reasons, and them 
to the censure of the godly wise. But our desires are that you will not 
entangle your selvs and us in any such unreasonable courses as those 
are, viz. that the marchants should have the halfe of mens houses and 
lands at the dividente; and that persons should be deprived of the 2. days 
in a weeke agreed upon, yea every momente of time for their owne per- 
ticuler; by reason wherof we cannot conceive why any should carie 
servants for their own help and comfort; for that we can require no more 
of them then all men one of another. This we have only by relation from 

' Thomas Nash was one of the Leyden church but nothing more is known 
pf him. 


Mr. Nash, and not from any writing of your owne, and therfore hope you 
have not proceeded farr in so great a thing without us. But requiring 
you not to exseed the bounds of your commission, which was to proceed 
upon the things or conditions agred upon and expressed in writing (at 
your going over about it), we leave it, not without marveling, that your 
selfe, as you write, knowing how smale a thing troubleth our consultations, 
and how few, as you fear, understands the busnes aright, should trouble 
us with such matters as these are, etc. 

Salute Mr. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not deceived; 
we pray you make known our estate unto him, and if you thinke good 
shew him our letters, at least tell him that (under God) we much relie 
upon him and put our confidence in him; and, as your selves well know, 
that if he had not been an adventurer with us, we had not taken it in hand; 
presuming that if he had not scene means to accomplish it, he would not 
have begune it; so we hope in our extremitie he will so farr help us as 
our expectation be no way made frustrate concerning him. Since ther- 
fore, good brethren, we have plainly opened the state of things with us in 
this matter, you will, etc. Thus beseeching the Allmightie, who is all- 
sufficiente to raise us out of this depth of dificulties, to assiste us herein; 
raising such means by his providence and fatherly care for us, his pore 
children and servants, as we may with comforte behould the hand of our 
God for good towards us in this our bussines, which we undertake in his 
name and fear, we take leave and remaine 

Your perplexed, yet hopfull 

June 10. New Stille, bretheren, 

An°: 1620. S. F. E. W. W. B. J. A.' 

A tetter of Robart Cushmans to them. 

Brethern, I understand by letters and passagess that have come to 
me, that ther are great discontents, and dislike of my proceedings amongst 
you. Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente to beare it, as not doubting but 
that partly by writing, and more principally by word when we shall come 
togeather, I shall satisfie any reasonable man. I have been perswaded 
by some, espetialy this bearer, to come and clear things unto you; but 
as things now stand I cannot be absente one day, excepte I should hazard 
all the viage. Neither conceive I any great good would come of it. Take 
then, brethern, this as a step to give you contente. First, for your dislike 
of the alteration of one clause in the conditions, if you conceive it right, 

'"In Gov. Bradford's Collection of Letters, these subscribers are thus 
wrote out at length: Samuel Fot^ler, William Bradford, Isaac Allerton, 
Ed. Winslow." (Note by Rev. Thomas Prince.) 


ther can be no blame lye on me at all. For the articles first brought over 
by John Carver vi^ere never scene of any of the adventurers hear, excepte 
Mr. Weston, neither did any of them like them because of that clause; 
nor Mr. Weston him selfe, after he had well considered it. But as at 
the first ther was 500/i. withdrawne by Sr. Georg Farrer and his brother 
upon that dislike, so all the rest would have vnthdrawne (Mr. Weston ex- 
cepted) if we had not altered that clause. Now whilst we at Leyden con- 
clude upon points, as we did, we reckoned without our host, which was 
not my f alte. Besids, I shewed you by a letter the equitie -of that condi- 
tion, and our inconveniences, which might be sett against all Mr. Rob: ' 
inconveniences, that without the alteration of that clause, we could 
neither have means to gett thither, nor supplie wherby to subsiste when 
we were ther. Yet notwithstanding all those reasons, which were not 
mine, but other mens wiser then my selfe, without answer to any one of 
them, here cometh over many quirimonies,^ and complaints against me, 
of lording it over my brethern, and making conditions fitter for theeves 
and bondslaves then honest men, and that of my owne head I did what 
I list. And at last a paper of reasons, framed against that clause in the 
conditions, which as they were delivered me open, so my answer is open 
to you all. And first, as they are no other but inconveniences, such as a 
man might frame 20. as great on the other side, and yet prove nor disprove 
nothing by them, so they misse and mistake both the very ground of the 
article and nature of the project. For, first, it is said, that if ther had 
been no divission of houses and lands, it had been better for the poors. 
True, and that showeth the inequalitie of the condition; we should more 
respecte him that ventureth both his money and his person, then him that 
ventureth but his person only. 

. 2. Consider wheraboute we are, not giveing almes, but furnishing 
a store house; no one shall be porer then another for 7. years, and if any 
be rich, none can be pore. At the least, we must not in such bussines 
crie, Fore, pore, mercie, mercie. Charitie hath it[s] life in wraks, not in 
venturs; you are by this most in a hopefuU pitie of makeing, therfore 
complaine not before you have need. 

3. This will hinder the building of good and faire houses, contrarie 
to the advise of pollitiks.' A. So we would have it; our purpose is to 
build for the presente such houses as, if nfeed be, we may with litle greefe 
set a fire, and rune away by the lighte; our riches shall not be in pompe, 
but in strenght; if God send us riches, we will imploye them to provid 
more men, ships, munition, etc. You may see it amongst the best poUi- 

' Robinson's. ' Querimonies, fault-findings. 

' Writers upon political theory. 


tiks, that a commonwele is readier to ebe then to flow, when once fine 
houses and gay cloaths come up. 

4. The Gove* * may prevente excess in building. A. But if it be 
on all men beforehand resolved on, to build mean houses, the Gove*^ 
laboure is spared. 

5. All men are not of one condition. A. If by condition you mean 
wealth, you are mistaken; if you mean by condition, quaUties, then I 
say he that is not contente his neighbour shall have as good a house, 
fare, means, etc. as him selfe, is not of a good qualitie. 2'''. Such retired 
persons, as have an eie only to them selves, are fitter to come wher catch- 
ing is, then closing; and are fitter to live alone, then in any societie, 
either civill or religious. 

6. It will be of litle value, scarce worth 5li. A. True, it may be not 
worth halfe 5li. If then so smale a thing will content them, why strive 
we thus aboute it, and give them occasion to suspecte us to be worldly 
and covetous ? I will not say what I have heard since these complaints 
came first over. 

7. Our freinds with us that adventure mind not their owne profite, 
as did the old adventurers. A. Then they are better then we, who for a 
litle matter of profite are readie to draw back, and it is more apparente 
brethern looke too it, that make profite your maine end; repente of this, 
els goe not least you be like Jonas to Tarshis. 2'^. Though some of them 
mind not their profite, yet others doe mind it; and why not as well as 
we ? venturs are made by all sorts of men, and we must labour to give 
them all contente, if we can. 

8. It will break the course of communitie, as may be showed by 
many reasons. A. That is but said, and I say againe, it will best foster 
comunion, as may be* showed by many reasons. 

9. Great profite is like to be made by trucking, fishing, etc. A. As 
it is better for them, so for us; for halfe is ours, besids our living still 
upon it, and if such profite in that way come, our labour shall be the less 
on the land, and our houses and lands must and will be of less value. 

10. Our hazard is greater then theirs. A. True, but doe they put 
us upon it ? doe they urge or egg us ? hath not the motion and resolution 
been always in our selves ? doe they any more then in seeing us resolute 
if we had means, help us to means upon equall termes and conditions ? 
If we will not goe, they are content to keep their moneys. Thus I have 
pointed at a way to loose those knots, which I hope you will consider 
seriously, and let me have no more stirre about them. 

' Government. 


Now furder, I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made; but 
surly this is all that I have altered, and reasons I have sent you. If you 
mean it of the 2. days in a week for perticuler, as some insinuate, you are 
deceived; you may have 3. days in a week for me if you will. And when 
I have spoken to the adventurers of times of working, they have said they 
hope we are men of discretion and conscience, and so fitte to be trusted our 
selves with that. But indeed the ground of our proceedings at Leyden 
was mistaken, and so here is nothing but tottering every day, etc. 

As for them of Amsterdam I had thought they would as soone have 
gone to Rome as with us; for our libertie is to them as ratts bane, and 
their riggour as bad to us as the Spanish Inquision. If any practise of 
mine discourage them, let them yet draw back; I will undertake they 
shall have their money againe presently paid hear. Or if the company 
thinke me to be the Jonas, let them cast me of before we goe; I shall be 
content to stay with good will, having but the cloaths on my back; only 
let us have quietnes, and no more of these clamors; full litle did I expecte 
these things which are now come to pass, etc. 

Yours, R. CUSHMAN. 

But whether this letter of his ever came to their hands at 
Leyden I well know not; I rather thinke it was staled by Mr. 
Carver and kept by him, forgiving offence. But this which 
follows was ther received; both which I thought pertenent 
to recite. 

Another of his to the aforesaid, June 11. 1620.^ 

Salutations, etc. I received your le[tte]r yesterday, by John Turner,^ 
with another the same day from Amsterdam by Mr. W. savouring of the 
place whenc it came. And indeed the many discouragements I find her, 
togeather with the demurrs and retirings ther, had made me to say, I 
would give up my accounts to John Carver, and at his comemg aquainte 
him fully with all courses, and so leave it quite, with only the pore cloaths 
on my back. But gathering up my selfe by further consideration, I re- 
solved yet to make one triall more, and to aquainte Mr. Weston with the 
fainted state of our bussines; and though he hath been much discontented 
at some thing amongst us of late, which hath made him often say that 

» "June 11. O. S. is Lord's day, and therefore 't is likely the Date of this 
Letter should be June 10, the same with the Date of the Letter following." (Note 
by Thomas Prince.) 

= John Turner came with two sons in the Mayflower; all died in the first 


save for his promise, he would not meadle at all with the bussines any 
more, yet considering how farr we were plunged into maters, and how 
it stood both on our credits and undoing, at the last he gathered up him 
selfe a litle more, and coming to me 2. hours after, he tould me he would 
not yet leave it. And so advising togeather we resolved to hire a ship, and 
have tooke liking of one till Monday, about 60. laste,* for a greater we 
cannot gett, excepte it be tow great; but a fine ship it is. And seeing our 
neer freinds ther are so streite lased, we hope to assure her without trou- 
bling them any further; and if the ship fale too small, it fitteth well that 
such as stumble at strawes allready, may rest them ther a while, least worse 
blocks come in the way ere 7. years be ended. If you had beaten this 
bussines so throuly a month agoe, and write to us as now you doe, we 
could thus have done much more conveniently. But it is as it is ; I hope 
our freinds ther, if they be quitted of the ship hire, will be indusced to 
venture the more. All that I now require is that salt and netts may ther 
be boughte, and for all the rest we will here provid it; yet if that will not 
be, let them but stand for it amonth or tow, and we will take order to pay 
it aU. Let Mr. Reinholds^ tarie ther, and bring the ship to Southampton. 
We have hired another pilote here, one Mr. Clarke, who went last year 
to Virginia with a ship of kine.' 

You shall here distinctly by John Turner, who I thinke shall come 
hence on Tewsday night. I had thought to have come with him, to have 
answered to my complaints ; but I shal lerne to pass litle for ther censurs ; 
and if I had more minde to goe and dispute and expostulate with them, 
then I have care of this waightie bussines, I were like them who live by 
clamours and jangling. But neither my mind nor my body is at libertie 
to doe much, for I am fettered with bussines, and had rather study to be 
quiet, then to make answer to their exceptions. If men be set on it, let 
them beat the eair; I hope such as are my sinceire freinds will not thinke 
but I can give some reason of my actions. But of your mistaking aboute 
the mater, and other things tending to this bussines, I shall nexte informe 
you more distinctly. Mean space entreate our freinds not to be too bussie 
in answering matters, before they know them. If I doe such things as 

' Sixty last equals 120 tons. 

" Reinholds was the captain of the Speedwell, the vessel which abandoned 
the voyage. 

^ This was John Clarke. Rev. E. D. Neill has shown that a Captain Jones, 
whom he believed to be identical with the captain of the Mayflower, went to Vir- 
ginia in 1619 in command of a vessel with kine, and that a man named John 
Clarke was employed by the Virginia Company to go with him. But see post, 
p. 87, note 1. 


I cannot give reasons for, it is like you have sett a foole aboute your 
bussines, and so turne the reproofe to your selves, and send an other, and 
let me come againe to my Combes.' But setting a side my naturall in- 
firmities, I refuse not to have my cause judged, both of God, and all 
indifferent men; and when we come togeather I shall give accounte of 
my actions hear. The Lord, who judgeth justly without respect of per- 
sons, see into the equitie of my cause, and give us quiet, peaceable, and 
patient minds, in all these turmoiles, and sanctifie unto us all crosses 
whatsoever. And so I take my leave of you all, in all love and affection. 

I hope we shall gett all hear ready in 14. days. 

Your pore brother, 

June 11. 1620. Robart Cushman. 

Besids these things, ther fell out a differance amongs those 
3. that received the moneys and made the provissions in 
England; for besids these tow formerly mentioned sent from 
Leyden for this end, viz. Mr. Carver and Robart Cushman, ther 
was one chosen in England to be joyned with them, to make 
the provisions for the vioage; his name was Mr. Martin,^ he 
came from Billirike in Essexe, from which parts came sundrie 
others to goe with them, as also from London and other places; 
and therfore it was thought meete and conveniente by them 
in Holand that these strangers that were to goe with them, 
should apointe one thus to be joyned with them, not so much 
for any great need of their help, as to avoyd all susspition, or 
jelosie of any partialhtie. And indeed their care for giving 
offence, both in this and other things afterward, turned to 
great inconvenience unto them, as in the sequell will apeare; 
but however it shewed their equall and honest minds. The 
provissions were for the most parte made at Southhamton, 
contrarie to Mr. Westons and Robert Ctoshmans mind (whose 
counsells did most concure in all things). A touch of which 
things I shall give in a letter of his to Mr. Carver, and more 
will appear afterward. 

'The writer of this letter was a wool-carder in Leyden; by "combes" he 
meant the cards or combs used in his trade. 

" Christopher Martin, of Billericay, came in the Mayflower and died January 
8, 1620/1. 


To his loving freind Mr. John Carver, these, etc. 

Loving freind, I have received from you some letters, full of affection 
and complaints, and what it is you would have of me I know not; for 
your crieing out, Negligence, negligence, negligence, I marvell why so 
negligente a man was used in the bussines. Yet know you that all that 
I have power to doe hear, shall not be one hower behind, I warent you. 
You have reference to Mr. Weston to help us with money, more then his 
adventure; wher he protesteth but for his promise, he would not have 
done any thing. He saith we take a heady course, and is offended that 
our provissions are made so farr of; as also that he was not made 
aquainted with our quantitie of things; and saith that in now being in 3. 
places, so farr remote, we will, with going up and downe, and wrangling 
and expostulating, pass over the sommer before we will goe. And to 
speake the trueth, ther is fallen already amongst us a flatt schisme; and 
we are redier to goe to dispute, then to sett forwarde a voiage. I have 
received from Leyden since you wente 3. or 4. letters directed to you, 
though they only conscerne me. I will not trouble you with them. I 
always feared the event of the Amsterdamers striking in with us. I trow 
you must excommunicate me, or els you must goe without their companie, 
or we shall wante no quarelLng; but let them pass. We have reckoned, 
it should seeme, without our host; and, counting upon a 150. persons, ther 
cannot be founde above 1200Zi. and odd moneys of all the venturs you can 
reckone, besids some cloath, stockings, and shoes, which are not counted; 
so we shall come shorte at least 3. or 400Zi. I would have had some thing 
shortened at first of beare and other provissions in hope of other ad- 
venturs, and now we could have, both in Amsterd: and Kent, beere inough 
to serve our turne, but now we cannot accept it without prejudice. You 
fear we have begune to build and shall not be able to make an end; 
indeed, oiu- courses were never established by counsell, we may therfore 
justly fear their standing. Yea, ther was a schisme amongst us 3. at the 
first. You wrote to Mr. Martin, to-prevente the making of the provissions 
in Kente, which he did, and sett downe his resolution how much he would 
have of every thing, without respecte to any counsell or exception. Surely 
he that is in a societie and yet regards not counsell, may better be a king 
then a consorte. To be short, if ther be not some other dispossition 
setled unto then yet is, we that should be partners of humilitie and peace, 
shall be examples of jangling and insulting. Yet your money which you 
ther must have, we wUl get provided for you instantly. 500/f. you say 
will serve; for the rest which hear and in Holand is to be used, we may 
goe scratch for it. For Mr. Crabe,' of whom you write, he hath promised 
•"He was a minister." (Br.) 


to goe with us, yet I tell you I shall not be without feare till I see him 
shipped, for he is much opposed, yet I hope he will not faile. Thinke 
the best of all, and bear with patience what is wanting, and the Lord 
guid us all. 

Your loving freind, 
London, June 10. Robart Cushman. 

An": 1620. 

JLhave bene the larger in these thingSj_and_so^hal^^ 
leave in someUke~passages following, (thoug in other things I 
shal labour to be more contrate,) that-thei r ch ilfli£njnax see 
with_wha±aiiffi^ties_th£ir_father^ throug 

these things in their first beginnings, and Jiow God brought 
them along notwithstanding all their weaknesses and in- 
firmities. As allso that some use may be made hereof in after 
times by others in such like waightie imployments; and here- 
with I will end this chapter. 

The 7. Chap. 

0} their departure from Leyden, and other things ther aboute, 
with their arivall at South hamton, were they all mete 
togeather, and tooke in ther provissions. 

At length, after much travell and these debats, all things 
were got ready and provided. A smale ship' was bought, 
and fitted in Holand, which was intended as to serve to help 
to transport them, so to stay in the cuntrie and atend upon 
fishing and shuch other affairs as might be for the good and 
benefite of the colonic when they came ther. Another was 
hired at London, of burden about 9. score ;^ and all other 

' " Of some 60 tune." (Br.) That its name was the Speedwell is not stated 
by Bradford, and first appears from the statement of his nephew Morton, in New 
England's Memmial (1669). 

' The ship was the Mayflower, of 180 tons. Questions are often asked about 
her dimensions. At that time the method of computing the tonnage of a double- 
decked vessel (which we know she was, because Bradford says that when her 
main beam was sprung a post was placed under it resting on the lower deck), was 
as follows: Ascertain the length above the deck from the fore part of the stem 
to the after part of the stern-post, deduct three-fifths of the width, multiply the 
remainder by the width, multiply the product by one-half of the width and divide 


things gott in readines. So being ready to departe, they had 
a day of soUeme humiUation, their pastor taking his texte 
from Ezra 8. 21. And ther at the river, hy Ahava, I proclaimed 
a fast, that we might humble ourselves before our God, and seeke 
of him a right way for us, and for our children, and for all our 
substance. Upon which he spente a good parte of the day very 
profitably, and suitable to their presente occasion. The rest 
of the time was spente in powering out prairs to the Lord with 
great fervencie, mixed with abundance of tears. And the 
time being come that they must departe, they were accom- 
panied with most of their brethren out of the citie, unto a 
towne sundrie miles of called Delfes-Haven,' wher the ship lay 
ready to receive them. So they lefte that goodly and pleasante 
citie, which had been ther resting place near 12. years; but 
they knew they were pilgrimes,* and looked not much on those 
things, but hft up their eyes to the heavens, their dearest 
cuntrie, and quieted their spirits. When they came to the 
place they found the ship and all things ready; and shuch of 
their freinds as could not come with them followed after them, 
and sundrie also came from Amsterdame to see them shipte 
and to take their leave of them. That night was spent with 
htle sleepe by the most, but with freindly entertainmente and 
christian discourse and other reall expressions of true christian 
love. The next day, the wind being faire, they wente aborde, 
and their freinds with them, where truly dolfuU was the sight 
of that sade and mournfull parting ; to see what sighs and sobbs 
and praires did sound amongst them, what tears did gush 
from every eye, and pithy speeches peirst each harte; that 
sundry of the Dutch strangers that stood on the key as specta- 
tors, could not refraine from tears. Yet comfortable and sweete 

the product by 95. If we assume the extreme length to have been 97J feet, and 
the width to have been twenty feet, we should under this rule have a vessel of 180 
tons. The name Mayflower does not appear in Bradford, but is given in the 
Plymouth Colony records of 1623. It was a common name for ships. 

'Delfshaven is on the Maas, just below Rotterdam. From Leyden one 
would go to it by canal, 24 miles. The place of embarkation at Delfshaven has 
recently been marked by a tablet. " "Heb. 11." (Br.) 


it was to see shuch lively and true expressions of dear and 
unfained love. But the tide (which stays for no man) caling 
them away that were thus loath to departe, their Rev[er]end 
pastor falling downe on his knees, (and they all with him,) 
with watrie cheeks commended them with most fervente 
praiers to the Lord and his blessing. And then with mutuall 
imbrases and many tears, they tooke their leaves one of an 
other; which proved to be the last leave to many of them. 

Thus hoysing saile,* with a prosperus winde they came in 
short time to Southhamton, wher they found the bigger ship 
come from London, lying ready, with all the rest of their 
company. After a joyfull wellcome, and mutuall congratula- 
tions, with othe'' frendly entertainements, they fell to parley 
aboute their bussines, how to dispatch with the best expedition; 
as allso with their agents aboute the alteration of the condi- 
tions. Mr. Carver pleaded he was imployed hear at Hamton,' 
and knew not well what the other had don at London. Mr. 
Cushman answered, he had done nothing but what he was 
urged too, partly by the grounds of equity, and more espetialy 
by necessitie, other wise all had bene dasht and many undon. 
And in the begining he aquainted his felow agents here with 
who consented unto him, and left it to him to execute, and to 
receive the money at London and send it downe to them at 
Hamton, wher they made the provissions; the which he 
accordingly did, though it was against his minde, and some of 
the marchants, that they were their made. And for giveing 
them notise at Leyden of this change, he could not well in 
regarde of the shortnes of the time ; againe, he knew it would 
trouble them and hinder the bussines, which was already 
delayed overlong in regard of the season of the year, which he 
feared they would find to their cost. But these things gave 
not contente at presente. Mr. Weston, likwise, came up from 
London to see them dispatcht and to have the conditions con- 
firmed; but they refused, and answered him, that he knew 

'"Thiswasabout22. of July." (Br.) = Southampton. 


right well that these were not according to the first agreemente 
neither could they yeeld to them without the consente of the 
rest that were behind. And indeed they had spetiall charge 
when they came away, from the cheefe of those that were be- 
hind, not to doe it. At which he was much offended, and tould 
them, they must then looke to stand on their owne leggs. So 
he returned in displeasure, and this was the first ground of 
discontent betweene them. And wheras ther wanted well near 
lOOZi. to clear things at their going away, he would not take 
order to disburse a penie, but let them shift as they could. 
So they were f orst to selle of some of their provissions to stop 
this gape, which was some 3. or 4. score firkins of butter, which 
comoditie they might best spare, haveing provided too large 
a qiiantitie of that kind. Then they write a leter to the 
marchants and adventures aboute the diferances concerning 
the conditions, as foloweth. 

Aug. 3. An": 1620. 
Beloved freinds, sory we are that ther should be occasion of writing 
at all unto you, partly because we ever expected to see the most of you 
hear, but espetially because ther should any differance at all be conceived 
betweene us. But seing it faleth out that we cannot conferr togeather, 
we thinke it meete (though brefly) ta show you the just cause and reason 
of our differing from those articles last made by Robart Cushman, with- 
out our comission or knowledg. And though he might propound good 
ends to himselfe, yet it no way justifies his doing it. Our maine diference 
is in the 5. and 9. article, concerning the deviding or holding of house and 
lands; the injoying wherof some of your selves well know, was one spetiall 
motive, amongst many other, to provoke us to goe. This was thought so 
reasonable, that when the greatest of you in adventure (whom we have 
much cause to respecte), when he propounded conditions to us freely of 
his owne accorde, he set this downe for one; a coppy wherof we have sent 
unto you, with some additions then added by us; which being liked on 
both sids, and a day set for the paimente of moneys, those of Holland paid 
in thebs. After that, Robart Cushman, Mr. Peirce * and Mr. Martine, 

» John Peirce was a citizen and clothworker of London. The first patent of 
the Pilgrims, issued by the southern Virginia Company, was issued in his name and 
finally surrendered. The patent issued by the Council for New England which 
was brought over in the FortuTie in 1621 was also issued in his name. The letter 


brought them into a better forme, and write them in a booke now extante; 
and upon Robarts shewing them and delivering Mr. Mullins* a coppy 
therof under his hand (which we have), he payd in his money. And we 
of Holland had never seen other before our coming to Hamton, but only 
as one got for him selfe a private coppy of them; upon sight wherof we 
manyfested uter dislike, but had put of our estats and were ready to come, 
and therfore was too late to rejecte the vioage. Judge therfore we beseech 
you indiferently of things, and if a faulte have bene commited, lay it wher 
it is, and not upon us, who have more cause to stand for the one, then you 
have for the other. We never gave Robart Cushman comission to make 
any one article for us, but only sent him to receive moneys upon articles 
before agreed on, and to further the provissions till John Carver came, 
and to assiste him in it. Yet since you conceive your selves wronged as 
well as we, we thought meete to add a branch to the end of our 9. article, 
as will allmost heale that wound of it selfe, which you conceive to be in it. 
But that it may appeare to all men that we are not lovers of our selves only, 
but desire also the good and inriching of our f reinds who have adventured 
your moneys with our persons, we have added our last article to the rest, 
promising you againe by leters in the behalfe of the whole company, 
that if large profits should not arise within the 7. years, that we will con- 
tinue togeather longer with you, if the Lord give a blessing.^ This we 
hope is sufficente to satisfie any in this case, espetialy freinds, since we are 
asured that if the whole charge was devided into 4. parts, 3. of them will 
not stand upon it, nether doe regarde it, etc. We are in shuch a streate at 
presente, as we are forced to sell away 60li. worth of our provissions to 
cleare the Haven, and withall put our selves upon great extremities, scarce 
haveing any butter, no oyle, not a sole to mend a shoe, nor every man a 
sword to his side, wanting many muskets, much armoure, etc. And yet 
we are willing to expose our selves to shuch eminente dangers as are like 
to insue, and trust to the good providence of God, rather then his name 
and truth should be evill spoken of for us. Thus saluting all of you in 
love, and beseeching the Lord to give a blesing to our endeavore, and 
keepe all our harts in the bonds of peace and love, we take leave and rest. 

Yours, etc. 
Aug. 3. 1620. 

in "Mourt's Relation," addressed to J. P. and signed R. G., was addressed to 

' William MuUins, a member of the Leyden church, came in the Mayflower 
with wife and two children and died February 21, 1621. His daughter was the 
Priscilla of Longfellow's Courtship of Miles Standish. 

' " It was well for them that this was not accepted." (Br.) 


It was subscribed with many names of the eheefest of the 

At their parting Mr. Robinson write a leter to the whole 
company, which though it hath aheady bene printed/ yet I 
thought good here likwise to inserte it; as also a breefe leter 
writ at the same time to Mr. Carver, in which the tender love 
and godly care of a true pastor appears. 

My dear Brother, — ^I received inclosed in your last leter the note 
of information, which I shall carefuly keepe and make use of as ther shall 
be occasion. I have a true feeling of your perplexitie of mind and toyle 
of body, but I hope that you who have allways been able so plentifully 
to administer comf orte unto others in their trials, are so well furnished for 
your selfe as that farr greater difficulties then you have yet undergone 
(though I conceive them to have been great enough) cannot oppresse you, 
though they press you, as the Apostle speaks. The spirite of a man 
(sustained by the spirite of God) will sustaine his infirmitie, I dout not 
so will yours. And the beter much when you shall injoye the presence 
and help of so many godly and wise bretheren, for the bearing of part of 
your burthen, who also will not admitte into their harts the least thought 
of suspition of any the least negligence, at least presumption, to have 
been in you, what so ever they thinke in others. Now what shall I say 
or write unto you and your goodwife my loving sister?^ even only this, I 
desire (and allways shall) unto you from the Lord, as unto my owne soule; 
and assure your selfe that my harte is with you, and that I will not f orslowe 
my bodily coming at the first oppertunitie. I have writen a large leter to 
the whole, and am sorie I shall not rather speak then write to them ; and 
the more, considering the wante of a preacher, which I shall also make 
sume spurr to my hastening after you. I doe ever commend my best 
affection unto you, which if I thought you made any doubte of, I would 
express in more, and the same more ample and full words. And the Lord 
in whom you trust and whom you serve ever in this bussines and journey, 
guid you with his hand, protecte you with his winge, and shew you and 
us his salvation in the end, and bring us in the mean while togeather in 
the place desired, if shuch be his good will, for his Christs sake. Amen. 

Yours, etc. 

July 27. 1620. Jo: R. 

' In the prefatory pages of "Mourt's Relation" (1622). 
' This passage has led to the supposition that Katherine Carver, the governor's 
wife, was Robinson's sister. 


This was the last letter that Mr. Carver Uved to see from 
him. The other follows.' 

Lovinge Christian friends, I doe hartily and in the Lord salute you 
all, as being they with whom I am presente in my best affection, and most 
ernest longings after you, though I be constrained for a while to be bodily 
absente from you. I say constrained, God knowing how willingly, and 
much rather then otherwise, I would have borne my part with you in this 
first brunt, were I not by strong necessitie held back for the present. 
Make accounte of me in the mean while, as of a man devided in my selfe 
with great paine, and as (naturall bonds set a side) having my beter parte 
with you. And though I doubt not but in your godly wisdoms, you both 
foresee and resolve upon that which concerneth your presente state and 
condition, both severally and joyntly, yet have I thought it but my duty 
to add some furder spurr of provocation unto them, who rune allready, 
if not because you need it, yet because I owe it in love and dutie. And 
first, as we are daly to renew our repentance with our God, espetially for 
our sines known, and generally for our unknowne trespasses, so doth the 
Lord call us in a singular maner upon occasions of shuch difficultie and 
danger as lieth upon you, to a both more narrow search and careful! 
reformation of your ways in his sight; least he, calling to remembrance 
our sines forgotten by us or unrepented of, take advantage against us, 
and in judgmente leave us for the same to be swalowed up in one danger 
or other; wheras, on the contrary, sine being taken away by ernest re- 
pentance and the pardon therof from the Lord sealed up unto a mans 
conscience by his spirite, great shall be his securitie and peace in all 
dangers, sweete his comforts in all distresses, with hapie deliverance from 
all evill, whether in life or in death. 

Now next after this heavenly peace with God and our owne consciences, 
we are carefully to provide for peace with all men what in us lieth, es- 
petially with our associats, and for that watchfuUnes must be had, that 
we neither at all in our selves doe give, no nor easily take offence being 
given by others. Woe- be unto the world for offences, for though it be 
necessarie (considering the malice of Satan and mans corruption) that 
offences come, yet woe unto the man or woman either by whom the 
offence cometh, saith Christ, Mat. 18. 7. And if offences in the un- 
seasonable use of things in them selves indifferent, be more to be feared 
then death itself e, as the Apostle teacheth, 1. Cor. 9. 15. how much more 
in things simply evill, in which neither honour of God nor love of man is 
thought worthy to be regarded. Neither yet is it sufficiente that we keepe 

' "This Letter is omitted in Gov. Bradford's Collection of Letters." (Prince.) 


our selves by the»grace of God from giveing offence, exepte withall we be 
armed against the taking of them when they be given by others. For 
how unperfect and lame is the work of grace in that person, who wants 
charritie to cover a multitude of offences, as the scriptures speake. Neither 
are you to be exhorted to this grace only upon the commone grounds of 
Christianitie, which are, that persons ready to take offence, either wante 
charitie, to cover offences, of wisdome duly to waigh humane frailtie; 
or lastly, are grosse, though close hipocrites, as Christ our Lord teacheth. 
Mat. 7. 1, 2, 3, as indeed in my owne experience, few or none have bene 
found which sooner give offence, then shuch as easily take' it; neither have 
they ever proved sound and profitable members in societies, which have 
nurished this touchey humor. But besids these, ther are diverse motives 
provoking you above others to great care and conscience this way: As 
first, you are many of you strangers, as to the persons, so to the infirmities 
one of another, and so stand in neede of more watchfuUnes this way, least 
when shuch things fall out in men and women as you suspected not, you 
be inordinatly affected with them; which doth require at your hands 
much wLsdome and charitie for the covering and preventing of incident 
offences that way. And lastly, your intended course of civill comunitie 
will minister continuall occasion of offence, and will be as fuell for that 
fire, excepte you dilligently quench it with brotherly forbearance. And 
if taking of offence causlesly or easilie at mens doings be so carefuly to be 
avoyded, how much more heed is to be taken that we take not offence at 
God him selfe, which yet we certainly doe so often as we doe murmure 
at his providence in our crosses, or beare impatiently shuch afilictions as 
wherwith he pleaseth to visite us. Store up therfore patience against the 
evill day, without which we take offence at the Lord him selfe in his holy 
and just works. 

A 4. thing ther is carfully to be provided for, to witte, that with your 
commone imployments you joyne commone affections truly bente upon 
the generall good, avoyding as a deadly plague of your both commone and 
spetiall comfort all retirednes of mindefor proper advantage, and all singu- 
larly affected any maner of way; let every man represe in him selfe and 
the whol body in each person, as so many rebels against the commone 
good, all private respects of mens selves, not sorting with the generall 
conveniencie. And as men are carfull not to have a new house shaken 
with any violence before it be well setled and the parts firmly knite, so be 
you, I beseech you, brethren, much more carfull, that the house of God 
which you are, and are to be, be not shaken with unnecessarie novelties 
or other oppositions at the first setling therof . 

Lastly, wheras you are become a body politik, using amongst your 


selves civill govermente, and are not furnished with any persons of spetiall 
eminencie above the rest, to be chosen by you into office of goverment, 
let your wisdome and godlines appeare, not only in chusing shuch persons 
as doe entirely love and will promote the commone good, but also in 
yeelding unto them all due honour and obedience in their lawfull adminis- 
trations; not behoulding in them the ordinarinesse of their persons, but 
Gods ordinance for your good, not being like the foolish multitud who 
more honour the gay coate, then either the vertuous minde of the man, 
or glorious ordinance of the Lord. But you know better things, and that 
the image of the Lords power and authoritie which the magistrate beareth, 
is honourable, in how meane persons soever. And this dutie you both 
may the more willingly and ought the more conscionably to performe, 
because you are at least for the present to have only them for your or- 
dinarie governours, which your selves shall make choyse of for that worke. 
Sundrie other things of importance I could put you in minde of, 
and of those before mentioned, in more words, but I will not so farr wrong 
your godly minds as to thinke you heedless of these things, ther being also 
diverce among you so well able to admonish both them selves and others 
of what concerneth them. These few things therfore, and the same in 
few words, I doe ernestly commend unto your care and conscience, joyning 
therwith my daily incessante prayers unto the Lord, that he who hath 
made the heavens and the earth, the sea and all rivers of waters, and whose 
providence is over all his workes, espetially over all his dear children for 
good, would so guide and gard you in your wayes, as inwardly by his 
Spirite, so outwardly by the hand of his power, as that both you and we 
also, for and with you, may have after matter of praising his name all the 
days of your and our lives. Fare you well in him in whom you trust, and 
in whom I rest. 

An unfained wellwiller of your hapie 
success in this hopeful! voyage, 

John Robinson. 

This letter, though large, yet being so frutfull in it selfe, 
and suitable to their occation, I thought meete to inserte in 
this place. 

All things being now ready, and every bussines dispatched, 
the company was caled togeather, and this letter read amongst 
them, which had good acceptation with all and after fruit with 
many. Then they ordered and distributed their company for 
either shipe, as they conceived for the best. And chose a 


Gov"" and 2. or 3. assistants for each shipe, to order the peo- 
ple by the way, and see to the dispossing of there provissions, 
and shuch Mke affairs. All which was not only with the hking 
of the maisters of the ships, but according to their desires. 
Which being done, they sett sayle from thence aboute the 5. 
of August; but what befell them further upon the coast of 
England will appeare in the nexte chapter. 

The 8. Chap. 

Off the troubls that befell them on the coaste, and at sea being 
forced, after much trouble, to leave one of ther ships and 
some of their companie behind them. 

Being thus put to sea they had not gone farr, but Mr. 
Reinolds the m"" of the leser ship complained that he found 
his ship so leak as he durst not put fiu-ther to sea till she was 
mended. So the m"" of the biger ship (caled Mr. Jonas)^ be- 
ing consulted with, they both resolved to put into Dartmouth 
and have her ther searched and mended, which accordingly 
was done, to their great charg and losse of time and a faire 
winde. She was hear thorowly searcht from steme to steme, 
some leaks were found and mended, and now it was conceived 
by the workmen and all, that she was sufficiente, and they 
might proceede without either fear or danger. So with good 
hopes from hence, they put to seaagaine, conceiving they should 
goe comfortably on, not looking for any more lets of this kind; 
but it fell out otherwise, for after they were gone to sea againe 
above 100. leagues without the Lands End, houlding company 

' Since the publication of Neill's Virginia Company of London, it has been 
usual to identify this Captain Jones with Thomas Jones, who in the Discovery 
sailed to Virginia in November, 1621, visited Plymouth the next summer (see p. 
139, post), robbed the natives, and died in Virginia in 1624, under some suspicion of 
piracy. This identification has lent support to the view that he behaved with 
treachery toward the Pilgrims off Cape Cod. But Mr. R. G. Marsden seems to 
have proved, in the English Historical Review, XIX. 669-680, that the captain of 
the Mayflower was Christopher Jones, a man against whose character nothing is 
known. See also New England Historic Genealogical Register, XL. 62. Cap- 
tain Christopher Jones died in 1622. 


togeather all this while, the m"" of the small ship complained 
his ship was so leake as he must beare up or sinke at sea, for 
they could scarce free her with much pumping. So they 
came to consultation againe, and resolved both ships to bear up 
backe againe and put into Plimmoth, which accordingly was 
done. But no spetiall leake could be foimde, but it was 
judged to be the generall weaknes of the shipe, and that shee 
would not prove sufficiente for the voiage. Upon which it was 
resolved to dismise her and parte of the companie, and pro- 
ceede with the other shipe. The which (though it was greevous, 
and caused great discouragmente) was put in execution. So 
after they had tooke out such provission as the other ship 
could well stow, and concluded both what number and what 
persons to send bak, they made another sad parting, the one 
ship going backe for London, and the other was to proceede 
on her viage. Those that went bak were for the most parte 
such as were willing so to doe, either out of some discontente, 
or feare they conceived of the ill success of the vioage, seeing 
so many croses befale, and the year time so farr spente; but 
others, in regarde of their owne weaknes, and charge of many 
yonge children, were thought least usefull, and most unfite to 
bear the brunte of this hard adventure; imto which worke of 
God, and judgmente of their brethem, they were contented 
to submite. And thus, like Gedions armie, this small number 
was devided, as if the Lord by this worke of his providence 
thought these few to many for the great worke he had to doe. 
But here by the way let me show, how afterward it was found 
that the leaknes of this ship was partly by being over masted, 
and too much pressed with sayles-; for after she was sould and 
put into her old trime, she made many viages and performed 
her service very sufficiently, to the great profite of her owners. 
But more espetially, by the cuning and deceite of the m' 
and his company, who were hired to stay a whole year in the 
cimtrie, and now fancying disUke and fearing wante of victeles, 
they ploted this strategem to free them selves; as afterwards 


was knowne, and by some of them confessed. For they ap- 
prehended that the greater ship, being of force, and in whom 
most of the provissions were stowed, she would retayne 
enough for her selfe, what soever became of them or the pas- 
sengers; and indeed shuch speeches had bene cast out by some 
of them; and yet, besids other incouragments, the cheefe of 
them that came from Leyden wente in this shipe to give the 
m'" contents. But so strong was self love and his fears, as 
he forgott all duty and former kindnesses, and delt thus falsly 
with them, though he pretended otherwise. Amongest those 
that returned was Mr. Cushman and his famihe, whose hart 
and courage was gone from them before, as it seems, though 
his body was with them till now he departed; as may appeal 
by a passionate letter he write to a freind in London from 
Dartmouth, whilst the ship lay ther a mending; the which, 
besids t he expression J^f-^'Js-ewae-ieara.-it-shaws-imicL. of .the 
J^a3dd£a££LJQiJGtg.d^ working ,iQiLJth£Jx..gQod., beyonde jnsm/s 
Vvjipptatinn^ n.nH other t,hing;s concerning their condit ion in 
thfiSE.stceatfei- I will hear relate it. And though it discover 
some infirmities in him (as who imder temtation is free), yet 
after this he continued to be a spetiall instrumente for their 
good, and to doe the offices of a loving freind and faithfuU 
brother tmto them, and pertaker of much comforte with them. 
The letter is as foUowth. 

To his loving friend Ed: S.^ at Henige House in the Duks Place, these, 

Dartmouth, Aug. 17. 
Loving friend, my most kind remembrance to you and your wife, 
with loving E. M. etc. whom in this world I never looke to see againe. 
For besids the eminente dangers of this viage, which are no less then 
deadly, an infirmitie of body hath ceased me, which will not in all licely- 
hoode leave me till death. What to call it I know not, but it is a bundle 

' Straits. 

'^''In Governor Bradford's Collection of Letters, this is Edward South- 
worth." (Prince.) Edward Southworth was a member of the Leyden congrega- 
tion who did not go to New England. His widow, Alice, afterward became the 
second wife of Governor Bradford. Duke's Place is in London. 


of lead, as it were, crushing my harte more and more these 14. days, as 
that allthough I doe the acctions of a liveing man, yet I am but as dead; 
but the will of God be done. Our pinass will not cease leaking, els I 
thinke we had been halfe way at Virginia, our viage hither hath been as 
full of crosses, as our selves have been of crokednes. We put in hear to 
trimme her, and I thinke, as others also, if we had stayed at sea but 3. or 
4. howers more, shee would have sunke right downe. And though she 
was twise trimmed at Hamton, yet now shee is open and leakie as a seive; 
and ther was a borde, a man might have puld of with his fingers, 2 foote 
longe, wher the water came in as at a mole hole. We lay at Hamton 7. 
days, in fair weather, waiting for her, and now we lye hear waiting for 
her in as faire a wind as can blowe, and so have done these 4. days, and 
are like to lye 4. more, and by that time the wind will happily turne as it 
did at Hampton. Our victualls will be halfe eaten up, I thinke, before 
we goe from the coaste of England, and if ova viage last longe, we shall 
not have a months victialls when we come in the countrie. Neare 700/i. 
hath bene bestowed at Hampton, upon what I know not. Mr. Martin 
saith he neither can nor will give any accounte of it, and if he be called 
upon for accounts he crieth out of unthankf uUnes for his paines and care, 
that we are susspitious of him, and flings away, and will end nothing. 
Also he so insulteth over our poore people, with shuch scome and con- 
tempte, as if they were not good enough to wipe his shoes. It would break 
your hart to see his dealing,^ and the mourning of our people. They 
complaine to me, and alass ! I can doe nothing for them ; if I speake to 
him, he flies in my face, as mutinous, and saith no complaints shall be 
heard or received but by him selfe, and saith they are forwarde, and 
waspish, discontented people, and I doe ill to hear them. Ther are others 
that would lose all they have put in, or make satisfaction for what they 
have had, that they might depart; but he will not hear them, nor suffer 
them to goe ashore, least they should rune away. The sailors also are 
so offended at his ignorante bouldnes, in medling and controuling in things 
he knows not what belongs too, as that some threaten to misscheefe him, 
others say they will leave the shipe and goe their way. But at the best 
this Cometh of it, that he maks him selfe a scome and laughing stock unto 
them. As for Mr. Weston, excepte grace doe greatly swaye with him, 
he will hate us ten times more then ever he loved us, for not confirming the 
conditions. But now, since some pinches have taken them, they begine 
to reveile the trueth, and say Mr. Robinson was in the falte who charged 
them never to consente to those conditions, nor chuse me into oflSce, but 

' "He was govemour in the biger ship, and Mr. Cushman assistant^^'' (Br.) 


indeede apointed them to chose them they did chose.' But he and they 
will rue too late, they may now see, and all be ashamed when it is too late, 
that they were so ignorante, yea, and so inordinate in their courses. I am 
sure as they were resolved not to scale those conditions, I was not so reso- 
lute at Hampton to have left the whole bussines, excepte they would scale 
them, and better the vioage to have bene broken of then, then to have 
brought such miserie to our selves, dishonour to God, and detrimente to 
our loving freinds, as now it is like to doe. 4. or 5. of the cheefe of them 
which came from Leyden, came resolved never to goe on those conditions. 
And Mr. Martine, he said he never received no money on those conditions, 
he was not beholden to the marchants for a pine, they wer&bloudsuckers, 
and I know not what. Simple man, he indeed never made any conditions 
with the marchants, nor ever spake with them. But did all that money 
flie to Hampton, or was it his owne ? Who will goe and lay out money 
so rashly and lavishly as he did, and never know how he comes by it, 
or on what conditions? 2'^. I tould him of the alteration longe agoe, 
and he was contente; but now he dominires, and said I had betrayed them 
into the hands of slaves; he is not beholden to them, he can set out 2. 
ships him selfe to a viage. When, good man? He hath but 50li. in, 
and if he should give up his accounts he would not have a penie left him,j 
as I am persuaded,^ etc. Freind, if ever w e make a p lantation, Go dj 
wjarks a mita kle; especially consider ing how s cante we shall be of yintngll a ! 
a£djn£ist-4aLalljlimmted amongst our selves, and devoyd of goodtutoi^l 

and rpgimpntp Vin1pnpp"wiTltyi7gi> all "VVhPT is thp mpplf and hnrnhlp 

spirite of Moyses ? and of Nehemiah who reedified the wals of Jerusalem, 
and the state of Israeli? Is not the sound of Rehoboams braggs daly 
hear amongst us ? Have not the philosophers and all wise men observed 
that, even in setled commone welths, violente governours bring either 
them selves, or people, or boath, to ruine; how much more in the raising 
of commone wealths, when the morter is yet scarce tempered that should 

bind the wales. JfJ iSll""H "^"'tfi ^" y"" "f "11 thi'nga wT^iVti prnmigfij^ngly 

forerune our ruin p^, T shnn lfl nvpr phHr;;;p my w^'ak" h"fld fi"d g^'ppv y^w^ 
tender hart; only this, I p ray yo ujgrepaEeior ^vill tiding" "f "s pvery day . 
Ba t pray fof Tismstantly, it mayHbe the Lord will be yet entreated one way 
or other to make for us. I see not in rea son how we shall escape even th e 
gasping of hung fii' stg^xyed-I!g;^"S~^"1' Grod can doemuchj_andhis will 
be done. It is better for metoHye, then now for meto bear itj which 1 
^e^'dalyTaMdrexpecte it howerly; haveing received the sentance of death, 
both within me and without me. Poore William King and my selfe doe 

• " I thinke he was deceived in these things." (Br.) 

2 "This was found true afterward." (Br.) 


strive who shall be meate first for the fishes; but we looke for a glorious 

rfisuri£ctiQnj_kno2sdng -Christ- Jesus -a£teLlhe_ 

untotke joy-eihalisbefoDe us, we will endure al l these thingsa nd^ccounte 
them light in comparison of that joye we hope for. Remember me in all 
love to our freinds as if I named them, whose praiers I desire ernestly, 
and wish againe to see, but not till I can with more comforte looke them 
in the face. The Lord give us that true comforte which none can take 
from us. I had a desire to make a breefe relation of our estate to some 
freind. I doubte not but your wisdome will teach you seasonably to 
utter things as here after you shall be called to it. That which I have 
writen is treue, and many things more which I have forborne. I write it 
as upon my life, and last confession in England. What is of use to be 
spoken of presently, you may speake of it, and what is fitt to conceile, con- 
ceall. Pass by my weake maner, for my head is weake, and my body 
feeble, the Lord make me strong in him, and keepe both you and yours. 

Your loving freind, 


L^ Dartmouth, Aug. 17. 1620. 

--f These being his conceptions and fears at Dartmouth, they 
must needs be much stronger now at Phmoth. 

The 9. Chap. 

Of their vioage, and how they passed the sea, and of their safe 
arrival at Cape Codd. 

Sept^: 6. These troubls being blowne over, and now 
all being compacte togeather in one shipe,^ they put to sea 
againe with a prosperus winde, which continued diverce days 
togeather, which was some incouragmente unto them; yet 
according to the> usuall nianer many were afflicted with sea- 
sicknes. And I may not omite hear a spetiall worke of Gods 
providence. Ther was a proud and very profane yonge man, 
one of the sea-men, of a lustie, able body, which made him the 
more hauty; he would allway be contemning the poore people 
in their sicknes, and cursing them dayly with greevous exe- 
crations, and did not let to tell them," that he hoped to help 

' For Governor Bradford's list of passengers in the Mayflower, see Appendix, 
No. I. 2 Did not refrain from telling them. 


to cast halfe of them over board before they came to their 
jurneys end, and to make mery with what they had; and if 
he were by any gently reproved, he would curse and swear 
most bitterly. But it plased God before* they came halfe 
seas over, to smite this yong man with a greeveous disease, of 
which he dyed in a desperate maner, and so was him selfe the 
first that was throwne overbord. Thus his curses hght on his 
owne head; and it was an astonishmente to all his fellows, for 
they noted it to be the just hand of God upon him. 

After they had injoyed faire winds and weather for a season, 
they were incountred many times with crosse winds, and mette 
with many feirce stormes, with which the shipe was shroudly' 
shaken, and her upper works made- very leakie; and one of 
the maine beames in the midd ships was bowed and craked, 
which put them in some fear that the shipe could not be able 
to performe the vioage. So some of the cheefe of the com- 
pany, perceiveing the mariners to feare the suffisiencie of the 
shipe, as appeared by their mutterings, they entred into 
serious consuUtation with the m"" and other officers of the 
ship, to consider in time of the danger; and rather to retume 
then to cast them selves into a desperate- and inevitable perill. 
And truly ther was great distraction and differance of opinion 
amongst the mariners them selves; faine would they doe what 
could be done for then- wages sake, (being now halfe the seas 
over,) and on the other hand they were loath to hazard their 
lives too desperately. But in examening of all opinions, the 
m"" and others affirmed they knew the ship to be stronge 
and firme tinder water; and for the buckling^ of the maine 
beame, ther was a great iron scrue the passengers brought out 
of Holland, which would raise the beame into his place; the 
which being done, the carpenter and m"" affirmed that with 
a post put imder it, set firme in the lower deck, and otherways 
bounde, he would make it sufficiente. And as for the decks 
and uper workes they would calke them as well as they could, 

' Shrewdly, severely. ' Bending under strain. 


and though with the workeing of the ship they would not longe 
keepe stanch, yet ther would otherwise be no great danger, if 
they did not overpress her with sails. So they commited them 
selves to the will of God, and resolved to proseede. In sundrie 
of these stormes the winds were so feirce, and the seas so high, 
as they could not beare a knote of saile, but were forced to hull,' 
for diverce days togither. And in one of them, as they thus 
lay at hull, in a mighty storme, a lustie yonge man (called John 
Howland) coming upon some occasion above the grattings, 
was, with a seele^ of the shipe throwne into [the] sea; but it 
pleased God that he caught hould of the top-saile halliards, 
which himge over board, and rane out at length; yet he held 
his hould (though he was simdrie fadomes under water) till he 
was hald up by the same rope to the brime of the water, and 
then with a boat hooke and other means got into the shipe 
againe, and his Ufe saved; and though he was something ill 
with it, yet he hved many years after, and became a profitable 
member both in chm-ch and commone wealthe. In all this 
viage ther died but one of the passengers, which was Wilham 
Butten,' a youth, servant to Samuell Fuller, when they drew 
near the coast. But to omite other things, (that I may be 
breefe,) after longe beating at sea they fell with that land which 
is called Cape Cod ; the which being made and certainly knowne 
to be it, they were not a htle joyfuU. After some dehberation 
had amongst them selves and with the m'' of the ship, they 
tacked aboute and resolved to stande for the southward (the 
wind and weather being faire) to finde some place aboute 
Hudsons river for their habitation. But after they had sailed 
that course aboute halfe the day,^ they fell amongst deangerous 

' To drift. ^ The "seele" of a ship is the toss in a rough sea. 

' William Butten, son of Robert, baptized in the Austerfield church Feb- 
ruary 12, 1598, O. S. 

* As the Mayflower approached Cape Cod she probably had the wind north- 
west and when she changed her course she stood south-southwest until she reached 
Pollock Rip. From that point up the Sound the deep water course is west- 
northwest, leaving Shovel Full Shoal on the port hand. On that course the 
northwest wind would shrink upon her, as expressed by Bradford. 









:;'.€# ■ 

j^v.CaritdynJo&t ^mitCj 


shoulds and roring breakers, and they were so farr intangled 
ther with as they conceived them selves in great danger; and 
the wind shrinking upon them withall, they resolved to bear 
up againe for the Cape, and thought them selves hapy to gett 
out of those dangers before night overtooke them, as by Gods 
providence they did. And the next day they gott into the 
Cape-harbor wher they ridd in saftie. A word or too by the 
way of this cape; it was thus first named by Capten Gosnole 
and his company, An°: 1602,^ and after by Capten Smith was 
caled Cape James; but it retains the former name amongst 
seamen. Also that pointe which first shewed those dangerous 
shoulds unto them, they called Pointe Care, and Tuckers 
Terroiir; but the French and Dutch to this day call it Mala- 
barr,^ by reason of those perilous shoulds, and the losses 
they have suffered their. 

Being thus arived in a good harbor and brought safe to 
land, they fell upon their knees and blessed the God of heaven, 
who had brought them over the vast and furious ocean, and 
deHvered them from all the periles and miseries therof , againe 
to set their feete on the firme and stable earth, their proper 
elemente. And no marvell if they were thus joyefuU, seeing 
wise Seneca was so affected with sailing a few miles on the 
coast of his owne Italy; as he aflSrmed,' that he had rather 
remaine twentie years on his way by land, then pass by sea 
to any place in a short time; so tedious arid dreadfull was 
the same imto him. 

But hear I cannot but stay and make a pause, and stand 
half amased at this poore peoples presente condition; and so 
I thinke will the reader too, when he well considers the same. 
Being thus passed the vast ocean, and a sea of troubles before 
in their preparation (as may be remembred by that which 

' "Because they tooke much of that fishe ther." (Br.) See Early English 
and French Voyages, in this series, p. 331. The name Cape James appears on 
Captain John Smith's map of New England; see the fac-simile in this volume. 

' Cape Malabarr was the Mallebarre of Champlain. See his map, in Voy- 
ages of Samuel de Champlain, in this series. ' "Epist: 53." (Br.) 


wente before), they had now no freinds to wellcome them, 
nor inns to entertaine or refresh their weatherbeaten bodys, 
no houses or much less townes to repaire too, to seeke for suc- 
coure. It is recorded in scripture' as- a mercie to the apostle 
and his shipwraked company, that the barbarians shewed 
them no smale kindnes in refreshing them, but these savage 
barbarians, when they mette with them (as after will appeare) 
were readier to fill their sids full of arrows then otherwise. 
And for the season it was winter, and they that know the 
winters of that cuntrie know them to be sharp and violent, 
and subjecte to cruell and feirce stormes, deangerous to travill 
to known places, much more to serch an unknown coast. 
Besids, what could they see but a hidious and desolate wilder- 
nes, full of wild beasts and willd men? and what multituds ther 
might be of them they knew not. Nether could they, as it 
were, goe up to the tope of Pisgah, to vew from this willdemes 
a more goodly cuntrie to feed their hops ; for' which way soever 
they tm-nd their eys (save upward to the heavens) they could 
have litle solace or content in respecte of any outward objects. 
I For summer being done, all things stand upon them with a 
wetherbeaten face ; and the whole countrie, full of woods and 
thickets, represented a wild and savage heiw. If they looked 
behind them, ther was the mighty ocean which they had passed, 
and was now as a maine barr and goulfe to seperate them from 
all the civill parts of the world. If it be said they had a ship 
to sucour them, it is trew; but what heard they daly from the 
m' and company? but that with speede they should looke 
out a place with their shallop, wher they would be at some 
near distance ; for the season was shuch as he would not stirr 
from thence till a safe harbor was discovered by them wher 
they would be, and he might goe without danger; and that 
victells consumed apace, but he must and would keepe sufficient 
for them selves and their retume. Yea, it was muttered by 
some, that if they gott not a place in time, they would tume 

' "Act. 28." (Br.) 


them and their goods ashore and leave them. Let it also be 
considred what weake hopes of supply and succoure they left 
behinde them, that might bear up their minds in this sade con- 
dition and trialls they were under; and they could not but be 
very smale. It is true, indeed, the affections and love of their 
brethren at Leyden was cordiall and entire towards them, but 
they had litle power to help them, or them selves; and how 
the case stode betweene them and the marchants at their 
coming away, hath allready been declared. What could now 
sustaine them but the spirite of God and his grace? MayjooL 
a nd ought not th e children of these father s rig htly say:_ j3j/.r 
fait hers wer e Englishmen which came over this grea t oceanj and 
were ready to perish in this.willdernes;^ but they cried unto the 
Lord, a'Mrh'e heard their voyce, and looked on their adversitie, 
etc. Let them therfore praise the Lord, because he is good, and ^ 
his mercies endure for ever.^ JY^a, le,t Ih^m rphichJimeJieaa^ . 
redeemed-jc4-ib& Lord, ^^^jijmvhe hath delivered them from the y^ 
mnd of the oppressour. When they~wandered in the deserte 
vMd^ni:ss~ovi~t)f-'-^ce~WdJy, and found no citie to dwell in, both 
hungrie, and thirstie, their sowle was overwhelmed in them. 
Let them conf£ss_ before the _Jj ord his loving kindneSj Und his 
wonderfyMjVjQxk s b e f o re JM-S.oiLS_olmm. 

The 10. Chap. 

Showing how they sought out a place of habitation, and what 
befell them theraboute. 

Being thus arrived at Cap-Cod the 11. of November, and 
necessitie calling them to looke out a place for habitation, (as 
well as the maisters and mariners importimitie,) they having 
brought a large shalop with theni out of England, stowed in 
quarters in the ship, they now gott her out and sett their car- 
penters to worke to trime her up; but being much brused and 
shatered in the shipe with foule weather, they saw she would 

' "Deu: 26. 5, 7." (Br.) ' "107 Psa: v. 1, 2, 4, 5, 8." (Br.) 


be longe in mending. Wherupon a few of them tendered 
them selves to goe by land and discovere those nearest places, 
whilst the shallop was in mending; and the rather because as 
they wente into that harbor ther seemed to be an opening some 
2. or 3 leagues of, which the maister judged to be a river. 
It was conceived ther might be some danger in the attempte, 
yet seeing them resolute, they were permited to goe, being 16. 
of them well armed, under the conduct of Captain Standish,' 
having shuch instructions given them as was thought meete. 
They sett forth the 15. of Nove'^'': and when they had marched 
aboute the space of a mile by the sea side, they espied 5. or 6. 
persons with a dogg coming towards them, who were salv- 
ages; but they fled from them, and ranne up into the woods, 
and the English followed them, partly to see if they could 
speake with them, and partly to discover if ther might not be 
more of them Ijdng in ambush. But the Indeans seeing them 
selves thus followed, they againe forsooke the woods, and rane 
away on the sands as hard as they could, so as they could not 
come near them, but followed them by the tracte of their feet 
simdrie miles, and saw that they had come the same way. So, 
night coming on, they made their randevous and set out their 
sentinels, and rested in quiete that night, and the next morning 
followed their tracte till they had headed a great creake, and 
so left the sands, and turned an other way into the woods. 

' Myles Standish is here mentioned for the first time in the history. He was 
bom in Lancashire about 1586, and was in service in Holland during her war with 
Spain. During the twelve years' truce he found the Pilgrims in Leyden and 
came in the Mayflower with his wife Rose, who died January 29, 1620/1. He 
married a second wife, Barbara, who may have come in the Anne or LMe James 
in 1623. In 1625 he went to England in behalf of the colony. He received a 
grant of land in Duxbury which he occupied as early as 1630. The state- 
ment often made that he was a Roman Catholic is probably not correct. The 
following entry in the Plymouth Colony records shows that he was a Protestant 
if not a full member of the Plymouth Church: "Anno 1632 Aprell 2— the names 
of those which promise to remove their families to live in the towne in the win- 
ter time that they may the better repaire to the worship of God— John Alden, 
Capt. Standish, Jonathan Brewster, Thomas Prence." 

Of the explorations on Cape Cod, here described, there is a fuller account in 
"Mourt's Relation." 


But they still followed them by geuss, hopeing to find their 
dwellings; but they soone lost both them and them selves, 
falling into shuch thickets as were ready to tear their cloaths 
and armore in peeces, but were most distresed for wante of 
drinke. But at length they found water and refreshed them 
selves, being the first New-England water they drunke of, and 
was now in thir great thirste as pleasante unto them as wine 
or bear had been in for-times. Afterwards they directed their 
course to come to the other shore, for they knew it was a necke 
of land they were to crosse over, and so at length gott to the 
sea-side, and marched to this supposed river, and by the way 
found a pond of clear fresh water, and shortly after a good 
quantitie of clear ground wher the Indeans had formerly set 
come, and some of their graves/ And proceeding furder they 
saw new-stuble wher come had been set the same year, also 
they foimd wher latly a house had been, wher some planks and 
a great ketle was remaining, and heaps of sand newly padled 
with their hands, which they, digging up, found in them diverce 
faire Indean baskets filled with come, and some in eares, faire 
and good, of diverce coUours, which seemed to them a very 
goodly sight, (haveing never seen any shuch before). This 
was near the place of that supposed river they came to seeckf 
imto which they wente and found it to open it selfe into 2. 
armes with a high chffe of sand in the enterance, but more like 
to be crikes of salte water then any fresh, for ought they saw; 
and that ther was good harborige for their shalope; leaving it 
further to be discovered by their shalop when she was ready. 
So their time hmeted them being expired, they returned 
to the ship, least they should be in fear of their saftie; and 
tooke with them parte of the come, and buried up the rest, 
and so hke the men from EshcoU carried with them of the 
fruits of the land, and showed their breethren; of which, and 

• Near Pond Village, in Truro. 

''Pamet River, in the same township. The second "discovery" or ex- 
ploration extended somewhat farther into the same region. The third extended 
quite around Cape Cod Bay. 


their returne, they were marvelusly glad, and their harts 

After this, the shalop being got ready, they set out againe 
for the better discovery of this place, and the m^ of the ship 
desired to goe him selfe, so ther went some 30. men, but found 
it to be no harbor for ships but only for boats; ther was allso 
found 2. of their houses covered with matts, and sundrie of 
their implements in them, but the people were rune away and 
could not be seen; also ther was found more of their come, 
and of their beans of various collours. The come and beans 
they brought away, pmposing to give them full satisfaction 
when they should meete with any of them (as about some 6. 
months afterward they did, to their good contente). And here 
is to be noted a spetiall providence of God, and a great mercie 
to this poore people, that hear they gott seed to plant them 
corne the next year, or els they might have starved, for they 
had none, nor any liklyhood to get any till the season had 
beene past (as the sequell did manyfest). Neither is it hckly 
they had had this, if the first viage had not been made, for the 
ground was now all covered with snow, and hard frozen. But 
the Lord is never wanting imto his in their greatest needs; let 
his holy name have all the praise. 

The month of November being spente in these affairs, and 
much foule weather falling in, the 6. of Desem"": they sente 
out their shallop againe with 10. of their principall men, and 
some sea men, upon further discovery, intending to circulate 
that deepe bay of Cap-codd. The weather was very could, 
and it frose so hard as the sprea of the sea hghtmg on their 
coats, they were as if they had been glased; yet that night 
betimes they gott downe into the botome of the bay, and as 
they drue nere the shore they saw some 10. or 12. Indeans very 
busie aboute some thmg. They landed aboute a league or 2. 
from them, and had much a doe to put a shore any wher, it 
lay so full of flats. Bemg landed, it grew late, and they made 
them selves a barricade with loggs and bowes as well as they 


could in the time, and set out their sentenill and betooke them 
to rest, and saw the smoake of the fire the savages made that 
night. When morning was come they devided their company, 
some to coaste along the shore in the boate, and the rest 
marched throw the woods to see the land, if any fit place 
might be for their dwelling. They came allso to the place 
wher they saw the Indans the night before, and found they had 
been cuting up a great fish Uke a grampus, being some 2. inches 
thike of fate Uke a hogg, some peeces wher of they had left by 
the way; and the shallop found 2. more of these fishes dead on 
the sands, a thing usuall after storms in that place, by reason of 
the great flats of sand that lye of. So they ranged up and doune 
all that day, but found no people, nor any place they Uked. 
When the sime grue low, they hasted out of the woods to meete 
with their shallop, to whom they made signes to come to them 
into a creeke hardby, the which they did at highwater; of 
which they were very glad, for they had not seen each other 
all that day, since the morning. So they made them a barri- 
cado (as usually they did every night) with loggs, staks, and 
thike pine bowes, the height of a man, leaving it open to lee- 
ward, partly to shelter them from the could and wind (mak- 
ing their fire in the midle, and lying roimd aboute it), and 
partly to defend them from any sudden assaults of the sav- 
ags, if they should surroimd them.' So being very weary, 
they betooke them to rest. But aboute midnight, they heard 
a hideous and great crie, and their sentinell caled, "Arme, 
arme"; so they bestired them and stood to their armes, and 
ehote of a cupple of moskets, and then the noys seased. They 
concluded it was a companie of wolves, or such like willd 
beasts; for one of the sea men tould them he had often heard 
shuch a noyse in New-foimd land. So they rested till about 
5. of the clock in the morning; for the tide, and ther purposs 
to goe from thence, made them be stiring betimes. So after 
praier they prepared for breakfast, and it being day dawning, 

' Probably in or near Eastham, 


it was thought best to be earring things downs to the boats. 
But soms said it was not best to carrie the armss downs, others 
said they would be the readier, for they had laped them up 
in their coats from the dew. But some 3. or 4. would not cary 
theirs till thsy wents them selves, yet as it fell out, ths water 
being not high enough, they layed them downs on ths banks 
side, and came up to breakfast. But presently, all on the 
sudain, they heard a great and strange crie, which they knew 
to be the same voycss they heard in ths night, though thsy 
varisd thsir notes, and one of their company being abroad came 
runing in, and cried, "Men, Indsans, Indsans"; and withall, 
thsir arowss cams flying amongst thsm. Their men rane with 
all speed to recover thsir armes, as by ths good providence 
of God thsy did. In ths msan tims, of thoss that were ther 
ready, tow muskets were discharged at them, and 2. more stood 
ready in ths snterance of ther randevous, but wsrs -comanded 
not to shoots till thsy could take full aims at thsm ; and the 
othsr 2. chargsd agains with all spssd, for thsr wsrs only 4. had 
armss thsr, and defended the baricado which was first assalted. 
The crie of the Indeans was dreadfuU, sspstially whsn they 
saw thsr men rune out of the randevous towourds ths shal- 
lop, to rscover their armes, the Indsans whssling abouts upon 
thsm. But some running out with coats of malls on, and cut- 
lasses in thsir hands, thsy soone got their armes, and let flye 
amongs them, and quickly stopped thsir violsncs. Yst thsr was 
a lustis man, and no Isss valiants, stood behind a tree within 
halfe a musket shot, and 1st his arrows flie at them. He was 
seen shoot 3. arrowes, which were all avoyded. He stood 3. 
shot of a musket, till one taking full aims at him, and made 
the barke or spliaters of ths trss fly about his sars, after 
which he gave an extraordinary shrike, and away they wsnte 
all of them. They left some to keep the shalop, and followed 
them aboute a quarter of a mills, and shouted ones or twise, 
and shot of 2. or 3. pscss, and so rstumed. This they did, that 
they might conceive that they were not affrade of thsm or any 


way discouraged. Thus it pleased God to vanquish their eni- 
mies, and give them dehverance; and by his spetiall prov- 
idence so to dispose that not any one of them were either 
hurte, or hitt, though their arrows came close by them, and 
on every side them, and sundry of their coats, which hunge 
up in the barricado, were shot throw and throw. Aterwardsl 
they gave God soUamne thanks and praise for their deliverance, 
and gathered up a bimdle of their arrows, and sente them 
into England afterward by the m'' of the ship, and called 
that place the first encounter. From hence they departed, and 
costed all along, but discerned "no place likly for harbor; and 
therfore hasted to a place that their pillote, (one Mr. Coppin 
who had bine in the cuntrie before)^ did assure them was,a^ood 
harbor, which he had been in, and they might fetch.it before 
night; of which they were glad, for it begane to be .foule 
weather. After some houres sailing, it begane to snow and 
raine, and about the midle of the afternoone, the wind in- 
creased, and the sea became very rough, and they broake their 
rudder, and it was as much as 2. men could doe to steere her 
with a cupple of oares. But their pillott bad them be of good 
cheere, for he saw the harbor; but the storme increasing, and 
night drawing on, they bore what saile they could to gett in, 
while they could see. But herwith they broake their mast in 
3. peeces, and their saill fell over bord, in a very grown sea, so 
as they had like to have been cast away; yet by God's mercie 
they recovered them selves, and having the floud with them, 
struck into the harbore. But when it came too, the pillott 
was deceived in the place, and said, the Lord be mercifull imto 
them, for his eys never saw that place before; and he and 
the m"" mate would have rune her ashore, in a cove full of 
breakers, before the winde. But a lusty seaman which steered, 
bad those which rowed, if they were men, about with her, or 
ells they were all cast away; the which they did with speed. 
So he bid them be of good cheere and row lustly, for ther was a 

' Robert Coppin was second mate of the Mayflower. 


faire sound before them, and he doubted not but they should 
find one place or other wher they might ride in saftie. And 
though it was very darke, and rained sore, yet in the end 
they gott imder the lee of a smalle iland, and remained ther 
all that night in saftie.' But they knew not this to be an iland 
till morning, but were devided in their minds; some would 
keepe the boate for fear they might be amongst the Indians; 
others were so weake and could, they could not endure, but got 
a shore, and with much adoe got fire, (all things being so wett,) 
and the rest were glad to come to them; for after midnight 
the wind shifted to the north-west, and it frose hard. But 
though this had been a day and night of much trouble and 
danger imto them, yet God gave them a morning of comforte 
and refreshing (as usually he doth to his children), for the 
next day was a faire sunshining day, and they found them 
sellvs to be on an iland secure from the Indeans, wher they 
might drie their stufe, fixe their peeces, and rest them selves, 
and gave God thanks for his mercies, in their manifould 
deliverances. And this being the last day of the weeke, 
they prepared ther to keepe the Sabath. On Munday they 
sounded the harbor, and founde it fitt for shipping; and 
marched into the land,^ and foimd diverse cornfeilds, and litle 
runing brooks, a place (as they supposed) fitt for situation; 
at least it was the best they could find, and the season, 
and their presente necessitie, made them glad to accepte 
of it. So they retm-ned to their shipp againe with this news 

' The rough sea and rain make it probable that the wind was east or east- 
southeast. In my judgment the shallop passed over a part of what is called 
Brown's Island, which, as Champlain's map made in 1605 shows, was a sand- 
bar exposed at low tide, and approached Saquish Cove, thence steering up the 
channel and anchoring for the night under the shelter of a little island. Sa- 
quish was at that time an island, as Champlain's map shows, and was probably 
the little island which sheltered the shallop from the easterly wind. The record 
states that during the night the wind changed to the northwest, and Clark's 
Island with its southerly aspect undoubtedly became the resting place of the 
shallop party until Monday the 11th. 

"The landing on Plymouth Rock of the shallop party, December 11, O.S., 
December 21, N. S., was the historic landing. 


to the rest of their people which did much comforte their 

On the 15. of Desem'': they wayed anchor to goe to the 
place they had discovered, and came within 2. leagues of it, 
but were faine to bear up againej but the 16. day the winde 
came faire, and they arrived safe in this harbor. And after 
wards tooke better view of the place, and resolved wher to 
pitch their dwelling; and the 25. day begane to erecte the first 
house for commone use to receive them and their goods.' 

' The site of the house is marked by a bronze tablet erected in 1898 by the 
Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 

^ 9 0^ THE 2. BOOKE. 

The rest of this History (if God give me life, and oppor- 
tunitie) I shall, for brevitis sake, handle by way of annalls, 
noteing only the heads of principall things, and passages as 
they fell in order of time, and may seeme to be profitable to 
know, or to make use of. And this may be as the 2. Booke. 

The remainder of An": 1620. 

I SHALL a htle returne backe and begine with a combina- 
tion' made by them before they came ashore, being the first 
foundation of their govermente in this place; occasioned 
partly by the discontented and mutinoiis speeches that some 
of the strangers amongst them had let fall from them in the 
ship — ^That when they came a shore they would use their owne 
libertie; for none had power to command them, the patents 
they had being for Virginia, and not for New-england, which 
belonged to an other Goverment, with which the Virginia 
Company had nothing to doe. And partly that shuch an acte 
by them done (this their condition considered) might be ^s 
firme as any patent, and in some respects more sure. / 

' Perhaps an undue significance has been attached to this combination or 
compact. The President and Council of New England, from whom the Pil- 
grims received their patent or grant, were authorized by their royal charter "to 
make, ordain and establish all manner of orders, laws, directions, instructions, 
forms and ceremonies of government and magistracy, fit and necessary for and 
concerning the government of the said colony and plantation." The patent 
issued to the Pilgrims by the Council, June 1, 1621, authorized them "to estab- 
lish such Lawes and ordynaunces as are for their better government, and the 
same by such OflScer or Officers as they shall by most voices elect and choose 
to put in execution." Thus the principle of the rule of the majority in the enact- 
ment of laws and the election of officers was recognized by both the patent and 
the royal charter. But landing outside the jurisdiction of the company which 
had granted the patent actually brought with them, they were obliged to assume, 
though on recognized principles, such authority as was needful. A similar 
course was afterward followed by the river towns of Connecticut, at New Haven, 
by the settlers at Dover and Exeter on the Piscataqua, at Providence and else- 


(T;^ /r ■f'^-'^ ^^^ ^-^^'' ^^^"' CO^Jvfic^ Co^/,Jcr,i]^.^,U 

^f «i./ic,! >j»iis oios? j:a.cM Q_ ^oi-mt-n-faSfj^^ tvas '^''^^ '^'^ \ 


From the original Bradford manuscript in the Massachusetts State Library 


The forme was as foUoweth.' 


In the name of God, Amen. We whose names are under-writen, the 
loyall subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King James, by the grace 
of God, of Great Britaine, Franc, and Ireland king, defender of the faith, 
etc., haveing undertaken, for the glorie of God, and advancemente of the 
Christian faith, and honour of our king and countrie, a voyage to plant 
the first colonic in the Northeme parts of Virginia, doe by these presents 
solemnly and mutualy in the presence of God, and one of another, cove- 
nant and combine our selves togeather into a civill body politick, for our 
better ordering and preservation and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; 
and by vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and frame such just and equall 
lawes, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to time, as 
shall be thought most meete and convenient for the generall good of the 
Colonie, unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In 
witnes wherof we have hereunder subscribed our names at Cap-Codd 
the 11. of November, in the year of the raigne of our soveraigne lord, 
King James, of England, France, and Ireland the eighteenth, and of 
Scotland the fiftie fourth. An°: Dom. 1620. 

After this they chose, or rather confirmed/ Mr. John 
Carver (a man godly and well approved amongst them) their 
Govemom* for that year. And after they had provided a place 
for their goods, or comone store, (which were long in unlading 
for want of boats, foulnes of winter weather, and sicknes of 
diverce,) and begune some small cottages for their habitation, 
as time would admitte, they mette and consulted of lawes 
and orders, both for their civill and miUtary Govermente, 
as the necessitie of their condition did require, still adding 
therunto as urgent occasion in severall times, and as eases 
did reqmre. 

In these hard and difficulte beginings they found some dis- 
contents and murmurings arise amongst some, and mutinous 
speeches and carriags in other; but they were soone quelled 
and overcome by the wisdome, patience, and just and equall 

'See the -fac-simile. 

' John Carver had been informally appointed governor of the Mayflower 
when she sailed from England, so that his formal election by the company after 
the compact was signed is called confirmation. 


carrage of things by the Gov'' and better part, which clave 
faithfully togeather in the maine. But that which was most 
sadd and lamentable was, that in 2. or 3. moneths time halfe 
of their company dyed, espetialy in Jan: and February, being 
the depth of winter, and wanting houses and other comforts; 
being infected with the scurvie and other diseases, which this 
long vioage and their inacomodate condition had brought upon 
them; so as ther dyed some times 2. or 3. of a day, in the fore- 
said time; that of 100. and odd persons, scarce 50. remained.' 
And of these in the time of most distres, ther was but 6. or 7. 
sound persons, who, to their great comendations be it spoken, 
spared no pains, night nor day, but with abimdance of toyle 
and hazard of their owne health, fetched them woode, made 
them fires, drest them meat, made their beads, washed their 
lothsome cloaths, cloathed and uncloathed them; in a word, 
did all the homly and necessarie offices for them which dainty 
and quesie stomacks cannot endure to hear named; and all 
this willingly and cherfuUy, without any grudging in the least, 
shewin g herein their truelove unto their frginds and bretheren. 
lArare example and woraTy to be remembre^. Tow of these 
7. wefe~MrrWilUamBrewster, ther reverend Elder, and Myles 
Standish, ther Captein and mihtary comander, unto whom 
my selfe, and many others, were much beholden in our low and 
sicke condition. :4^d yet_the_ Lord so upheld these persons, 
as in tMs_.geiieraJlcalaniity they were not at aiTuifBcted* either 
with sicknes, or lanmes. ~"ajTa~wBan~Have said of these, I 
may say'or^Sinjrgttfers who dyed in this generall vissitation, 
and others- yet hving, that whilst they had health, yea, or any 
strength continuing, they were not wanting to any that had 

need ofjthem. And I doutejiot but their recompence is with 

the Lord. ~' — .— -- . — — ""^ 

But I may not hear pass by an other remarkable passage 
not to be forgotten. As this calamitie fell among the pas- 
sengers that were to be left here to plant, and were hasted a 

' The sickness was perhaps typhus or ship fever. 


shore and made to drinke water, that the sea-men might have 
the more bear/ and one in his sicknes desiring but a small 
cann of beere, it was answered, that if he were their owne 
father he should have none ; the disease begane to fall amongst 
them also, so as allmost halfe of their company dyed before 
they went away, and many of their officers and lustyest men, 
as the boatson, gunner, 3. quarter-maisters, the cooke, and 
others. At which the m"^ was something strucken and sent 
to the sick a shore and tould the Gov'' he should send for 
beer for them that had need of it, though he drunke water 
homward boxmd. But now amongst his company ther was 
farr another kind of carriage in this miserie then amongst the 
passengers; for they that before had been boone companions 
in drinking and joyllity in the time of their health and well- 
fare, begane now to deserte one another in this calamitie, 
saing they would not hasard ther fives for them, they should 
be infected by coming to help them in their cabins, and so, after 
they came to dye by it, would doe fitle or nothing for them, 
but if they dyed let them dye. But shuch of the passengers 
as were yet abord shewed them what mercy they could, which 
made some of their harts relente, as the boatson (and some 
others), who was a prowd yonge man, and would often curse 
and scofe at the passengers; but when he grew weak, they had 
compassion on him and helped him; then he confessed he did 
not deserve it at their hands, he had abused them in word 
and deed. 0! saith he, you, I now see, shew your love fike 
Christians indeed one to another, but we let one another lye 
and dye like doggs. Another lay cursing his wife, saing if it 
had not ben for her he had never come this imlucky viage, 
and anone cxirsing his felows, saing he had done this and that, 
for some of them, he had spente so much, and so much, amongst 
them, and they were now weary of him, and did not help him, 
having need. Another gave his companion aU he had, if he 
died, to help him in his weaknes; he went and got a fitle spise 

» " Which was this author him selfe." (Br.) 


and made him a mess of meat once or twise, and because he 
dyed not so soone as he expected, he went amongst his fellows, 
and swore the rogue would cousen him, he would see him 
choaked before he made him any more meate; and yet the 
pore fellow dyed before morning. 

All this while the Indians came skulking about them, and 
would sometimes show them selves aloofe of, but when any 
aproached near them, they would rune away. And once they 
stoale away their tools wher they had been at worke, and 
were gone to diner. But about the 16. of March a certains 
Indian came bouldly amongst them, and spoke to them in 
broken EngUsh, which they could well imderstand, but mar- 
velled at it. At length they understood by discourse with him, 
that he was not of these parts, but belonged to the eastrene 
parts, wher some EngUsh-ships came to fhish, with whom 
he was aquainted, and could name sundrie of them by 
their names, amongst whom he had gott his language. He 
became proftable to them in aquainting them with many 
things concerning the state of the cimtry in the east-parts 
wher he Uved, which was afterwards profitable unto them; as 
also of the people hear, of their names, number, and strength; 
of their situation and distance from this place, and who was 
cheefe amongst them. His name was Samaset;' he tould them 
also of another Indian whos name was Squanto,^ a native of 
this place, who had been in England and could speake better 
EngUsh then him selfe. Being, after some time of entertain- 
mente and gifts, dismist, a while after he came againe, and 5. 
more with him, and they bro&ght againe all the tooles that 
were stolen away before, and made way for the coming of their 
great Sachem, called Massasoyt; who, about 4. or 5. days 

* Samoset was a sagamore from Monhegan in Maine, and probably came 
to this region with Thomas Dermer and had not returned home. After his 
return to Maine he sold by deed in 1625 to John Brown of New Harbor twelve 
thousand acres of land for fifty beaver skins. 

^ Squanto, or Tisquantum, was of much use to the Pilgrims as guide and 
interpreter. He died in Chatham in November, 1622. His eventful story is 
fully told in C. F. Adams's Three Episodes of Massachmetts History, pp. 23-44 


after, came with the cheefe of his freinds and other attend- 
ance, with the aforesaid Squanto. With whom, after frendly 
entertainment, and some gifts given him, they made a peace 
with him (which hath now continued this. 24. years)' in these 

1. That neither he nor any of his, should injurie or doe 
hurte to any of their peopl. 

2. That if any of his did any hurte to any of theirs, he 
should send the offender, that they might punish him. 

3. That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, 
he should cause it to be restored; and they should doe the 
like to his. 

4. If any did unjustly warr against him, they would aide 
him; if any did warr against them, he should aide them. 

5. He should send to his neighbours confederats, to 
certifie them of this, that they might not wrong them, but 
might be likewise comprised in the conditions of peace. 

6. That when ther men came to them, they should leave 
their bows and arrows behind them. 

After these things he returned to his place caled Sowams,' 
some 40. mile from this place, but Squanto continued with 
them, and was their interpreter, and was a spetiall instrument 
sent of God for their good beyond their expectation. He 
directed them how to set their corne, wher to take fish, and to 
procure other comodities, and was also their pilott to bring 
them to unknowne places for their profitt, and never left them 
till he dyed. He was a native- of this place, and scarce any left 
aUve besids him selfe. He was caried away with diverce others 
by one Hunt,' a m"" of a ship, who thought to sell them for 

' It continued more than 50 years. 

' On the present site of Warren, R. I. 

' Thomas Hunt, captain of one of the ships in John Smith s expedition to 
New England in 1614, captured twenty of the Patuxet Indians and seven Nausets 
and carried them to Malaga, where he sold them. The friars caused them to 
be released and Squanto found his way to England, where he was a servant of 
Mr. John Slanie, a merchant of London. Before the return of Squanto to New 
England the Patuxet tribe had been swept away by disease. 


slaves in Spaine; but he got away for England, and was 
entertained by a marchante in London, and imployed to 
New-foundland and other parts, and lastly brought hither into 
these parts by one Mr. Dermer, a gentle-man imployed by 
Sr. Ferdinando Gorges and others, for discovery, and other 
designes in these parts. Of whom I shall say some thing, be- 
cause it is mentioned in a booke set forth An°: 1622. by the 
Presidente and Counsell for New-England,' that he made the 
peace betweene the salvages of these parts and the English; 
of which this plantation, as it is intimated, had the benefits. 
But what a peace it was, may apeare by what befell him and 
his men. 

This Mr. Dermer was hear the same year that these people 
came, as apears by a relation written by him, and given me by 
a freind, bearing date Jvine 30. An°: 1620. And they came in 
Novemb'': following, so ther was but 4. months differance. 
In which relation to his honored freind, he hath these passages 
of this very place. 

I will first begine (saith he) with that place from whence Squanto, 
or Tisquantem, was taken away; which in Cap: Smiths mape is called 
Plimoth:^ and I would that Plimoth had the like comodities. I would 
that the first plantation might hear be seated, if ther come to the number 
of 50. persons, or upward. Otherwise at Charlton, because ther the 
savages are lese to be feared. The Pocanawkits,^ which live to the west 
of Plimoth, bear an inveterate malice to the English, and are of more 
streingth then all the savags from thence to Penobscote. Their desire 
of revenge was occasioned by an English man, who having many of them 

' "Page 19." (Br.) The reference is to A brief e Relation of the Discovery 
and Plantation of New England (London, 1622), reprinted in 1890 by the Prince 
Society in the first of its volumes on Gorges. See p. 221 of that volume. 

*See the fac-simile in this volume. In the later "states" of the map after 
the settlement, the name appears as New Plymouth. The adoption of the name 
by the Pilgrims was due to the nomenclature of Smith's map. Most of 
Smith's names for town-sites were not retained by the actual settlers. "Charl- 
ton," indeed, mentioned in the text above, lies not far from where Chariestown 
was actually established in 1630; but that name does not appear on the map 
till its later states. 

^Pokanoket included what are now Bristol and Barrington in Rhode Island 
and parts of Swansea and Seekonk in Massachusetts. 


on bord, made a great slaughter with their murderers and smale shot, 
when as (they say) they offered no injurie on their parts. Whether they 
were English or no, it may be douted; yet they beleeve they were, for the 
Frenche have so possest them; for which cause Squanto cannot deney 
but they would have kiled me when I was at Namasket,* had he not en- 
treated hard for me. The soyle of the borders of this great bay, may be 
compared to most of the plantations which I have seene in Virginia. The 
land is of diverce sorts ; for Patuxite is a hardy but strong soyle, Nawset 
and Saughtughtett are for the most part a blakish and deep mould, much 
like that wher groweth the best Tobacco in Virginia. In the botume of 
that great bay is store of Codd and basse, or mulett, etc. 

But above all he comends Pacanawkite for the richest 
soyle, and much open ground fitt for English graine, etc. 

Massachussets ^ is about 9. leagues from Plimoth, and situate in 
the mids betweene both, is full of Hands and peninsules very fertill for the 
most parte. 

With sundrie shuch relations which I forbear to transcribe, 
being now better knowne then they were to him. 

t~ He was taken prisoner by the Indeans at Manamoiak' (a 
place not farr from hence, now well knowne). He gave them 
what they demanded for his Hberty, but when they had gott 
what they desired, they kept him still and indevored to kill 
his men; but he was freed by seasing on some of them, and 
kept them bound till they gave him a cannows load of corne. 
Of which, see Purch : hb. 9. fol. 1778.' But this was An° : 1619. 
After the writing of the former relation he came to the He 
of Capawack ' (which lyes south of this place in the way to 
Virginia), and the foresaid Squanto with him, wher he going a 
shore amongst the Indans to trad, as he used to doe, was be- 
trayed and assaulted by them, and all his men slaine, but one 

' Nemasket was in Middleborough, Patuxet in Plymouth, Nauset in East- 
ham, and Satucket in Brewster. 

' Meaning Boston harbor. ' Chatham, on Cape Cod. 

* The reference is to Samuel Purchas's Pilgrimes (London, 1625), vol. IV., 
fol. 1778, where a letter of Dermer's is printed, which he wrote to Purchas from 
Virginia, in December, 1619, recounting this and other adventures. 

" Martha's Vineyard. 


lournall of the beginning and proceedings 

of the Endifti Vhtitmonkthdatflmoth in N fi w 
England; by certaine EngliQi AduentHrersboth .. 
Msrcihants and others. - ' 

With their difficuhpaira.ge,theirrafeanuall, their 
ioyfullbuildingbf, and comfortable plannngthefti- 
felucs ia the now well defended Towne 
~ ' of New PtiMOTH. 


feuerall difcoueries fince made by fomc of the 

fame Englifti Planters tbere refident. • 

/ lis a ioUrHey f o P v c k a n o k i c K t^f hditation of thelndutatt greti' • 
ittjiting Malfafoyt : at alfi their mcftge, thf aufwer and e}ittrtai>iment, 

thej kadof him. . ,. t av» r r- > 


ttiejthatbadhflhimfelfeintheyi'oodt : xvithfmh accidents as kifdthetTL, ■ 

i» that vty age.. : r t • 

J IT. Intheiriouruej tefhe Kiitgdonte fl/Namafchetj a-, defence of theif 
greatefi King MiffaCoyt,-agai>7J} the Narrohiggonfets, ^ftdtoreuengethf 
fuppofeddeath of theif ItiterpreterTJfqnziumn. , • 

' ' nil, Iheirvoya^eto the MaiXich\irctSya>idtheir- etitertaifimefittbere^,.^ 

j^ithan'anfwerto all fucbobieaionsasare any way made. 
' againfttheiavv'fuineire of Englifli plantations ■ 

-^.^1 ^■' -T :.> ^ in.tliofeparts. . 

■K^ ■ LONBO-N,-' ^ 

Printed for hhn Mmie, and are to be fold at his fltopat the 


From a copy of the original edition in the Xew York Public Library 
(Lenox Building) 


yea from their youth. Many other smaler maters I omite, 
sundrie of them having been alheady pubhshed in a Jumall 
made by one of the company;' and some other passages of 
jurneys and relations allredy pubhshed, to which I referr 
those that are wilhng to know them more perticulerly. And 
being now come to the 25. of March I shall begine the year 

Anno. 1621. 

They now begane to dispatch the ship away which brought 
them over, which lay tille aboute this time, or the begining of 
Aprill. The reason on their parts why she stayed so long, was 
the necessitie and danger that lay upon them, for it was well 
towards the ende of Desember before she could land any thing 
hear, or they able to receive any thing ashore. Afterwards, 
the 14. of Jan: the hoiose which they had made for a generall 
randevoze by casulty fell afire, and some were faine to retire 
abord for shilter. Then the sicknes begane to fall sore amongst 
them, and the weather so bad as they could not make much 
sooner any dispatch. Againe, the Gov"" and cheefe of them, 
seeing so many dye, and fall downe sick dayly, thought it 
it no wisdom to send away the ship, their condition considered, 
and the danger they stood in from the Indeans, till they 
could procure some shelter; and therfore thought it better to 
draw some more charge upon them selves and freinds, then 
hazard all. The m"^ and sea-men hkewise, though before 
they hasted the passengers a shore to be goone, now many of 
their men being dead, and of the ablest of them, (as is before 
noted,) and of the rest many lay sick and weake, the m"' 
durst not put to sea, till he saw his men begine to recover, 
and the hart of winter over. 

Afterwards they (as many as were able) began to plant 
ther come, in which servise Squanto stood them in great stead, 
showing them both the maner how to set it, and after how to 

' The journal referred to is that in "Mourt's Relation." See the editor's In- 
troduction and the fac-simile of the title-page. ' See p. 56, note 3. 


dress and tend it. Also he tould them excepte they gott fish 
and set with it (in these old grounds)' it would come to nothing, 
and he showed them that in the midle of Aprill they should 
have store enough come up the brooke, by which they begane 
to build, and taught them how to take it, and wher to get other 
provissions necessary foLthem; all which they found true by 
triall and experience. / Some EngKsh seed they sew, as wheat 
p~ '^nd pease, but it came not to good, eather by the badnes 
of the seed, or latenes of the season, or both, or some other 

In this month of Aprill whilst they were bussie about their 
seed, their Gov"" (Mr. John Carver) came out of the feild very 
sick, it being a hott day; he complained greatly of his head, 
and lay downe, and within a few howers his sences failed, so 
as he never spake more till he dyed, which was within a few 
days after. Whoss death was much lamented, and caused 
great heavines amongst them, as ther was cause. He was 
buried in the best maner they could, with some volhes of shott 
by all that bore armes; and his wife, being a weak woman, 
dyed within 5. or 6. weeks aiterjaim^ V- T" - ' ^'^ ^* Jr^^ " *' 

Shortly afteS^^^WilHam Bfadford ^as chosen Gove"" in his 
stead, and being nofyet recoverd of his ilnes, in which he 
had been near the point of death, Isaak AUerton was chosen 
to be an Asistante unto him, who, by renewed election every 
year, continued sundry years togeather, whichllliear note 
once for all. W i 

May 12. was the first mariage in this place,^ which/apcord- 
ing to the laudable custome of the Low-Cuntries, in wljidn they 
had lived, was thought most requisite to be perferfiied by the 
magistrate, as being a civill thing, upon which many questions 
aboute inheritances doe depende, with other things most proper 
to their cognizans, and most consonante to the scripturs, Ruth 

' I. e., where the Indians had been accustomed to plant. 

' This was the marriage of Edward Winslow, whose wife had died March 
24, 1620/1, with Susanna White, whose husband, William White, had died 
February 21, 1620/1. ( ^ r " U '' 


4. and no wher found in the gospell to be layed on the ministers 
as a part of their office. "This decree or law about mariage 
was pubHshed by the Stats of the Low-Cuntries An°: 1590. 
That those of any rehgion, after lawfull and open publication, 
coming before the magistrats, in the Town or Stat-house, were 
to be orderly (by them) maried one to another." Petets Hist, 
fol : 1029.* And this practiss hath continued amongst, not only 
them, but hath been followed by all the famous churches 
of Christ in these parts to this time,— An°: 1646. 

Haveing in some sorte ordered their bussines at home, it 
was thought meete to send some abroad to see their new freind 
Massasoyet,^ and to bestow upon him some gratuitie to bind 
him the faster unto them; as also that hearby they might veiw 
the countrie, and see in what maner he hved, what strength 
he had aboute him, and how the ways were to his place, if at 
any time they should have occasion. So the 2. of July they 
sente Mr. Edward Winslow^ and Mr. Hopkins, with the foresaid 

' J. F. le Petit, La Grande Chronique Ancienne et Moderne de Hollande, 
Zeelande, etc. (Dordrecht, 1601). The province of Holland had established civil 
marriage in 1680. 

"For an account of the visit to Massasoit, see "Mourt's Relation" in Dex- 
ter's reprint, or Arber, Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, pp. 462-473. 

' Edward Winslow was born in Droitwich, Worcestershire, October 19, 
1595. He joined the Pilgrim company in Leyden in 1617. While there he 
engaged in the business of a printer, and married in 1618 Elizabeth Barker of 
Chester, England. He came with his wife in the Mayflower to Plymouth,' where 
she died March 24, 1620/1. On May 12, 1621, he married Susanna, widow of 
William White. In 1623 he went to England as the agent of the colony, and 
returned in the Charity in 1624, bringing the first cattle introduced into the 
colony. While in England he published a book entitled Good News from New 
England (London, 1624). In 1633 he was chosen governor of the colony. He 
visited England again in 1634 and was imprisoned in the Fleet prison; see p. 316. 
He was again governor in 1636 and 1644. In 1646 he went to England for the 
fourth time and did not return. At that visit through his influence the Society 
for the Propagation of the Gospel among the Indians, which is still in existence, 
was established, in 1649. He published Hypocrisie Unmasked (London, 1646), 
and the next year published New England's Salamander. In the appendix of 
Hypocrisie Unmasked he gave an accoimt of the farewell discourse of Robinson 
concerning new light, which has been much discussed. He was intimate with 
Cromwell, who consulted him about colonial affairs and issued to him various 
commissions, in the execution of one of which, for the settlement of Jamaica, 


Squanto for ther guid, who gave him a suite of cloaths, and a 
horsemans coate, with some other small things, which were 
kindly accepted; but they found but short commons, and came 
both weary and hungrie home. For the Indeans used then to 
have nothing so much come as they have since the English 
have stored them with their hows,' and seene their industrie in 
breaking up new groimds therwith. They found his place to 
be 40. miles from hence, the soyle good, and the people not 
many, being dead and abimdantly wasted in the late great 
mortahtie which fell in all these parts aboute three years 
before the coming of the EngUsh,^ wherin thousands of them 
dyed, they not being able to burie one another; ther sculs and 
bones were foimd in many places lying still above ground, 
where their houses and dwelHngs had been; a very sad 
spectackle to behould. But they brought word that the 
Narighansets Uved but on the other side of that great bay, 
and were a strong people, and many in number, living com- 
pacte togeather, and had not been at all touched with this 
wasting plague. 

Aboute the later end of this month, one John Billington 
lost him selfe in the woods, and wandered up and downe some 
5. days, hving on beries and what he could find. At length he 
light on an Indean plantation, 20. mils south of this place, 
called Manamet, they conveid him fm-der of, to Nawsett, 
among those peopl that had before set upon the English 
when they were costing, whilest the ship lay at the Cape, as 
is before noted. But the Gove'' caused him to be enquired 
for among the Indeans, and at length Massassoyt sent word 
wher he was, and the Gove'' sent a shalop for him, and had 

he died at sea May 8, 1655. One of these commissions, a parchment containing 
a portrait of Cromwell, is preserved in Pilgrim Hall in Plymouth. In 1651, 
while in London, a portrait of Winslow was painted, probably by Robert Walker, 
Cromwell's court painter; this is also in Pilgrim Hall, together with portraits of 
his son Josiah and wife, painted presumably by the same artist. 

' Hoes. 

' The nature of the great pestilence which fell on the Massachusetts is not 
certain. It raged throughout the years 1616 and 1617. 


him delivered. Those people also came and made their 
peace; and they gave full satisfaction to those whose come 
they had found and taken when they were at Cap- 

Thus ther peace and aquaintance was prety well estab- 
Usht with the natives aboute them; and ther was an other 
Indean called Hobamack* come to Uve amongst them, a proper 
lustie man, and a man of accounte for his vallour and parts 
amongst the Indeans, and continued very faithfuU and con- 
stant to the Enghsh till he dyed. He and Squanto being gone 
upon bussines amonge the Indeans, at their rettUTie (whether 
it was out of envie to them or mahce to the Enghsh) ther was 
a Sachem called Corbitant, alyed to Massassoyte, but never 
any good freind to the Enghsh to this day, mett with them at 
an Indean towne caled Namassakett' 14. miles to the west of 
this place, and begane to quarell with them, and offered to 
stabe Hobamack ; but being a lusty man, he cleared him selfe 
of him, and came running away all sweating and tould the 
Gov*" what had befalne him, and he feared they had killed 
Squanto, for they threatened them both, and for no other 
cause but because they were freinds to the Enghsh, and servis- 
able unto them, jjpon this the Gove'' taking counsel l, it was 
conceivd not fitt-tQ-b£J)ome; for if they should suffer their 
fi^emds^an' ^^i^essenge rg.^fflLis to be wronged, they should have 
Tione wwild^leave unto them, or give them any intehgence, or 
doe them serviss afterwards; but nexte they would fall upon 
them selves. Whereupon it was resolved to send the Captaine 
and 14. men well armed, and to goe and fall upon them in the 
night; and if they found that Squanto was kild, to cut of 
Corbitants head, but not to hurt any but those that had a 
hand in it. Hobamack was asked if he would goe and be their 
guid, and bring them ther before day. He said he would, and 

'Hobomok was one of the captains and counsellors of Massasoit. He 
early attached himself to the Pilgrims, whom he faithfully served until his death 
in old age. In the division of lands in 1624 a parcel was set to him which was 
known as "Hobomok's Ground." > Middleborough. 


bring them to the house wher the man lay, and show them 
which was he. So they set forth the 14. of August, and beset 
the house round ; the Captin giving charg to let none pass out, 
entred the house to search for him. But he was goone away 
that day, so they mist him; but imderstood that Squanto was 
ahve, and that he had only threatened to kill him, and made 
an offer to stabe him but did not. So they withheld and did 
no more hurte, and the people came trembling, and brought 
them the best provissions they had, after they were aquainted 
by Hobamack what was only intended. Ther was 3. sore 
wounded which broak out of the house, and asaid to pass 
through the garde. These they brought home with them, and 
they had their wounds drest and cured, and sente home. After 
this they had many gratulations from diverce sachims, and 
much firmer peace ; yea, those of the lies of Capawack sent to 
make frendship; and this Corbitant him selfe used the medi- 
ation of Massassoyte to make his peace, but was shie to come 
neare them a longe while after. 

After this, the 18. of Sepemb'': they sente out ther shalop 
to the Massachusets, with 10. men, and Squanto for their guid 
and interpreter, to discover and veiw that bay, and trade with 
the natives; the which they performed, and found kind enter- 
tainement. The people were much affraid of the Tarentins,* 
a people to the eastward which used to come in harvest time 
and take away their come, and many times kill their persons. 
They returned in saftie, and brought home a good quanty of 
beaver, and made reporte of the place, wishing they had been 
ther seated; (but it seems the Lord, who assignes to all men 
the bounds of their habitations, had apoyiited it for an other 
use). And thus they found the Lord to be with them in all 
their ways, and to blesse their outgoings and incommings, 
for which let his holy name have the praise for ever, to all 

• The Tarentins or Tarrantines were a fierce body of Indians living along 
the coast of Maine, who made bloody attacks on the weaker tribes. 


They begane now to gather in the small harvest they had, 
and to fitte up their houses and dwelhngs against winter, being 
all well recovered in health and strenght, and had all things 
in good plenty; for as some were thus imployed in affairs 
abroad, others were excersised in fishing, aboute codd, and 
bass, and other fish, of which they tooke good store, of which 
every family had their portion. All the sommer ther was no 
wante. And now begane to come in store of foule, as winter 
aproached, of which this place did abound when they came 
first (but afterward decreased by degrees). And besids water 
foule, ther was great store of wild Turkies, of which they tooke 
many, besids venison, etc. Besids they had aboute a peck a 
meale a weeke to a person, or now since harvest, Indean come 
to that proportion. Which made^^manj- afterwards write so 
la^gly of their plenty^ear_to^their,£reinds ia„England, which 
were"irot fained^..but true reports. 

In Novemb"", about that time twelfe month that them 
selves came, ther came in a small ship to them unexpected or 
loked for,^ in which came Mr. Cushman (so much spoken of 
before) and with him 35. persons^ to remaine and Hve in the 
plantation; which did not a litle rejoyce them. And they 
when they came a shore and found all well, and saw plenty of 
vitails in every house, were no less glade. For most of them 
were liisty yonge men, and many of them wild enough, who litle 
considered whither or aboute what they wente, till they came 
into the harbore at Cap-Codd, and ther saw nothing but a naked 
and barren place. They then begane to thinke what should 
become of them, if the people here were dead or cut of by the 
Indeans. They begane to consulte (upon some speeches that 
some of the sea-men had cast out) to take the sayls from the 
yeard least the ship should gett away and leave them ther. 
But the m'' hereing of it, gave them good words, and tould them 

' "She came the 9. to the Cap." (Br.) 

' For the list of passengers in the Fortune, see Davis's Ancient Landmarks 
o/ Plymouth, part i., page 51. The Fortune was of 56 tons. 


if any thing but well should have befalhie the people hear, he 
hoped he had vitails enough to cary them to Virginia, and 
whilst he had a bitt they should have their parte; which gave 
them good satisfaction. So they were all landed ; but ther was 
not so much as bisket-cake or any other victialls' for them, 
neither had they any beding, but some sory things they had 
in their cabins, nor pot, nor pan, to drese any meate in; nor 
overmany cloaths, for many of them had brusht away their 
coats and cloaks at PUmoth as they came. But ther was sent 
over some burching-lane^ suits in the ship, out of which they 
were suppUed. The plantation was glad of this addition of 
strenght, but could have wished that many of them had been 
of beter condition, and all of them beter furnished with pro- 
Adssions; but that could not now be helpte. 

In this ship Mr. Weston sent a large leter to Mr. Carver, the 
late Gove'', now deseased, full of complaints and expostula- 
tions aboute former passagess at Hampton; and the keeping 
the shipe so long in the country, and returning her without lad- 
ing, etc., which for brevitie I omite. The rest is as foUoweth: 

Part of Mr. Westons letter. 

I durst never aquainte the adventurers with the alteration of the 
conditions first agreed on betweene us, which I have since been very glad 
of, for I am well assured had they knowne as much as I doe, they would 
not have adventured a halfe-peny of what was necesary for this ship. 
That you sent no lading in the ship is wonderfull, and worthily distasted. 
I know you' weaknes was the cause of it, and I beleeve more weaknes of 
judgmente, then weaknes of hands. A quarter of the time you spente 
in discoursing, arguing, and consulting, would have done much more; 
but that is past, etc. If you mean, bona fide, to performe the conditions 
agreed upon, doe us the favore to coppy them out f aire, and subscribe them 
with the principall of your names. And likwise give us accounte as per- 
ticulerly as you can how our moneys were laid out. And then I shall be 
able to give them some satisfaction, whom I am now forsed with good 
words to shift of. And consider that the life of the bussines depends on 
' "Nay, they were faine to spare the shipe some to carry her home." (Br.) 
* Birchen or Birchover Lane in London was a headquarters of the sellers 
of clothing. 


the lading of this ship, which, if you doe to any good purpose, that I may 
be freed from the great siuns I have disbursed for the former, and must 
doe for the later, / promise you I will never quit the bussines, though all 
the other adventurers should. 

We have procured you a Charter,' the best we could, which is beter 
then your former, and with less limitation. For any thing that is els worth 
writting, Mr. Cushman can informe you. I pray write instantly for Mr. 
Robinson to come to you. And so praying God to blesse you with all 
graces nessessary both for this life and that to come, I rest 

Your very loving frend, 

Tho. Weston. 

London, July 6. 1621. 

This ship (caled the Fortune) was speedily dispatcht away, 
being laden with good clapbord as full as she could stowe, and 
2. hoggsheads of beaver and otter skins, which they gott with 
a few trifling comodities brought with them at first, being al- 
togeather unprovided for trade ; neither was ther any amongst 
them that ever saw a beaver skin till they came hear, and were 
informed by Squanto. The fraight was estimated to be worth 
near 500li. Mr. Cushman returned backe also with this ship, 
for so Mr. Weston and the rest had apoynted him, for then- 
better information. And he doubted not, nor them selves 
neither, but they should have a speedy supply; considering 
allso how by Mr, Cushmans perswation,^ and letters received 
from Leyden, wherin they willed them so to doe, they yeel[d]ed 
to the afforesaid conditions, and subscribed them with their 
hands. But it proved other wise, for Mr. Weston, who had 
made that large promise in his leter, (as is before noted,) that 
if all the rest should fall of, yet he would never quit the bussines, 

' This patent from the President and Council of New England, dated June 
1, 1621, was issued to John Pierce and his associates and was brought over in 
the Fortune in November, 1621. The patent which the Pilgrims brought with 
them from the (southern) Virginia Company was surrendered. That of 1621 
is preserved in Pilgrim Hall, Plymouth. For its text, see Ancient Landmarks of 
Plymouth, part i., page 40. 

' Cushman came over probably as the agent of the London merchants to 
obtain the execution of the contract, which had never been signed. The address 
which he delivered in the common house, and which has been called a sermon, 
was a speech to induce the colonists to sign the contract. 


but stick to them, if they yeelded to the conditions, and sente 
some lading in the ship ; and of this Mr. Cushman was confident, 
and confirmed the same from his mouth, and serious protesta- 
tions to him selfe before he came. But ^proved but wind, 
for he was the firsiMd pnly manthMiprsooke;^^^^ and-fcfrat 
before he so much^ash^rd of tlie returne of this ship, oFEnew 
whHI^lSoSeXlio^^ne^^ But of 

this more in its place. '"""' ^ """ 

A leter in answer to his write to Mr. Carver, was sente to 
him from the Gov"", of which so much as is pertenente to the 
thing in hand I shall hear inserte. 

Sr:. Your large letter writen to Mr. Carver, and dated the 6. of July, 
1621, 1 have received the 10. of Novemb'', wherin (after the apologie made 
for your selfe) you lay many heavie imputations upon him and us all. 
Touching him, he is departed this life, and now is at rest in the Lord from 
all those troubls and incoumbrances with which we are yet to strive. He 
needs not my appologie; for his care and pains was so great for the 
commone good, both ours and yours, as that therwith (it is thought) he 
oppressed him selfe and shortened his days; of whose loss we cannot 
sufficiently complaine. At great charges in this adventure, I confess you 
have beene, and many losses may sustaine; but the loss of his and many 
other honest and industrious mens lives, cannot be vallewed at any prise. 
Of the one, ther may be hope of recovery, but the other no recompence 
can make good. But I will not insiste in generalls, but come more per- 
ticulerly to the things them selves. You greatly blame us for keping the 
ship so long in the countrie, and then to send her away emptie. She lay 
5. weks at Cap-Codd, whilst with many a weary step (after a long journey) 
and the indurance of many a hard brunte, we sought out in the f oule winter 
a place of habitation. Then we went in so tedious a time to make pro- 
vission to sheelter us and our goods, abo.ute which labour, many of our 
armes and leggs can tell us to this day we were not necligent. But it 
pleased God to vissite us then, with death dayly, and with so generall a 
disease, that the living were scarce able to burie the dead; and the well 
not in any measure sufficiente to tend the sick. And now to be so greatly 
blamed, for not fraighting the ship, doth indeed goe near us, and much 
discourage us. But you say you know we will pretend weaknes; and doe 
you think we had not cause ? Yes, you tell us you beleeve it, but it was 
more weaknes of judgmente, then of hands. Our weaknes herin is great 


we confess, therfore we will bear this check patiently amongst the rest, 
till God send us wiser men. But they which tould you we spent so much 
time in discoursing and consulting, etc., their harts can tell their toungs, 
they lye. They cared not, so they might salve their owne sores, how they 
wounded others. Indeed, it is our callamitie that we are (beyound ex- 
pectation) yoked with some ill conditioned people, who will never doe 
good, but corrupte and abuse others, etc. 

The rest of the letter declared how they had subscribed 
those conditions according to his desire, and sente him the 
former accounts very perticulerly ; also how the ship was laden, 
and in what condition their affairs stood; that the coming of 
these people would bring famine upon them unavoydably, if 
they had not supply in time (as Mr. Cushman could more fully 
informe him and the rest of the adventurers). Also that see- 
ing he was now satisfied in all his demands, that offences would 
be forgoten, and he remember his promise, etc. 

After the depart\u"e of this ship, (which stayed not above 
14. days,) the Gove'' and his assistante haveing disposed 
these late commers into severall families, as they best could, 
tooke an exacte accounte of all their provissions in store, 
and proportioned the same to the number of persons, and 
found that it would not hould out above 6. months at halfe 
alowance, and hardly that. And they could not well give 
less this winter time till fish came in againe. So they were 
presently put to half alowance, one as well as an other, which 
begane to be hard, but they bore it patiently under hope of 

Soone after this ships departure, the great people of the 
Narigansets, in a braving maner, sente a messenger tmto them 
with a bundl of arrows tyed aboute with a. great sneak-skine ; 
which their interpretours tould them was a threatening and 
a chaleng. Upon which the Gov'', with the advice of others 
sente them a roxmd answere, that if they had rather have 
warre then peace, they might begine when they would; 
they had done them no wrong, neither did they fear them, or 
should they find them improvided. And by another mes- 


senger sente the sneake-skine back with bulits in it; but they 
would not receive it, but sent it back againe. But these things 
I doe but mention, because they are more at large aUready put 
forth in printe,' by Mr. Wuislow, at the requeste of some freinds. 
And it is Uke the reason was their owne ambition, who, (since 
the death of so many of the Indeans,) thought to dominire 
and lord it over the rest, and conceived the English would be 
a barr in their way, and saw that Massasoyt took sheilter 
alh-eady under their wings. 

But this made them the more carefully to looke to them 
selves, so as they agreed to inclose their dwellings with a 
good strong pale, and make flankers in convenient places, with 
gates to shute, which were every night locked, and a watch 
kept and when neede required ther was also warding in the 
day time. And the company was by the Captaine and the 
Gov"" advise, devided into 4. squadrons, and every one had 
ther quarter apoynted them, xmto which they were to repaire 
upon any suddane alarme. And if ther should be any crie 
of fire, a company were appointed for a gard, with muskets, 
whilst others quenchet the same, to prevent Indean treachery. 
This was accompUshed very cherfully, and the towne impayled 
round by the begining- of March, in which evry family had a 
prety garden plote secured. And herewith I shall end this 
year. Only I shall remember one passage more, rather of 
mirth then of waight. One the day called Chrismasday, the 
Gov'' caled them out to worke, (as was used,) but the most 
of this new-company excused them selves and said it wente 
against their consciences to work on that day. So the Gov' 
tould them that if they made it mater of conscience, he would 
spare them till they were better informed. So he led-away 
the rest and left them ; but when they came home at noone from 
their worke, he foimd them in the streete at play, openly ; some 
pitching the barr and some at stoole-ball,^ and shuch like sports. 

' In Good News from New England (London, 1624). " 
' A play in which balls were driven from stool to stool. 


So he went to them, and tooke away their implements, and 
toiild them that was against his conscience, that they should 
play and others worke. If they made the keeping of it mater of 
devotion, let them kepe their houses, but ther should be no 
gameing or revelHng in the streets. Since which time nothing 
hath been atempted that way, at least openly. 

Anno 1622. 

At the spring of the year they -had apointed the Massa- 
chusets to come againe and trade with them, and begane now 
to prepare for that vioag about the later end of March. But 
upon some rumors heard, Hobamak, their Indean, tould them 
upon some jealocies he had, he feared they were joyned with 
the Narighansets and might betray them if they were not 
carefull. He intimated also some jealocie of Squanto, by what 
he gathered from some private whisperings betweene him and 
other Indeans. But they resolved to proseede, and sente out 
their shalop with 10. of their cheefe men aboute the begining 
of ApriU, and both Squanto and Hobamake with them, in re- 
garde of the jelocie betweene them. But they had not bene 
gone longe, but an Indean belonging to Squantos family came 
runing in seeming great fear, and tovld them that many of the 
Narihgansets, with Corbytant, and he thought also Massasoyte, 
were coining against them; and he gott away to tell them, 
not without danger. And being examined by the Gov*", he 
made as if they were at hand, and would still be looking back, 
as if they were at his heels. At which the Gov' caused 
them to take armes and stand on their garde, and supposing 
the boat to be still within hearing (by reason it was calme) 
caused a warning peece or 2. to be shote of, the which they 
heard and came in. But no Indeans apeared ; watch was kepte 
all night, but nothing was seene. Hobamak was confidente for 
Massasoyt,and thought all was false; yet the Gov'" caused him to 
send his wife privatly, to see what she could observe (pretening 
other occssions), but ther was nothing found, but all was quiet. 


After this they proseeded on their vioge to the Massachusets, 
and had good trade, and returned in saftie, blessed be God. 

But by the former passages, and other things of hke nature, 
they begane to see that Squanto sought his owne ends, and plaid 
his owne game, by putting the Indeans in fear, and drawing 
gifts from them to enrich him selfe ; making them beleeve he 
could stur up warr against whom he would, and make peece 
for whom he would. Yea, he made them beleeve they kept 
the plague buried in the ground, and could send it amongs 
whom they would, which did much terrifie the Indeans, and 
made them depend more on him, and seeke more to him then 
to Massasoyte, which proucured him envie, and had like to 
have cost him his hfe. For after the discovery of his practises, 
Massasoyt sought it both privatly and openly; which caused 
him to stick close to the English, and never durst goe from 
them till he dyed. They also made good use of the emulation 
that grue betweene Hobamack and him, which made them cary 
more squarely. And the Gov"" seemed to countenance the 
one, and the Captaine the other, by which they had better 
intelligence, and made them both more dihgente. 

Now in a maner their provissions were wholy spent, and 
they looked hard for supply, but none came. But about the 
later end of May, they spied a boat at sea, which at first they 
thought had beene some Frenchman; but it proved a shalop 
which came from a ship which Mr. Weston and an other had set 
out a fishing, at a place called Damarins-cove,' 40. leagues to 
the eastward of them, wher were that year many more ships 
come a fishing. This boat brought 7. passengers and some 
letters, but no vitails, nor any hope of any. Some part of which 
I shall set downe. 

Mr. Carver, in my last leters by the Fortune, in whom Mr. Cushman 

wente, and who I hope is with you, for we daly expecte the shipe back 

againe. She departed hence, the begining of July, with 35. persons, 

though not over well provided with necesaries, by reason of the parsemonie 

' Now Damariscove Island, near the mouth of Damariscotta River, on the 
Maine coast. 


of the adventure[r]s. I have solisited them to send you a supply of men 
and provissions before shee come. They all answer they will doe great 
maters, when they hear good news. Nothing before; so faithful!, con- 
stant, and caref ull of your good, are your olde and honest freinds, that if 
they hear not from you, they are like to send you no supplie, etc. I am 
now to relate the occasion of sending this ship, hoping if you give credite 
to my words, you will have a more favourable opinion of it, then some 
hear, wherof Pickering is one, who taxed me to mind my owne ends, which 
is in part true, etc. Mr. Beachamp ' and my selfe bought this litle ship, 
and have set her out, partly, if it may be, to uphold ^ the plantation, as 
well to doe others good as our selves; and partly to gett up what we are 
formerly out; though we are otherwise censured, etc. This is the occasion 
we have sent this ship and these passengers, on our owne accounte; whom 
we desire you will frendly entertaine and supply with shuch necesaries as 
you cane spare, and they wante, etc. And among other things we pray 
you lend or sell them some seed come, and if you have the salt remaining 
of the last year, that you will let them have it for their presente use, and 
we will either pay you for it, or give you more when we have set our salt- 
pan to worke, which we desire may be set up in one of the litle ilands in 
your bay, etc. And because we intende, if God plase, (and the generallitie 
doe it not,) to send within a month another shipe, who, having discharged 
her passengers, shal goe to Virginia, etc. And it may be we shall send a 
small ship to abide with you on the coast, which I conceive may be a great 
help to the plantation. To the end our desire may be effected, which, I 
assure my selfe, will be also for your good, we pray you give them enter- 
tainmente in your houses the time they shall be with you, that they may 
lose no time, but may presently goe in hand to fell trees and cleave them, 
to the end lading may be ready and our ship stay not. 

Some of the adventurers have sent you hearwith all some directions 
for your furtherance in the commone bussines, who are like those St. 
James speaks of, that bid their brother eat, and warme him, but give him 
nothing; so they bid you make salt, and uphold the plantation, but send 
you no means wherwithall to doe it, etc. By the next we purpose to send 
more people on our owne accounte, and to take a patente; that if your 
peopl should be as unhtmiane as some of the adventurers, not to admite 

' John Beauchamp was one of the merchant adventurers. When eight of 
the leading members of the Pilgrim Colony made a settlement with the advent- 
urers after the expiration of the seven years' contract, he, with James Shirley, 
Richard Andrews and Timothy Hatheriey, endorsed the note which they gave to 
liquidate their indebtedness to the adventurers. 

' " I know not which way." (Br.) 


us to dwell with them, which were extreme barbarisme, and which will 
never enter into my head to thinke you have any shuch Pickerings amongst 
you. Yet to satisfie our passengers I must of force doe it; and for some 
other reasons not necessary to be writen, etc. I find the generall so 
backward, and your freinds at Leyden so could, that I fear you must stand 
on your leggs, and trust (as they say) to God and your selves. 


your loving freind, 
Jan: 12. 1621.' Tho: Weston. 

Stmdry other things I pass over, being tedious and imperti- 

All this was but could comfort to fill their hungrie bellies, 
and a slender performance of his former late promiss; and as 
Utle did it either fill or warme them, as those the Apostle James 
spake of, by him before mentioned. And well might it make 
them remember what the psalmist saith, Psa. 118.8. It is 
better to trust in the Lord, then to have confidence in man. And 
Psa. 146. Put not you trust in princes (much less in the 
marchants) nor in the sone of man, for ther is no help in them. 
V. 5. Blesed is he that hath the God of Jacob for his help, whose 
hope is in the Lord his God. And as they were now fayled of 
suply by him and others in this their greatest neede and wants, 
which was caused by him and the rest, who put so great a com- 
pany of men upon them, as the former company were, without 
any food, and came at shuch a time as they must five almost 
a whole year before any could be raised, excepte they had 
sente some; so, upon the pointe they never had any supply of 
vitales more afterwards (but what the Lord gave them other- 
wise) ; for all the company sent at any time was allways too 
short for those people that came with it. 

Ther came allso by the same ship other leters, but of later 
date, one from Mr. Weston, an other from a parte of the ad- 
venturers, as foloweth. 

Mr. Carver, since my last, to the end we might the more readily pro- 
ceed to help the generall, at a meeting of some of the principall advent- 

• 7. e., 1622. 


urers, a proposition was put forth, and alowed by all presente (save 
Pickering), to adventure each man the third parte of what he formerly 
had done. And ther are some other that folow his example, and will ad- 
venture no furder. In regard wherof the greater part of the adventurers 
being willing to uphold the bussines, finding it no reason that those that 
are willing should uphold the bussines of those that are unwilling, whose 
backwardnes doth discourage those that are forward, and hinder other 
new-adventurers from coming in, we having well considered therof, have 
resolved, according to an article in the agreemente, (that it may be lawfull 
by a generall consente of the adventurers and planters, upon just occa- 
sion, to breake of their joynte stock,) to breake it of; and doe pray 
you to ratifie, and confirme the same on your parts. Which being done, 
we shall the more willingly goe forward for the upholding of you with 
all things necesarie. But in any case you must agree to the artickls, and 
send it by the first under your hands and seals. So I end. 

Your loving freind, 
Jan: 17. 1621. Tho: Weston. 

Another leter was write from part of the company of the 
adventurers to the same purpose, and subscribed with 9. of 
their names, wherof Mr. Westons and Mr. Beachamphs were 
tow. Thes things seemed Strang vmto them, seeing this un- 
constancie and shufling; it made them to thinke ther was 
some misterie in the matter. And therfore the Gov'" con- 
cealed these letters from the pubhck, only imparted them to 
some trustie freinds for advice, who concluded with him, that 
this tended to disband and scater them (in regard of their 
straits) ; and if Mr. Weston and others, who seemed to rune in 
a perticuler way, should come over with shiping so provided 
as his letters did intimate, they most would fall to him, to the 
prejudice of them selves and the rest of the adventure[r]s, their 
freinds, from whom as yet they heard nothing. And it was 
doubted whether he had not sente over shuch a company in 
the former ship, for shuch an end. Yet they tooke compassion 
of those 7. men which this ship, which fished to the eastward, 
had kept till planting time was over, and so could set no corne; 
and allso wanting vitals, (for they tinned them off without 
any, and indeed wanted for them selves,) neither was their salt- 


pan come, so as they could not performe any of those things 
which Mr. Weston had apointed, and might have starved if 
the plantation had not succoured them; who, in their wants, 
gave them as good as any of their owne. The ship wente to 
Virginia, wher they sould both ship and fish, of which (it was 
conceived) Mr. Weston had a very slender accounte. 

After this came another of his ships, and brought letters 
dated the 10. of Aprill, from Mr. Weston, as followeth. 

Mr. Bradford, these, etc. The Fortune is arived, of whose good 
news touching your estate and proceedings, I am very glad to hear. And 
how soever he was robed on the way by the Frenchmen,^ yet I hope your 
loss will not be great, for the conceite of so great a returne doth much 
animate the adventurers, so that I hope some matter of importance will 
be done by them, etc. As for my selfe, I have sould my adventure and 
debts unto them, so as I am quit ^ of you, and you of me, for that matter, 
etc. Now though I have nothing to pretend as an adventurer amongst 
you, yet I will advise you a litle for your good, if you can apprehend it. 
I perceive and know as well as another, the dispositions of your ad- 
venturers, whom the hope of gaine hath drawne on to this they have done; 
and yet I fear that hope will not draw them much furder. Besids, most 
of them are against the sending of them of Leyden, for whose cause this 
bussines' was first begune, and some of the most religious (as Mr. Greene 
by name) ' excepts against them. So that my advice is (you may follow 
it if you please) that you forthwith break of your joynte stock, which you 
have warente to doe, both in law and conscience, for the most parte of the 
adventurers have given way unto it by a former letter. And the means 
you have ther, which I hope will be to some purpose by the trade of thb 
spring, may, with the help of some freinds hear, bear the charge of trans- 
porting those-of Leyden; and when they are with you I make no question 
but by Gods help you will be able to subsist of your selves. But I shall 
leave you to your discretion. 

I desired diverce of the adventurers, as Mr. Peirce, Mr. Greene, and 
others, if they had any thing to send you, either vitails or leters, to send 
them by these ships ; and marvelling they sent not so much as a letter, I 
asked our passengers what leters they had, and with some dificultie one 
of them tould me he had one, which was delivered him with great charge 
of secrecie; and for more securitie, to buy a paire of new -shoes, and sow 
'See the Introduction. ^ "See how his promiss is fulfild." (Br.) 
' William Greene was one of the' merchant adventurers. 


it betweene the soles for fear of intercepting. I, taking the leter, wonder- 
ing what mistrie might be in it, broke it open, and found this treacherous 
letter subscribed by the hands of Mr. Pickering and Mr. Greene. Wich 
leter had it come to you'' hands without answer, might have caused the 
hurt, if not the ruine, of us all. For assuredly if you had followed their 
instructions, and shewed us that unkindness which they advise you unto, 
to hold us in distruste as enimise, etc., it might have been an occasion 
to have set us togeather by the eares, to the distraction of us all. For I 
doe beleeve that in shuch a case, they knowing what bussines hath been 
betweene us, not only my brother, but others also, would have been violent, 
and heady against you, etc. I mente to have setled the people I before 
and now send, with or near you, as well for their as your more securitie and 
defence, as help on all occasions. But I find the adventurers so jealous 
and suspitious, that I have altered my resolution, and given order to my 
brother and those with him, to doe as they and him self e shall find fitte. 
Thus, etc. 

Your loving freind, 
Aprill 10. 1621. Tho: Weston. 

(Some part of Mr Pickerings letter before mentioned 

To Mr. Bradford and Mr. Brewster, etc. 

My dear love remembred unto you all, etc. The company hath 
bought out Mr. Weston, and are very glad they are freed of him, he being 
judged a man that thought him self e above the generall, and not expresing 
so much the fear of God as was meete in a man to whom sliuch trust 
should have been reposed in a matter of so great importance. I am 
sparing to be so plaine as indeed is clear against him; but a few words 
to the wise. 

Mr. Weston will not permitte leters to be sent in his ships, nor any 
thing for your good or ours, of which ther is some reason in respecte of 
him selfe, etc. His brother Andrew, whom he doth send as principall 
in one of these ships, is a heady yong man, and violente, and set against 
you ther, and the company hear; ploting with Mr. Weston their owne 
ends, which tend to your and our undooing in respecte of our estates ther, 
and prevention of our good ends. For by credible testimoney we are 
informed his purpose is to come to your colonic, pretending he comes for 
and from the adventurers, and will seeke to gett what you have in readynes 
into his ships, as if they came from the company, and possessing all, will 
be so much profite to him selfe. And further to informe them selves what 
spetiall places or things you have discovered, to the end that they may 
supres and deprive you, etc. 


The Lord, who is the watchman of Israll and slepeth not, preserve 
you and deliver you from unreasonable men. I am sorie that ther is 
cause to admonish you of these things concerning this man; so I leave 
you to God, who bless and multiply you into thousands, to the advance- 
mente of the glorious gospell of our Lord Jesus. Amen. Fare well. 

Your loving freinds, 

Edwaed Pickeeing. 
William Geeene. 

1 pray conceale both the writing and deliverie of this leter, but make 
the best use of it. We hope to sete forth a ship our selves with in this 

The heads of his answer. 

Mr. Bradford, this is the leter that I wrote unto you of, which to 
answer in every perticuler is needles and tedious. My owne conscience 
and all our people can and I thinke will testifie, that my end in sending 
the ship Sf arrow was your good, etc. Now I will not deney but ther are 
many of our people rude fellows, as these men terme them; yet I presume 
they will be governed by such as I set over them. And I hope not only 
to be able to reclaime them from that profanenes that may scandalise the 
vioage, but by degrees to draw them to God, etc. I am so farr from send- 
ing rude fellows to deprive you either by fraude or violence of what 
is yours, as I have charged the m''' of the ship Sparrow, not only to 
leave with you 2000. of bread, but also a good quantitie of fish,' etc. But 
I will leave it to you to consider what evill this leter would or might 
have done, had it come to your hands and taken the effecte the other 

Now if you be of the mind that these men are, deale plainly with us, 
and we will seeke our residence els-wher. If you are as freindly as we 
have thought you to be, give us the entertainment of freinds, and we will 
take nothing from you, neither meat, drinke, nor lodging, but what we 
will, in one kind or other, pay you for, etc. I shall leave in the countrie 
a litle ship (if God send her safe thither) with mariners and fisher-men 
to stay ther, who shall coast, and trad with the savages, and the old 
plantation. It may be we shall be as helpfull to you, as you will be to 
us. I thinke I shall see you the next spring; and so I comend you to the 
protection of God, who ever keep you. 

Your loving freind, 

Tho: Weston. 
' "But yo [he] left not his own men a bite of bread." (Br.) 


Thus all ther hops in regard of Mr. Weston were layed in 
the dust, and all his promised helpe turned into an empttie 
advice, which they apprehended was nether lawfull nor profit- 
able for them to follow. And they were not only thus left 
destitute of help in their extreme wants, haveing neither 
yitails, nor any thing to trade with, but others prepared and 
ready to glean up what the cimtrie might have afforded for 
their releefe. As for those harsh censures and susspitions in- 
timated in the former and following leters, they desired to 
judg as charitably and wisly of them as they could, waighing 
them in the ballance of love and reason ; and though they (in 
parte) came from godly and loveing freinds, yet they con- 
ceived many things might arise from over deepe jealocie and 
fear, togeather with immeete provocations, though they well 
saw Mr. Weston pursued his owne ends, and was imbittered 
in spirite. For after the receit of the former leters, the 
Gov'" received one from Mr. Cushman, who went home in the 
ship, and was allway intimate with Mr. Weston, (as former 
passages declare), and it was much marveled that nothing 
was heard from him, all this while. But it should seeme it 
was the difficulty of sending, for this leter was directed as the 
leter of a wife to her husband, who was here, and brought by 
him to the Gov"". It was as foUoweth. 

Beloved Sr: I hartily salute you, with trust of your health, and many 
thanks for your love. By Gods providence we got well home the 17. of 
Feb. Being robbed by the Frenchmen by the way, and carried by them 
into France, and were kepte ther 15. days, and lost all that we had that 
was worth taking; but thanks be to God, we escaped with our lives and 
ship. I see not that it worketh any discouragment hear. I purpose 
by Gods grace to see you shortly, I hope in June nexte, or before. In the 
mean space know these things, and I pray you be advertised a litle. Mr. 
Weston hath quite broken of from our company, through some discontents 
that arose betwext him and some of our adventurers, and hath sould all 
his adventurs, and hath now sent 3. smale ships for his perticuler planta- 
tion. The greatest wherof, being 100. tune, Mr. Reynolds goeth m'^ and 
he with the rest purposeth to come him selfe; for what end I know not. 


The people which they cary are no men for us, wherfore I pray you 
entertaine them not, neither exchainge man for man with them, excepte 
it be some of your worst. He hath taken a patente for him selfe. If they 
offerr to buy any thing of you, let it be shuch as you can spare, and let 
them give the worth of it. If they borrow any thing of you, let them 
leave a good pawne, etc. It is like he will plant to the southward of the 
Cape, for William Trevore ^ hath lavishly tould but what he knew or 
imagined of Capewack, Mohiggen, and the Narigansets. I fear these peo- 
ple will hardly deale so well with the savages as they should. I pray you 
therfore signifie to Squanto, that they are a distincte body from us, and 
we have nothing to doe with them, neither must be blamed for their falts, 
much less can warrente their fidelitie. We are aboute to recover our losses 
in France. Our freinds at Leyden are well, and will come to you as many 
as can this time. I hope all will turne to the best, wherfore I pray you 
be not discouraged, but gather up your selfe to goe thorow these dificulties 
cherfully and with courage in that place wherin God hath sett you, untill 
the day of refreshing come. And the Lord God of sea and land bring us 
comfortably togeather againe, if it may stand with his glorie. 


On the other sid of the leafe, in the same leter, came these 
few lines from Mr. John Peirce, in whose name the patente was 
taken, and of whom more will follow, to be spoken in its place. 

Worthy Sr: I desire you to take into consideration that which is 
writen on the other side, and not any way to damnific your owne collony, 
whos strength is but weaknes, and may therby be more infeebled. And 
for the leters of association, by the next ship we send, I hope you shall re- 
ceive satisfaction; in the mean time whom you admite I will approve. 
But as for Mr. Weston's company, I thinke them so base in condition 
(for the most parte) as in all apearance not fitt for an honest mans com- 
pany. I wish they prove other wise. My purpose is not to enlarge my 
selfe, but cease in these few lins, and so rest 

Your loving freind, 

John Peirce. 

All these things they pondred and well considered, yet 
concluded to give his men frendly entertainmente; partly in 
regard of Mr. Weston him selfe, considering what he had been 
unto them, and done for them, and to some, more espetially; 

' William Trevore came in the Mayflower, having been hired for a year, and 
returned to England. 


and partly in compassion to the people, who were now come 
into a willdemes, (as them selves were,) and were by the ship 
to be presently put a shore, (for she was to cary other pas- 
sengers to Virginia, who lay at great charge,) and they were 
alltogeather unacquainted and knew not what to doe. So as 
they had received his former company of 7. men, and vitailed 
them as their owne hitherto, so they also received these (being 
aboute 60. lusty men), and gave housing for them selves and 
their goods; and many being sicke, they had the best means 
the place could aford them. They stayed hear the most parte 
of the sommer till the ship came back againe from Virginia. 
Then, by his direction, or those whom he set over them, they 
removed into the Massachusset Bay, he having got a patente 
for some part ther, (by hght of ther former discovery in leters 
sent home).' Yet they left all ther sicke folke hear till they 
were setled and housed. But of ther victails they had not 
any, though they were in great wante, nor any thing els in 
recompence of any courtecife done them; neither did they 
desire it, for they saw they were an unruly company, and had 
no good govermente over them, and by disorder would soone 
fall into wants if Mr. Weston came not the sooner amongst 
them; and therfore, to prevente all after occasion, would have 
nothing of them. 

Amids these streigths, and the desertion of those from 
whom they had hoped for supply, and when famine begane 
now to pinch them sore, they not knowing what to doe, the 
Lord, (who never fails his,) presents them with an occasion, 
beyond all expectation. This boat which came from the east- 
ward brought them a letter from a stranger, of whose name they 
had never heard before, being a captaine of a ship come ther a 
fishing. This leter was as foUoweth. Being thus inscribed. 

To all his good freinds at PHmoth, these, etc. 

Freinds, cuntrimen, and neighbours: I salute you, and wish you all 
health and hapines in the Lord. I make bould with these few lines to 
• Weston's patent is not extant. 


trouble you, because unless I were unhumane, I can doe no les. Bad 
news doth spread it selfe too fair; yet I will so farr informe you that my 
selfe, with many good freinds in the south-collonie of Virginia, have re- 
ceived shuch a blow, that 400. persons large will not make good our losses. 
Therfore I doe intreat you (allthough not knowing you) that the old rule 
which I learned when I went to schoole, may be sufScente. That is, 
Hapie is he whom other mens harmes doth make to beware. And now 
againe and againe, wishing all those that willingly would serve the Lord, 
all health and happines in this world, and everlasting peace in the world 
to come. And so I rest. 


John Hudlston. 

By this boat the Gov"" returned a thankful! answer, 
as was meete, and sent a boate of their owne with them, which 
was piloted by them, in which Mr. Winslow was sente to pro- 
cure what provissions he could of the ships, who was kindly 
received by the foresaid gentill-man, who not only spared what 
he could, but writ to others to doe the hke. By which means 
he gott some good quantitie and returned in saftie, by which 
the plantation had a duble benefite, first, a present refreshing 
by the food brought, and secondly, they knew the way to 
those parts for their benifite hearafter. But what was gott, 
and this small boat brought, being devided among so many, 
came but to a htle, yet by Gods blesing it upheld them till 
harvest. It arose but to a quarter of a pound of bread a day 
to each person; and the Gov'' caused it to be dayly given 
them, otherwise, had it been in their owne custody, they 
would have eate it up and then starved. But thus, with what 
els they could get, they made pretie shift till come was ripe. 

This sommer they builte a fort with good timber, both 
strong and comly, which was of good defence, made with a 
flate rofe and batelments, on which their ordnance were 
moimted, and wher they kepte constante watch, espetially in 
time of danger. It served them allso for a meeting house, and 
was fitted accordingly for that use.* It was a great worke 

An interesting description of the town and its fortifications, a few years 
later, is given by Isaac de Rasiferes, secretary of New Netherland, who visited 


for them in this weaknes and time of wants; but the deanger 
of the time required it, and both the continuall rumors of the 
fears from the Indeans hear, espetially the Narigansets, and 
also the hearing of that great massacre in Virginia, made all 
hands willing to despatch the same. 

Now the Wellcome time of harvest aproached, in which all 
had their himgrie belMes filled. But it arose but to a litle, 
in comparison of a full years supphe; partly by reason they 
were not yet well aquainted with the manner of Indean come, 
(and they had no other,) allso their many other imployments, 
but cheefly their weaknes for wante of food, to tend it as they 
should have done. Also much was stobie both by night and 
day, before it became scarce eatable, and much more after- 
ward. And though many were well whipt (when they were 
taken) for a few ears of come, yet hunger made others (whom 
conscience did not restraine) to venture. So as it well ap- 
peared that famine must still insue the next year allso, if not 
some way prevented, or suppHe should faile, to which they 
durst not trust. Markets there was none to goe too, but only 
the Indeans, and they had no trading comodities. Behold 
now another providence of God; a ship comes into the har- 
bor, one Captain Jons being cheefe therin. They were set 
out by some marchants to discovere all the harbors betweene 
this and Virginia, and the shoulds of Cap-Cod, and to trade 
along the coast wher they could. This ship had store of Eng- 
lish-beads (which were then good trade) and some knives, but 
would sell none but at dear rates, and also a good quantie 
togeather. Yet they weere glad of the occasion, and faine to 
buy at any rate; they were faine to give after the rate of 
cento per cento, if not more, and yet pay away coat-beaver at 
3s. per U., which in a few years after yeelded 20s. By this 
means they were fitted againe to trade for beaver and other 
things, and intended to buy what come they could. 

it in 1627. His letter is printed in the Collections of the New York Historical 
Society second series, II. 351. See also pp. 225, 226, 234, post. 


But I will hear take liberty to make a little digression. 
Ther was in this ship a gentle-man by name Mr. John Poory;' 
he had been secretarie in Virginia, and was now going home 
passenger in this ship. After his departure he write a leter to 
the Gov"" in the postscrite wherof he hath these lines. 

To your selfe and Mr. Brewster, I must acknowledg my selfe many 
ways indebted, whose books I would have you thinke very well bestowed 
on him, who esteemeth them shuch juells. My hast would not suffer 
me to remember (much less to begg) Mr. Ainsworths elaborate worke 
upon the 5. books of Moyses. Both his and Mr. Robinsons doe highly 
comend the authors, as being most conversante in the scripturs of all 
others. And what good (who knows) it may please God to worke by 
them, through my hands, (though most unworthy,) who finds shuch high 
contente in them. God have you all in his keeping. 

Your unfained and firme freind, 

Aug. 28. 1622. John Poet. 

These things I hear inserte for honour sake of the authors 
memorie, which this gentle-man doth thus ingeniusly ac- 
knowledg; and him selfe after his returne did this poore- 
plantation much credite amongst those of no mean ranck. 
But to returne. 

Shortly after harvest Mr. Westons people who were now 
seated at the Massachusets, and by disorder (as it seems) had 
made havock of their provissions, begane now to perceive 
that want would come upon them. And hearing that they 
hear had bought trading comodities and intended to trade 
for come, they write to the Gov' and desired they might 
joyne with them, and they would imploy their small ship in the 
servise; and furder requested either to lend or sell them so 
much of their trading comodities as their part might come to, 
and they would undertake to make paymente when Mr. Weston 

' A letter of Pory's describing conditions at Jamestown in 1619 is printed 
in Narratives of Early Virginia, in this series; its introduction gives an account 
of him. He was a traveller and an experienced member of Parliament. As 
speaker of the first elected legislative assembly in America, that which met in 
Jamestown in 1619, he drew up the joiu-nal of its proceedings, which is printed 
in the same volume. 


or their supply, should come. The Gov"" condesended upon 
equall terms of agreemente, thinkeing to goe'aboute the Cap 
to the southward with the ship, wher some store of come 
might be got. Althings being provided, Captaint Standish 
was apointed to goe with them, and Squanto for a guid and 
interpreter, about the latter end .of September ; but the winds 
put them in againe, and putting out the 2. time, he fell sick 
of a feavor, so the Gov"" wente him selfe. But they could 
not get aboute the should of Cap-Cod, for flats and break- 
ers, neither could Squanto directe them better, nor the m"" 
durst venture any further, so they put into Manamoyack Bay 
and got w*^ [what] they could ther. In this place Squanto 
fell sick of an Indean feavor, bleeding much at the nose (which 
the Indeans take for a simptome of death), and within a few 
days dyed ther; desiring the Gov'' to pray for him, that 
he might goe to the Enghshmens God in heaven, and be- 
queathed sundrie of his things to simdry of his English freinds, 
as remembrances of his love; of whom they had a great loss. 
They got in this vioage, in one place and other, about 26. or 
28. hogsheads of corne and beans, which was more then the 
Indeans could well spare in these parts, for the set but a htle 
till they got Enghsh hows. And so were faine to returne, 
being sory they could not gett about the Cap, to have been 
better laden. After ward the Gov"" tooke a few men and 
wente to the inland places, to get what he could, and to 
fetch it home at the spring, which did help them something. 
After these things, in Feb: a messenger came from John 
Sanders, who was left cheefe over Mr. Weston's men in the bay 
of Massachusets, who brought a letter shewing the great wants 
they were falen mto; and he would have borrowed a Ml 
of corne of the Indeans, but they would lend him none. He 
desired advice whether he might not take it from them by 
force to succore his men till he came from the eastward, 
whither he was going. The Gov"" and rest deswaded him by 
all means from it, for it might so exasperate the Indeans as 


might endanger their saftie, and all of us might smart for it; 
for they had already heard how they had so wronged the 
Indeans by steaUng their corne, etc. as they were much in- 
censed against them. Yea, so base were some of their own 
company, as they wente and tould the Indeans that their 
Gov'' was purposed to come and take their come by force. 
The which with other things made them enter into a con- 
spiracie against the English, of which more in the nexte. 
Hear with I end this year. 

Anno Dom: 1623. 

It may be thought Strang that these people- should fall to 
these extremities in so short a time, being left competently 
provided when the ship left them, and had an addition by that 
moyetie of corn that was got by trade, besids much they gott 
of the Indans wher they hved, by one means and other. It 
must needs be their great disorder, for they spent excesseivly 
whilst they had, or could get it; and, it may be, wasted parte 
away among the Indeans (for he that was their cheef was 
taxed by some amongst them for keeping Indean women, how 
truly I know not). And after they begane to come into 
wants, many sould away their cloathes and bed coverings; 
others (so base were they) became servants to the Indeans, 
and would cutt them woode and fetch them water, for a cap 
full of corne; others fell to plaine stealing, both night and day, 
from the Indeans, of which they greevosly complained. In 
the end, they came to that misery, that some starved and 
dyed with could and hunger. One in geathering shell-fish was 
so weake as he stuck fast in the mudd, and was found dead in 
the place. At last most of them left their dwellings and 
scatered up and downe in the woods, and by the water sids, 
wher they could find groimd nuts and clames, hear 6. and ther 
ten. By which their cariages they became contemned and 
scorned of the Indeans, and they begane greatly to insulte over 
them in a most insolente maner; insomuch, many times as 


they lay thus scatered abrod, and had set on a pot with ground 
nuts or shell-fish, when it was ready the Indeans would come 
and eate it up; and when night came, wheras some of them 
had a sorie blanket, or such like, to lappe them selves in, the 
Indeans would take it and let the other lye all nighte in the 
could; so as their condition was very lamentable. Yea, in 
the end they were faine to hange one of their men, whom 
they could not reclaime from stealing, to give the Indeans 

Whilst things wente in this maner with them, the Gov"" 
and people hear had notice that Massasoyte ther freind was 
sick and near unto death. They sent to vissete him, and 
withall sente him such comfortable things as gave him great 
contente, and was a means of his recovery; upon which occa- 
sion he discovers the conspiracie of these Indeans, how they 
were resolved to cutt of Mr. Westons people, for the con- 
tiauall injuries they did them, and would now take oppor- 
timitie of their weaknes to doe it; and for that end had con- 
spired with other Indeans their neighbours their aboute. And 
thinking the people hear would revenge their death, they 
therfore thought to doe the Uke by them, and had solisited 
him to joyne with them. He advised them therfore to prevent 
it, and that speedly by taking of some of the cheefe of them, 
before it was to late, for he asured them of the truth hereof. 

This did much trouble them, and they tooke it into serious 
dehbration, and found upon examenation other evidence to 
give Ught hear tmto, to longe hear to relate. In the mean 
time, came one of them from the Massachucts, with a small 
pack at his back ; and though he knew not a foote of the way, 
yet he got safe hither, but lost his way, which was well for him, 
for he was pursued, and so was mist. He tould them hear how 
all things stood amongst them, and that he durst stay no 
longer, he apprehended they (by what he observed) would be 
all knokt in the head shortly. This made them make the 
more hast, and dispatched a boate away with Capten Standish 


and some men, who found them in a miserable condition, out 
of which he rescued them, and helped them to some releef, cut 
of some few of the cheefe conspirators, and, according to his 
order, offered to bring them all hither if they thought good; 
and they should fare no worse then them selves, till Mr. 
Weston or some supplie came to them. Or, if any other 
course liked them better, he was to doe them any helpfullnes 
he could. They thanked him and the rest. But most of 
them desired he would help them with some come, and they 
would goe with their smale ship to the eastward, wher hapily 
they might here of Mr. Weston, or some supply from him, 
seing the time of the year was for fishing ships to be ia the 
land. If not, they would worke among the fishermen for their 
hveing, and get ther passage into England, if they heard noth- 
ing from Mr. Weston in time. So they shipped what, they 
had of any worth, and he got them all the corne he could 
(scarce leaving to bring him home), and saw them well out 
of the bay, imder saile at sea, and so came home, not takeing 
the worth of a peny of any thing that was theirs. I have but 
touched these things breefiy, because they have alkeady been 
published in printe more at large.' 

This was the end of these that some time bosted of their 
strength, (being all able lustie men,) and what they would 
doe and bring to pass, in comparison of the people hear, who 
had many women and children and weak ons amongst them; 
and said at their first arivall, when they saw the wants hear, 
that they would take an other course, and not to fall into 
shuch a condition, as this simple people were come too. But 
a mans way is not in his owne power; God can make the 
weake to stand; let him also that standeth take heed least 
he fall. 

Shortly after, Mr. Weston came over with some of the 
fishermen, imder another name, and the disguise of a blacke- 
smith, were [where] he heard of the ruine and disolution of 

' "Mourt's Relation," published in London in 1622, is here referred to. 


his colony. He got a boat and with a man or 2. came to see 
how things were. But by the way, for wante of skill, in a 
storme, he cast away his.shalop in the botome of the bay be- 
tween Meremek river and Pascataquack,' and hardly escaped 
with life, and afterwards fell into the hands of the Indeans, 
who pillaged him of all he saved from the sea, and striped him 
out of all his cloaths to his shirte. At last he got to Pascata- 
quack, and borrowed a suite of cloaths, and got means to 
come to Phmoth. A Strang alteration ther was in him to 
such as had seen and known him in his former florishing con- 
dition; so uncertaine are the mutable things of this unstable 
world. And yet men set their harts upon them, though they 
dayly see the vanity therof . 

After many passages, and much discourse, (former things 
boyhng in his mind, but bit in as was discemd,) he desired to 
borrow some beaver of them; and tould them he had hope of 
a ship and good supply to come to him, and then they should 
have any thing for it they stood in neede of. They gave Utle 
credite to his supplie, but pitied his case, and remembered 
former curtesies. They tould him he saw their wants, and they 
knew not when they should have any supply; also how the 
case stood betweene them and their adventurers, he well 
knew; they had not much bever, and if they should let him 
have it, it were enoughe to make a mutinie among the people, 
seeing ther was no other means to procure them foode which 
they so much wanted, and cloaths allso. Yet they tould him 
they would help him, considering his necessitie, but must doe 
it secretly for the former reasons. So they let him have 100. 
beaver-skins, which waighed 170U. odd pounds. Thus they 
helpt him when all the world faild him, and with this means 
he went againe to the ships, and stayed his small ship and 
some of his men, and bought provissions and fited him selfe; 
and it was the only foundation of his after course. But he 

' I. e., near Hampton Beach, between the mouth of the Merrimac and the 
present site of Portsmouth. 


requited them ill, for he proved after a bitter enimie unto 
them upon all occasions, and never repayed them any thing 
for it, to this day, but reproches and evill words. Yea, he 
divolged it to some that were none of their best freinds, whilst 
he yet had the beaver in his boat; that he could now set them 
all togeather by the ears, because they had done more then 
they could answer, in letting him have this beaver, and he did 
not spare to doe what he could. But his maUce could not 

All this whille no supply was heard of, neither knew they 
when they might expecte any. So they begane to thinke how 
they might raise as much come as they could, and obtaine a 
beter crope then they had done, that they might not still thus 
languish in miserie. At length, after much debate of things, 
the Gov'' (with the advise of the cheefest amongest them) 
gave way that they should set corne every man for his owne 
perticuler, and in that regard trust to them selves; in all 
other things to goe on in the generall way as before. And so 
assigned to every family a parcell of land, according to the 
proportion of their number for that end, only for present use 
(but made no devission for inheritance), and ranged all boys 
and youth under some familie. This had very good success; 
for it made all hands very industrious, so as much more corne 
was planted then other waise would have bene by any means 
the Gov"" or any other could use, and saved him a great 
deall of trouble, and gave farr better contente. The women 
now wente wiUingly into the feild, and tooke their Utle-ons 
with them to set corne, which before would aledg weaknes, 
and inabihtie; whom to have compelled would have bene 
thought great tiranie and oppression. 

The experience that was had in this commone course and 
condition, tried sundrie years, and that amongst godly and 
sober men, may well evince the vanitie of that conceite of 
Platos and other .ancients, applauded by some of later times; 
— that the taking away of propertie, and bringing in com- 


munitie into a comone wealth, would make them happy and 
florishing ; as if they were wiser then God. For this comunitie 
(so farr as it was) was foimd to breed much confusion and 
discontent, and retard much imployment that would have 
been to their benefite and comforte. For the yong-men that 
were most able and fitte for labour and service did repine that 
they shoiild spend their time and streingth to worke for other 
mens wives and children, with out any recompence. The 
strong, or man of parts, had no more in devission of victails 
and cloaths, then he that was weake and not able to doe a 
quarter the other could; this was thought injuestice. The 
aged and graver men to be ranked and equaUsed in labotirs, 
and victails, cloaths, etc., with the meaner and yonger sorte, 
thought it some indignite and disrespect xmto them. And 
for mens wives to be commanded to doe servise for other men, 
as dresing their meate, washing their cloaths, etc., they deemd 
it a kind of slaverie, neither could many husbands well brooke 
it. Upon the poynte all being to have alike, and all to doe 
alike, they thought them selves in the like condition, and one 
as good as another; and so, if it did not cut of those relations 
that God hath set amongest men, yet it did at least much 
diminish and take of the mutuall respects that should be pre- 
served amongst them. And would have bene worse if they 
had been men of another condition. Let none objecte this is 
men's corruption, and nothing to the course it selfe. I an- 
swer, seeing all men have this corruption in them, God in his 
wisdome saw another course fiter for them. 

But to retume. After this course setled, and by that' 
their come was planted, all ther victails were spente, and 
they were only to rest on Gods providence; at night not many 
times knowing wher to have a bitt of any thing the next day. 
And so, as one well observed, had need to pray that God would 
give them their dayly brade, above all people in the world. 
Yet they bore these wants with great patience and allacritie 

' By the time that. 


of spirite, and that for so long a time as for the most parte of 
2. years; which makes me remember what Peter Martire writs, 
(in magnifying the Spaniards) in his 5. Decade, pag. 208.' 
They (saith he) led a miserable life for 5. days togeather, with the 
parched graine of maize only, and that not to saturitie; and then 
concluds, that shuch pains, shuch labours, and shuch hunger, he 
thought none living which is not a Spaniard could have endured. 
But alass! these, when they had maize (that is, Indean come) 
they thought it as good as a feast, and wanted not only for 
5. days togeather, but some time 2. or 3. months togeather, 
and neither had bread nor any kind of come. Indeed, in an 
other place, in his 2. Decade, page 94. he mentions how others 
of them were worse put to it, wher they were faine to eate 
doggs, toads, and dead men, and so dyed almost all. From 
these extremities they [the] Lord in his goodnes kept these his 
people, and in their great wants preserved both their hves 
and healthes ; let his name have the praise. Yet let me hear 
make use of his conclusion, which in some sorte may be ap- 
plied to this people: That with their miseries they opened a 
way to these new-lands; and after these stormes, with what ease 
other men came to inhabite in them, in respecte of the calamities 
these men suffered; so as they seeme to goe to a bride feaste wher 
all things are provided for them. 

They haveing but one boat left and she not over well fitted, 
they were devided into severall companies, 6. or 7. to a gangg 
or company, and so wente out with a nett they had bought, 
to take bass and such like fish, by course, every company 
knowing their turne. No sooner was the boate discharged of 
what she brought, but the next company tooke her and wente 
out with her. Neither did they returne till they had cauight 
something, though it were 5. or 6. days before, for they knew 
there was nothing at home, and to goe home emptie would be 
a great discouragemente to the rest. Yea, they strive who 

' Peter Martyr of Anghiera, Decades de Rebus Oceanicis et Novo Orbe, the 
great Spanish history of America, translated into English by Richard Eden. 


should doe best. If she stayed longe or got litle, then all 
went to seeking of shel-fish, which at low-water they digged 
out of the sands. And this was their hving in the sommer time, 
till God sente them beter; and in winter they were helped 
with ground-nuts and foule. Also in the sommer they gott 
now and then a dear; for one or 2. of the fitest was apoynted 
to range the woods for that end, and what was gott that way 
was devided amongst them. 

At length they received some leters from the adventurers, 
too long and tedious hear to record, by which they heard of 
their fiu-der crosses and frustrations; begining in this maner. 

Loving freinds, as your sorrows and afflictions have bin great, so 
our croses and interceptions in our proceedings hear, have not been 
small. For after we had with much trouble and charge sente the Parra- 
gon away to sea, and thought all the paine past, within 14. days after she 
came againe hither, being dangerously leaked, and brused with tempest- 
ious stormes, so as shee was faine to be had into the docke, and an lOOli. 
bestowed upon her. All the passengers lying upon our charg for 6. or 
7. weeks, and much discontent and distemper was occasioned hereby, 
so as some dangerous evente had like to insewed. But we trust all shall 
be well and worke for the best and your benefite, if yet with patience you 
can waite, and but have strength to hold in life. Whilst these things were 
doing, Mr. Westons ship came and brought diverce leters from you, etc. 
It rejoyseth us much to hear of those good reports that diverce have 
brought home from you, etc. 

These letters were dated Des. 21 : 1622. 

So farr of this leter. 

This ship was brought by Mr. John Peirce, and set out at 
his owne charge, upon hope of great maters. These passen- 
gers, and the goods the company sent in her, he tooke in for 
fraught, for which they agreed with him to be dehvered hear. 
This was he in whose name their first patente was taken, by 
reason of aquaintance, and some ahance that some of their 
freinds had with him. But his name was only used in trust. 
But when he saw they were hear hopfuUy thus seated, and by 
the success God gave them had obtained the favour of the 


Coimsell of New-England, he goes and sues to them for an- 
other patent of much larger extente (in their names), which 
was easily obtained.* But he mente to keep it to him selfe 
and alow them what he pleased, to hold of him as tenants, 
and sue to his courts as cheefe Lord, as will appear by that 
which follows. But the Lord marvelously crost him; for 
after this first returne, and the charge above mentioned, when 
shee was againe fitted, he pesters him selfe and taks in more 
passengers, and those not very good to help to bear his losses, 
and sets out the 2. time. But what the event was will appear 
from another leter from one of the cheefe of the company, 
dated the 9. of Aprill, 1623. writ to the Gov"" hear, as fol- 

Loving freind, when I write my last leter, I hope to have received one 
from you. well-nigh by this time. But when I write in Des : I litle thought 
to have seen Mr. John Peirce till he had brought some good tidings from 
you. But it pleased God, he brought us the wofull tidings of his returne 
when he was half-way over, by extraime tempest, werin the goodnes and 
mercie of God appeared in sparing their lives, being 109. souls. The 
loss is so great to Mr. Peirce, etc., and the companie put upon so great 
charge, as veryly, etc. 

Now with great trouble and loss, we have got Mr. John Peirce to 
assigne over the grand patente to the companie, which he had taken in 
his owne name, and made quite voyd our former grante. I am sorie to 
writ how many hear thinke that the hand of God was justly against him, 
both the first and 2. time of his returne; in regard he, whom you and 
we so confidently trusted, but only to use his name for the company, 
should aspire to be lord over us all, and so make you and us tenants at 
his will and pleasure, our assurance or patente being quite voyd and 
disanuled by his means. I desire to judg charitably of him. But his 
unwillingnes to part with his royall Lordship, and the high-rate he set it 
at, which was 500li. which cost him but 50li., maks many speake and 
judg hardly of him. The company are out for goods in his ship, with 
charge aboute the passengers, QiOli., etc. 

' April 20, 1622, John Pierce surrendered to the Council for New England 
the patent of June 1, 1621, which he had obtained ostensibly for the benefit of 
the Pilgrims, and took a new patent of the same lands for himself alone. On 
the facts being presented to the Council, March 25, 1623, they assured to the 
colonists all the rights to which they had been entitled under the former patent. 


We have agreed with 2. marchants for a ship of 140. tunes, caled the 
Anne, which is to be ready the last of this month, to bring 60. passengers 
and 60. tune of goods, etc. 

This was dated Aprill 9. 1623. 

These were ther owne words and judgmente of this mans 
deaUng and proceedings ; for I thought it more meete to ren- 
der them in theirs then my owne words. And yet though 
ther was never got other recompence then the resignation of this 
patente, and the shares he had in adventure, for all the former 
great sumes, he was never quiet, but sued them in most of 
the cheefe courts in England, and when he was still cast, 
brought it to the Parlemente. But he is now dead, and I 
will leave him to the Lord. 

This ship suffered the greatest extreemitie- at sea at her 2. 
retume, that one shall hghtly hear of, to be saved; as I have 
been informed by Mr. Wilham Peirce who was then m"" 
of her, and many others that were passengers in her. It was 
aboute the midle of Feb : The storme was for the most parte 
of 14. days, but for 2. or 3. days and nights togeather in most 
violent extremitie. After they had cut downe their mast, the 
storme beat of their round house and all their uper works; 
3. men had worke enough at the helme, and he that cund' 
the ship before the sea, was faine to be bound fast for washing 
away; the seas did so overrake them, as many times those upon 
the decke knew not whether they were within bord or withoute ; 
and once she was so foundered ia the sea as they all thought 
she would never rise againe. But yet the Lord preserved 
them, and brought them at last safe to Ports-mouth, to the 
wonder of all men that saw in what a case she was in, and 
heard what they had endured. 

About the later end of Jime came in a ship, with Captaine 
Francis West,^ who had a commission to be admirall of New- 
England, to restraine interlopers, and shuch fishing ships as 
came to fish and trade without a hcence from the Counsell of 

' "Conned," i. e., directed. " A brother of Lord Delaware. 


New-England, for which they should pay a round sume of 
money. But he could doe no good of them, for they were to 
stronge for him, and he found the fisher men to be stubeme 
fellows. And their owners, upon complainte made to the 
Parlemente,' procured an order that fishing should be free. 
He tould the Gov'' they spooke with a ship at sea, and 
were abord her, that was coming for this plantation, in which 
were sxmdrie passengers, and they marvelled she was not 
arrived, fearing some miscariage; for they lost her in a storme 
that fell shortly after they had been abord. Which relation 
filled them full of fear, yet mixed with hope. The m'' of 
this ship had some 2. hh of pease to sell, but seeing their 
wants, held them at 9li. sterling a hoggshead, and imder 
8li. he would not take, and yet would have beaver at an 
under rate. But they tould him they had lived so long with- 
out, and would doe still, rather then give sa unreasonably. 
So they went from hence to Virginia. 

[I may not here omite how, notwithstand all their great 
paines and Industrie, and the great hops of a large' cropp, the 
Lord seemed to blast, and take away the same, and to threaten 
further and more sore famine unto them, by a great drought 
which continued from the 3. weeke in May, till about the 
midle of July, without any raine, and with great heat (for the 
most parte), insomuch as the corne begane to wither away, 
though it was set with fishe, the moysture wherof helped it 
much. Yet at length it begane to languish sore, and some of 
the drier groimds were partched like withered hay, part 
wherof was never recovered. Upon which they sett a parte a 
solemne day of humilHation, to seek the Lord by humble and 
fervente prayer, in this great distrese. And he was pleased to 
give them a gracious and speedy answer, both to thier owne 
and the Indeans admiration, that lived amongest them. For 
all the morning, and greatest part of the day, it was clear 

' The attack was made a part of the general movement in Parliament against 
monopolies. See Commons Journal, I. 688-697. 


weather and very hotte, and not a cloud or any signe of raine 
to be seen, yet toward evening it begane to overcast, and 
shortly after to raine, with shuch sweete and gentle showers, 
as gave them cause of rejoyceing, and blesing God. It came, 
without either wind, or thunder, or any violence, and by de- 
greese in that abundance, as that the earth was thorowly wete 
and soked therwith. Which did so apparently revive and 
quicken the decayed corne and other fruits, as was wonder- 
full to see, and made the Indeans astonished to behold; and 
afterwards the Lord sent them shuch seasonable showers, with 
enterchange of faire warme weather, as, through his blessing, 
caused a fruitfull and liberall harvest, to their no small com- 
forte and rejoycing. For which mercie (in time conveniente) 
they also ^ett aparte a day of thanksgiveing. This being over- 
slipt in its place, I thought meet here to inserte the same.] * 

About 14. days after came in this ship, caled the Anne, 
wherof Mr. William Peirce was m'', and aboute a weeke or 
10. days after came in the pinass which in foule weather 
they lost at sea, a fine new vessell of about 44. time, which the 
company had builte to stay in the cimtrie.^ They brought 
about 60. persons for the generall, some of them being very 
usefull persons, and became good members to the body, and 
some were the wives and children of shuch as were hear all- 
ready. And some were so bad, as they were faine to be at 
charge to send them home againe the next year. Also, besids 
these ther came a company, that did not belong to the gen- 
erall body, but came one [on] their perticuler, and were to 
have lands assigned them, and be for them selves, yet to be 
subjecte to the generall Goverment; which caused some 
diferance and disturbance amongst them, as will after ap- 

' The above is written on the reverse of page 103 of the original, and should 
properly be inserted here. This passage, "being oversHpt in its place," the 
author at first wrote it, or the most of it, under the preceding year; but, dis- 
covering his error before completing it, drew his pen across it, and wrote beneath, 
"This is to be here rased out, and is to be placed on page 103, wher it is inserted." 

' These two vessels were the Anne and LitUe James. For their hst of pas- 
sengers, see Ancient Landmarks of Plymmdh, part i., p. 52, 


peare. I shall hear againe take libertie to inserte a few things 
out of shuch leters as came in this shipe, desiring rather to 
manefest things in ther words and apprehentions, then in my 
owne, as much as may be, without tediousness. 

Beloved freinds, I kindly salute you all, with trust of your healths 
and wellf *re, being right sorie that no supplie hath been made to you all 
this while; for defence wher of, I must referr you to our generall leters. 
Naitheir indeed have we now sent you many things, which we should and 
would, for want of money. But persons, more then inough, (though not 
all we should,) for people come flying in upon us, but monys come creep- 
ing in to us. Some few of your old freinds are come, as, etc. So they 
come droping to you, and by degrees, I hope ere long you shall enjoye 
them all. And because people press so hard upon us to goe, and often 
shuch as are none of the fitest, I pray you write ernestly to the Treasurer 
and directe what persons should be sente. It greeveth me to see so 
weake a company sent you, and yet had I not been hear they had been 
weaker. You must still call upon the company hear to see that honest 
men be sente you, and threaten to send them back if any other come, etc. 
We are not any way so much in danger, as by corrupte an noughty per- 
sons. Shuch, and shuch, came without my consente; but the importu- 
nitie of their freinds got promise of our Treasurer in my absence. Neither 
is ther need we should take any lewd men, for we may have honest men 

Your assured freind, _, _,, 

The following was from the genrall. 

Loving freinds, we most hartily salute you in all love and harty 
affection; being yet in hope that the same God which hath hithertoo 
preserved you in a marvelous maner, doth yet continue your lives and 
health, to his owne praise and all our comforts. Being right sory that you 
have not been sent unto all this time, etc. We have in this ship sent shuch 
women, as were willing and ready to goe to their husbands and freinds, 
with their children, etc. We would not have you discontente, because 
we have not sent you more of your old freinds, and in spetiall, him ^ on 
whom you most depend. Farr be it from us to neclecte you, or contemne 
him. But as the intente was at first, so the evente at last shall shew it, 
that we will deal fairly, and squarly answer your expectations to the full. 
Ther are also come unto you, some honest men to plant upon their pM* 

' Robert Cushman. 

' " J. R." (Note by Bradford, meaning John Robinson.) 


ticulers besids you. A thing which if we should not give way unto, we 
should wrong both them and you. Them, by puting them on things more 
inconveniente, and you, for that being honest men, they will be a strength- 
ening to the place, and good neighbours unto you. Tow things we would 
advise you of, which we have likwise signified them hear. First, the trade 
for skins to be retained for the generall till the devidente; 2*''. that their 
setling by you, be with shuch distance of place as is neither inconvenient 
for the lying of your lands, nor hurtf uli to your speedy and easie assembling 

We have sente you diverse fisher men, with salte,- etc. Diverse other 
provissions we have sente you, as will appear in your bill of lading, and 
though we have not sent all we would (because our cash is small), yet 
it is that we could, etc. 

And allthough it seemeth you have discovered many more rivers and 
fertill grounds then that wher you are, yet seeing by Gods providence that 
place fell to your lote, let it be accounted as your portion; and rather fixe 
your eyes upon that which may be done ther, then languish in hops after 
things els-wher. If your place be not the best, it is better, you shall be 
the less envied and encroached upon; and shuch as are earthly minded, 
will not setle too near your border.^ If the land afford you bread, and 
the sea yeeld you fish, rest you a while contented, God will one day afford 
you better fare. And all men shall know you are neither fugetives nor 
discontents. But can, if God so order it, take the worst to your selves, 
with contend [content], and leave the best to your neighbours, with 

Let it not be greeveous unto you that you have been instruments to 
breake the ise for others who come after with less dificulty, the honour 
shall be yours to the worlds end, etc. 

We bear you always in our brests, and our harty affection is towards 
you all, as are the harts of hundreds more which never saw your faces, 
who doubtles pray for your saftie as their owne, as we our selves both doe 
and ever shall, that the same God which hath so marvelously preserved 
you from seas, foes, and famine, will still preserve you from all future 
dangers, and make you honourable amongst men, and glorious in blise 
at the last day. And so the Lord be with you all and send us joyfull news 
from you, and inable us with one shoulder so to accomplish and perfecte 
this worke, as much glorie may come to Him that conf oundeth the mighty 
by the weak, and maketh small thinges great. To whose greatnes, be all 
glorie for ever and ever. 

' "This proved rather, a propheti, then advice." (Br.) 


This leter was subscribed with 13. of their names.* 
These passengers, when they saw their low and poore 
condition a shore, were much danted and dismayed, and 
according to their diverse humores were diversly affected; 
some wished them selves in England againe; others fell a 
weeping, fancying their own miserie in what they saw now 
in others ; other some pitying the distress they saw their freinds 
had been long in, and still were under; in a word, all were 
full of sadnes. Only some of their old freinds rejoysed to see 
them, and that it was no worse with them, for they could not 
expecte it should be better, and now hoped they should injoye 
better days togeather. And truly it was no marvell they 
should be thus affected, for they were in a very low condition, 
many were ragged in aparell, and some Mtle beter then halfe 
naked; though some that were well stord before, were well 
enough in this regard. But for food they were all alike, save 
some that had got a few pease of the ship that was last hear. 
The best dish they could presente their freinds with was a 
lobster, or a peece of fish, without bread or any thiag els but 
a cupp of fair spring water. And the long continuance of this 
diate, and their laboxn^ abroad, had something abated the 
freshnes of their former complexion. But God gave them 
health and strength in a good measin-e ; and showed them by 
experience the truth of that word, Deut. 8. 3. That man 
liveth not by bread only, but by every word that proceedeth out of 
the mouth of the Lord doth a man live. 

When I think how sadly the scripture speaks of the famine 
in Jaakobs time, when he said to his sonns, Goe buy us food, 
that we may live and not dye. Gen. 42. 2. and 43. 1, that 
the famine was great, or heavie in the land; and yet they 
had such great herds, and store of catle of simdrie kinds, 
which, besids flesh, must needs produse other food, as milke, 

'An answer to it, by Bradford and Allerton, found among the papers of the 
High Court of Admiralty in the British Public Record Office, is printed in the 
American Historical Review, VIII. 295-301. 


butter and cheese, etc., and yet it was counted a sore afflic- 
tion; theirs hear must needs be very great, therfore, who not 
only wanted the staffe of bread, but all these things, and had 
no Egipte to goe too. But God fedd them out of the sea for 
the most parte, so wonderfuU is his providence over his in 
all ages ; for his mercie endureth for ever. 

On the other hand the old planters were affraid that their 
corne, when it was ripe, should be imparted to the new- 
commers, whose provissions which they brought with them 
they feared would fall short before the year wente aboute (as 
indeed it did). They came to the Gov'' and besought him 
that as it was before agreed that they should set corne for 
their perticuler, and accordingly they had taken extraordinary 
pains ther aboute, that they might freely injoye the same, and 
they would not have a bitte of the victails now come, but 
waite till harvest for their owne, and let the new-commers 
injoye what they had brought; they would have none of it, 
excepte they could piu-chase any of it of them by bargaine or 
exchainge. Their requeste was granted them, for it gave both 
sides good contente ; for the new-commers were as much afraid 
that the hungrie planters would have eat up the provissions 
brought, and they should have fallen into the Uke condition. 

This ship was in a shorte time laden with clapbord, by the 
help of many hands. Also they sente in her all the beaver 
and other furrs they had, and Mr. Winslow was sent over with 
her, to informe of all things, and procure such things as were 
thought needfull for their presente condition. By this time 
harvest was come, and in stead of famine, now God gave them 
plentie, and the face of things was changed, to the rejoysing of 
the harts of many, for which they blessed God. And the 
effect of their particuler planting was well seene, for all had, 
one way and other, pretty well to bring the year aboute, and 
some of the abler sorte and more industrious had to spare, 
and sell to others, so as any generall wante or famine hath not 
been amongst them since to this day. 


Those that come on their perticuler looked for greater 
matters then they found or could attaine unto, aboute building 
great houses, and such pleasant situations for them, as them 
selves had fancied ; as if they would be great men and rich, all 
of a sudaine ; but they proved castls in the aire. These were 
the conditions agreed on betweene the colony and them. 

First, that the Gov'', in the name and with the con- 
sente of the company, doth in all love and frendship receive 
and imbrace them; and is to allote them competente places 
for habitations within the towne. And promiseth to shew 
them all such other curtesies as shall be reasonable for them 
to desire, or us to performe. 

2. That they, on their parts, be subjecte to all such laws 
and orders as are already made, or hear after shall be, for the 
pubUck good. 

3. That they be freed and exempte from the generall im- 
ployments of the said company, (which their presente condi- 
tion of comimitie requireth,) excepte commime defence, and 
such other imployments as tend to the perpetuall good of the 

4^y. Towards the maintenance of Gov"'*, and publick 
officers of the said collony, every male above the age of 
16. years shall pay a bushell of Indean wheat, or the worth of 
it, into the commone store. 

5^y. That (according to the agreemente the marchants 
made with them before they came) they are to be wholy 
debared from all trade with the Indeans for all sorts of furrs, 
and such like commodities, till the time of the comunalUtie 
be ended. 

About the midle of September arrived Captaine Robart 
Gorges ' in the Bay of the Massachusets, with sundrie pas- 

' Robert Gorges, son of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who had been a soldier in 
the Venetian wars, had a private patent for a district on the north side of Massa- 
chusetts Bay, but planted his colony at Weymouth, in the buildings deserted by 
Weymouth's men. His patent, dated December 30, 1622, is printed in the 
Prince Society's Gorges, II. 61-54. 


sengers and families, intending ther to begine a plantation; 
and pitched upon the place Mr. Weston's people had for- 
saken. He had a commission from the Counsell of New- 
England, to be generall Gove"^ of the cuntrie, and they 
appoynted for his coimsell and assistance, Captaine Francis 
West, the aforesaid admirall, Christopher Levite, Esquire,' 
and the Gov"^ of PUmoth for the time beeing, etc. AUso, 
they gave him authoritie to chuse such other as he should 
find fit. Allso, they gave (by their commission) full power 
to him and his assistants, or any 3. of them, wherof him selfe 
was allway to be one, to doe and execute what to them should 
seeme good, in all cases, Capitall, Criminall, and Civill, etc., 
with diverce other instructions. Of which, and his comission, 
it pleased him to suffer the Gov'' hear to take a coppy. 

He gave them notice of his arivall by letter, but before 
they could visite him he went to the eastward with the ship 
he came in; but a storme arising, (and they wanting a good 
pilot to harbor them in those parts,) they bore up for this 
harbor. He and his men were hear kindly entertained; he 
stayed hear 14. days. In the mean time came in Mr. Weston 
with his small ship, which he had now recovered. Captaine 
Gorges tooke hold of the opportunitie, and acquainted the 
Gov"^ hear, that one occasion of his going to the eastward 
was to meete with Mr. Weston, and call him to accoxmte for 
some abuses he had to lay to his charge. Wherupon he called 
him before him, and some other of his assistants, with the 
Gov"" of this place; and charged him, first, with the ille 
carriage of his men at the Massachusets ; by which means the 
peace of the cuntrie was disturbed, and him selfe and the people 
which he had brought over to plante in that bay were therby 
much prejudised. To this Mr. Weston easily answered, that 
what was that way done, was in his absence, and might have 

' Christopher Levite (Levett) came to New England in 1623 and explored 
its eastern coast with a view to a settlement. On his return to England in 1624 
he published an account of his voyage, which has been reprinted by the Gorges 


befalen any man ; he left them sufficently provided, and con- 
ceived they would have been well governed; and for any 
errour committed he had sufficiently smarted. This par- 
ticuler was passed by. A 2^. was, for an abuse done to his 
father, Sr. Ferdenando Gorges, and to the State. The thing 
was this; he used him and others of the Counsell of New- 
England, to procure him a licence for the transporting of 
many peeces of great ordnance for New-England, pretending 
great fortification hear in the countrie, and I know not what 
shipping. The which when he had obtained, he went and 
sould them beyond seas for his private profite ; for which (he 
said) the State was much offended, and his father suffered a 
shrowd check, and he had order to apprehend him for it. Mr. 
Weston excused it as well as he could, but could not deney it; 
it being one maine thing (as was said) for which he with-drew 
himself. But after many passages, by the mediation of the 
Gov"" and some other freinds hear, he was inclined to 
gentlnes (though he aprehended the abuse of his father 
deeply); which, when Mr. Weston saw, he grew more pre- 
sumptuous, and gave such provocking and cutting speches, as 
made him rise up in great indignation and distemper, and 
vowed that he would either ciu-b him, or send him home for 
England. At which Mr. Weston was something danted, and 
came privatly to the Gov' hear, to know whether they 
would suffer Captaine Gorges to apprehend him. He was 
tould they could not hinder him, but much blamed him, that 
after they had pacified things, he should thus breake out, by 
his owne folly and rashnes, to bring trouble upon him selfe 
and them too. He confest it was his passion, and prayd the 
Gov'' to entreat for him, and pacifie him if he could. The 
which at last he did, with much adoe ; so he was called againe, 
and the Gov'' was contente to take his owne bond to be 
ready to make further answer, when either he or the lords 
should send for him. And at last he tooke only his word, and 
ther was a freindly parting on all hands. 


But after he was gone, Mr. Weston in lue of thanks to the 
Gov"^ and his freinds hear, gave them this quib (behind 
their baks) for all their pains. That though they were but 
yonge justices, yet they wear good beggers. Thus they parted 
at this time, and shortly after the Gov"" tooke his leave 
and went to the Massachusets by land, being very thankfull 
for his kind entertaiaemente. The ship stayed hear, and 
fitted her selfe to goe for Virginia, having some passengers 
ther to deliver; and with her retimied sundrie of those from 
hence which came over on their perticuler, some out of dis- 
contente and dislike of the cuntrie ; others by reason of a fire 
that broke out, and burnt the houses they lived in, and all 
their provisions so as they were necessitated therunto. This 
fire was occasioned by some of the sea-men that were roy- 
stering in a house wher it first begane, makeing a great fire 
in very could weather, which broke out of the chimney into 
the thatch, and bmnte downe 3. or 4. houses, and consumed 
all the goods and provissions in them. The house in which 
it begane was right against their store-house, which they had 
much adoe to save, in which were their commone store and 
all their provissions ; the which if it had been lost, the planta- 
tion had been overthrowne. But through Gods mercie it was 
saved by the great dilhgence of the people, and care of the 
Gov' and some aboute him. Some would have had the 
goods- throwne out; but if they had, ther would much have 
been stolne by the rude company that belonged to these 2. 
ships, which were allmost all ashore. But a trusty company 
was plased within, as well as those that with wet-cloaths and 
other means kept of the fire without, that if necessitie required 
they might have them out with all speed. For they suspected 
some maUcious dealing, if not plaine treacherie, and whether 
it was only suspition or no, God knows; but this is certaine, 
that when the tumulte was greatest, ther was a voyce heard 
(but from whom it was not knowne) that bid them looke well 
aboute them, for all were not freinds that were near them. 


And shortly after, when the vemencie of the fire was over, 
smoke was seen to arise within a shed that was joynd to the 
end of the store-house, which was watled up with bowes, in 
the withered leaves wherof the fire was kindled, which some, 
running to quench, found a longe firebrand of an ell longe, 
lying under the wale on the inside, which could not possibly 
come their by cassualtie, but must be laid ther by some hand, 
in the judgmente of all that saw it. But God kept them from 
this deanger, what ever was intended. 

Shortly after Captaine Gorges, the generall Gov'', was 
come home to the Massachusets, he sends a warrante to arrest 
Mr. Weston and his ship, and sends a m'' to bring her away 
thither, and one Captain Hanson (that belonged to him) to 
conducte him along. The Gov'' and others hear were very 
sory to see him take this course, and tooke exception at the 
warrante, as not legall nor sufficiente; and withall write to 
him to disswade him from this course, shewing him that he 
would but entangle and burthen him selfe in doing this; for 
he could not doe Mr. Weston a better turne, (as things stood 
with him) ; for he had a great many men that belonged to him 
in this barke, and was deeply ingaged to them for wages, and 
was in a manner out of victails (and now winter) ; all which 
would hght upon him, if he did arrest his barke. In the mean 
time Mr. Weston had notice to shift for him selfe ; but it was 
conceived he either knew not whither to goe, or how to mend 
him selfe, but was rather glad of the occasion, and so stirred 
not. But the Gov'' would not be perswaded, but sent a 
very formall warrente under his hand and seall, with strict 
charge as they would answere it to the state; he also write 
that he had better considered of things since he was hear, and 
he could not answer it to let him goe so ; besids other things 
that were come to his knowledg since, which he must answer 
too. So he was suffered to proceede, but he found in the 
end that to be true that was tould him; for when an inven- 
torie was taken of what was in the ship, ther was not vitailes 


found for above 14. days, at a fare allowance, and not much 
else of any great worth, and the men did so crie out of him 
for wages and diate, in the mean time, as made him soone 
weary. So as in conclusion it turned to his loss, and the ex- 
pence of his owne provissions; and towards the spring they 
came to agreement, (after they had bene to the eastward,) 
and the Gov'' restord him his vessell againe, and made 
him satisfaction, in bisket, meal, and such like provissions, 
for what he had made use of that was his, or what his men 
had any way wasted or consumed. So Mr. Weston came 
hither againe, and afterward shaped his course for Virginie, 
and so for present I shall leave him.' 

The Gov'' and some that depended upon him returned 
for England, haveing scarcly saluted the cuntrie in his Gover- 
mente, not finding the state of things hear to answer his 
quaUitie and condition. The peopl dispersed them selves, 
some went for England, others for Virginia, some few re- 
mained, and were helped with supphes from hence. The 
Gov' brought over a minister with him, one Mr. Morell, 
who, about a year after the Gov"" returned, tooke shipping 
from hence.^ He had I know not what power and authority 
of superintendancie over other churches granted him, and 
sundrie instructions for that end; but he never shewed it, 
or made any use of it; (it should seeme he saw it was in 
vaine;) he only speake of it to some hear at his going 
away. This was in effect the end of a 2. plantation in that 
place. Ther were allso this year some scatering beginings 
made in other places, as at Paskataway, by Mr. David 

• "He dyed afterwards at Bristol!, in the time of the warrs, of the sicknes in 
that place." (Br.) 

^ Rev. William Morell came over with Robert Gorges with a commission to 
regulate the religious affairs of the country and to compel the people to conform 
to the Church of England. Finding httle encouragement he abandoned his 
mission and spent a year in Wessagusset without disclosing until his final de- 
parture the purpose of his coming. After his return to England he published a 
Latm poem giving an account of his observations, which was published in the 
first volume of the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 


Thomson, at Monhigen, and some other places by sundrie 

It rests now that I speake a word aboute the pinnass spoken 
of before, which was sent by the adventurers to be imployed 
in the cimtrie. She was a fine vessell, and bravely set out,^ 
and I fear the adventurers did over pride them selves in her, 
for she had ill success. How ever, they erred grosly in tow 
things aboute her; first, though she had a sufficiente maister, 
yet she was rudly manned,^ and all her men were upon shars, 
and none was to have any wages but the m''. 2^^, wheras 
they mainly lookt at trade, they had sent nothing of any 
value to trade with. When the men came hear, and mette 
with ill counsell from Mr. Weston and his crue, with others 
of the same stampe, neither m'' nor Gov'' could scarce rule 
them, for they exclaimed that they were abused and deceived, 
for they were tould they should goe for a man of warr, and 
take I know not whom, French and Spaniards, etc. They 
would neither trade nor fish, excepte they had wages; in 
fine, they would obey no command of the maisters; so it 
was apprehended they would either rune away with the ves- 
sell, or get away with the ships, and leave her; so as Mr. 
Peirce and others of their freinds perswaded the Gov"" to 
chaing their condition, and give them wages; which was ac- 
cordingly done. And she was sente about the Cape to the 
Narigansets to trade, but they made but a poore vioage of it. 
Some come and beaver they got, but the Dutch used to fur- 
nish them with cloath and better commodities, they haveing 
only a few beads and knives, which were not ther much es- 
teemed. Allso, in her returne home, at the very entrance into 
ther owne harbore, she had like to have been cast away in a 

' David Thompson was a Scotsman, and agent of Mason and Gorges. In 
the spring of 1623 he began a settlement at Little Harbor, near the mouth of the 
Piscataqua, and near the present site of Portsmouth. About 1626 he took pos- 
session of the island in Boston harbor still called Thompson's Island; indeed 
he may have occupied it before his settlement at Paskataway. 

' " With her flages, and streamers, pendents, and wastcloaths, etc." (Br.) 

' See American Historical Review, VIII. 295. 


storme, and was forced to cut her maine mast by the bord, 
to save herselfe from driving on the flats that lye without, 
caled Browns Hands/ the force of the wind being so great as 
made her anchors give way and she drive right upon them; 
but her mast and takhng being gone, they held her till the 
wind shifted. 

Anno Dom: 1624. 

The time of new election of ther officers for this year being 
come, and the number of their people increased, and their 
troubls and occasions therwith, the Gov"" desired them to 
chainge the persons, as well as renew the election f and also 
to adde more Assistans to the Gov"" for help and coimsell, 
and the better carrying on of affairs. Showing that it was 
necessarie it should be so. If it was any honour or benefite, 
it was fitte others should be made pertakers of it ; if it was a 
burthen, (as doubtles it was,) it was but equall others should 
help to bear it; and that this was the end^ of Annuall Elec- 
tions. The issue was, that as before ther was but one As- 
sistante, they now chose 5. giving the Gov"^ a duble voyce; 
and aftwards they increased them to 7. which course hath 
continued to this day. 

They having with some truble and charge new-masted and 
rigged their pinass, in the begining of March they sent her well 
vitaled to the eastward on fishing. She arrived safly at a 
place near Damarins cove,* and was there well harbored in a 
place wher ships used to ride, ther being also some ships all- 
ready arived out of England. But shortly after ther arose 
such a violent and extraordinarie storme, as the seas broak 
over such places in the harbor as was never seene before, and 
drive her against great roks, which beat such a hole in her 
buike, as a horse and carte might have gone in, and after 

' Brown's Island is a sand-bar in the outer harbor of Plymouth, which a 
false tradition says was once an island. See Champlain's map. 
' Bradford was not permitted to retire. 
^ Purpose. * See p. 128, note 1. 


drive her into deep-water, wher she lay sunke. The m''. 
was drowned, the rest of the men, all save one, saved their 
lives, with much a doe; all her provision, salt, and what els 
was in her, was lost. And here I must leave her to lye till 

Some of those that still remained hear on their perticuler, 
begane privatly to nurish a faction, and being privie to a strong 
faction that was among the adventurers in England, on whom 
sundry of them did depend, by their private whispering they 
drew some of the weaker sorte of the company to their side, 
and so filld them with discontente, as nothing would satisfie 
them excepte they might be suffered to be in their perticuler 
allso ; and made great offers, so they might be freed from the 
generall. The Gov'' consulting with the ablest of the gen- 
erall body what was best to be done hear in, it was resolved 
to permitte them so to doe, upon equall conditions. The con- 
ditions were the same in effect with the former before related. 
Only some more added, as that they should be bound here to 
remaine till the generall partnership was ended. And also 
that they should pay into the store, the on halfe of all such 
goods and comodities as they should any waise raise above 
their food, in consideration of what charg had been layed out 
for them, with some such hke things. This liberty granted, 
soone stopt this gape, for ther was but a few that undertooke 
this course when it came too ; and they were as sone weary of 
it. For the other had perswaded them, and Mr. Weston to- 
geather, that ther would never come more supply to the gen- 
erall body; but the perticulers had such freinds as would carry 
all, and doe for them I know not what. 

Shortly after, Mr, Winslow came over, and brought a 
prety good supply, and the ship came on fishing, a thing 
fatall to this plantation. He brought 3. heifers and a bull, 
the first begining of any catle of that kind in the land, with 
some cloathing and other necessaries, as will further appear; 
but withall the reporte of a strong faction amongst the ad- 


venture[r]s against them, and espetially against the coming 
of the rest from Leyden, and with what difficulty this supply 
was procured, and how, by their strong and long opposision, 
bussines was so retarded as not only they were now falne too 
late for the fishing season, but the best men were taken up of 
the fishermen in the west countrie, and he was forct to take 
such a m"". and company for that imployment as he could 
procure upon the present. Some letters from them shall beter 
declare these things, being as foUoweth. 

Most worthy and loving freinds, your kind and loving leters I have 
received, and render you many thanks, etc. It hath plased God to stirre 
up the harts of our adventure[r]s to raise a new stock for the seting forth 
of this shipe, caled the Charitie, with men and necessaries, both for the 
plantation and the fishing, though accomplished with very great diffi- 
culty; in regard we have some amongst us which undoubtedly aime more 
at their owns private ends, and the thwarting and opposing of some hear, 
and other worthy instruments,' of Gods glory elswher, then at the general! 
good and furtherance of this noble and laudable action. Yet againe we 
have many other, and I hope the greatest parte, very honest Christian 
men, which I am perswaded their ends and intents are wholy for the 
glory of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the propagation of his gospell, and hope 
of gaining those poore salvages to the knowledg of God. But, as we have 
a proverbe. One seabed sheep may marr a whole flock, so these malecon- 
tented persons, and turbulente spirits, doe what in them lyeth to withdraw 
mens harts from you and your freinds, yea, even from the generall bussines ; 
and yet under show and pretence of godlynes and furtherance of the 
plantation. Wheras the quite contrary doth plainly appeare; as some 
of the honester harted men (though of late of their faction) did make 
manifest at our late meeting. But what should I trouble you or my selfe 
with these restles opposers of all goodnes, and I doubte will be continuall 
disturbers of our frendly meetings and love. On Thurs-day the 8. of 
Jan: we had a meeting aboute the artickls betweene you and us; wher 
thej would rejecte that, which we in our late leters prest you to grante, 
(an addition to the time of our joynt stock). And their reason which they 
would make known to us was, it trobled their conscience to exacte longer 
time of you then was agreed upon at the first. But that night they were 
so followed and crost of their perverse courses, as they were even wearied, 
and offered to sell their adventurs ; and some were willing to buy. But I, 
« "He means Mr. Robinson." (Br.) 


doubting they would raise more scandale and false reports, and so diverse 
waise doe us more hurt, by going of in such a furie, then they could or can 
by continuing adventurers amongst us, v^^ould not suffer them. But on 
the 12. of Jan: we had another meting, but in the interime diverse of 
us had talked with most of them privatly, and had great combats and 
reasoning, pro and con. But at night when we mete to read the generall 
letter, we had the loveingest and f rendlyest meeting that ever I knew ' and 
our greatest enemise offered to lend us 50li. So I sent for a potle of wine, 
(I would you could ^ doe the like,) which we dranke freindly together. 
Thus God can turne the harts of men when it pleaseth him, etc. Thus 
loving freinds, I hartily salute you all in the Lord, hoping ever to rest, 

Yours to my power, 
Jan: 25. 1623. James Sheeley.' 

Another leter. 

Beloved Sr., etc. We have now sent you, we hope, men and means, 
to setle these 3. things, viz. fishing, salt making, and boat making; if you 
can bring them to pass to some perfection, your wants may be supplyed. 
I pray you bend you selfe what you can to setle these bussinesses. Let 
the ship be fraught away as soone as you can, and sent to Bilbow.* You 
must send some discreete man for factore, whom, once more, you must 
also authorise to confirme the conditions. If Mr. Winslow could be 
spared, I could wish he came againe. This ship carpenter is thought to 
be the fittest man for you in the land, and will no doubte doe you much 
good. Let him have an absolute comand over his servants and such as 
you put to him. Let him build you 2. catches, a lighter, and some 6. or 
7. shalops, as soone as you can. The salt-man is a skillfull and indus- 
trious man, put some to him, that may quickly apprehende the misterie 
of it. The preacher we have sent is (we hope) an honest plaine man, 
though none of the most eminente and rare. Aboute chusing him into 

' " But this lasted not long, they had now provided Lyford and others to 
send over." (Br.) 

' "It is worthy to be observed, how the Lord doth chaing times and things; 
for what is now more plentiful} then wine? and that of the best, coming from 
Malago, the Cannaries, and other places, sundry ships lading in a year. So as 
ther is now more cause to complaine of the excess and the abuse of wine (through 
mens corruption) even to drunkennes, then of any defecte or wante of the same. 
Witnes this year 1646. The good Lord lay not the sins and unthankfullnes of 
men to their charge in this perticuler." (Br.) 

^ James Shirley, "citizen and goldsmith," of London, was the treasurer of 
the merchant adventurers. The date is of course 1624 in new style. 

* Bilbao, on the north coast of Spain. 


office use your owne liberty and discretion; he knows he is no officer 
amongst you, though perhaps custome and universalitie may make him 
forget him selfe. Mr. Winslow and my selfe gave way to his going, to 
give contente to some hear, and we see no hurt in it, but only his great 
charge of children. 

We have tooke a patente for Cap Anne, etc.^ I am sory ther is no 
more discretion used by some in their leters hither.^ Some say you are 
starved in body and soule; others, that you eate piggs and doggs, that dye 
alone; others, that the things hear spoaken of, the goodnes of the cuntry, 
are gross and palpable lyes ; that ther is scarce a foule to be seene, or a 
fish to be taken, and many such like. I would such discontented men 
were hear againe, for it is a miserie when the whole state of a plantation 
shall be thus exposed to the passionate humors of some discontented men. 
And for my selfe I shall hinder for hearafter some that would goe, and 
have not better composed their affections ; mean space it is all our crosses, 
and we must bear them. 

I am sorie we have not sent you morS and other things, but in truth 
we have rune into so much charge, to victaile the ship, provide salte and 
other fishing implements, etc. as we could not provid other comfortable 
things, as buter, suger, etc. I hope the returne of this ship and the 
James,^ will put us in cash againe. The Lord make you full of courage 
in this troublesome bussines, which now must be stuck unto, till God give 
us rest from our labours. Fare well in all harty affection. 

Your assured freind, 

Jan: 24. 1623. R. C 

With the former lettter write by Mr. Sherley, there were 
sente sundrie objections concerning which he thus writeth. 
"These are the cheefe objections which they that are now 
returned make against you and the countrie. I pray you 
consider them, and answer them by the first conveniencie." 
These objections were made by some of those that came over 

' The Council for New England had attempted to divide its coast among 
themselves individually. The patent alluded to was executed by Lord Sheffield 
in favor of Eobert Cushman and Edward Winslow, for themselves and their 
associates, and bore date of January 1, 1623-4. Its text is given in J. W. Thorn- 
ton, The Landing at Cafe Anne, pp. 31-35. See also American Historical 
Review, VIH. 296. 

' "This was John Oldome and his like." (Br.) 

' The Litde James was the pinnace which had accompanied the Anm. 

* Robert Cushman. 


on their perticuler' and were returned home, as is before 
mentioned, and were of the same suite with those that this 
other letter mentions. 

I shall here set them downe, with the answers then made 
imto them, and sent over at the retume of this ship ; which 
did so confound the objecters, as some confessed their falte, 
and others deneyed what they had said, and eate their words, 
and some others of them have since come over againe and 
heere hved to convince them selves sufficiently, both in their 
owne and other mens judgments. 

1. obj. was diversitie aboute Rehgion. Ans: We know 
no such matter, for here was never any controversie or oppo- 
sition, either pubUcke or private, (to, our knowledg,) since we 

2. ob: Neglecte of famihe duties, one the Lords day. 
Ans. We allow no such thing, but blame it in our selves 

and others; and they that thus reporte it, should have shewed 
their Christian love the more if they had in love tould the 
offenders of it, rather then thus to reproach them behind their 
baks. But (to say no more) we wish them selves had given 
better example. 

3. ob: Wante of both the sacrements. 

Ans. The more is our greefe, that our pastor is kept from 
us, by whom we might injoye them; for we used to have the 
Lords Supper every Saboth, and baptisme as often as ther was 
occasion of children to baptise. 

4. ob: Children not catechised nor taught to read. 

Ans: Neither is true; for diverse take pains with their 
owne as they can; indeede, we have no commone schools for 
want of a fitt person, or hithertoo means to maintaine one; 
though we desire now to begine. 

5. ob: Many of the perticuler members of the plantation 
will not work for the generall. 

Ans: This allso is not wholy true; for though some doe it 

' On their own account. 


not willingly, and other not honestly, yet all doe it; and he 
that doth worst gets his owne foode and something besids. 
But we will not excuse them, but labour to reforme them the 
best we cane, or else to quitte the plantation of them. 

6. ob: The water is not wholsome. 

Ans: If they mean, not so wholsome as the good beere and 
wine in London, (which they so dearly love,) we will not dis- 
pute with them; but els, for water, it is as good as any in the 
world, (for ought we knowe,) and it is wholsome enough to 
us that can be contente therwith. 

7. ob: The groimd is barren and doth bear no grasse. 
Ans: It is hear (as in all places) some better and some 

worse; and if they well consider their words, in England 
they shall not find such grasse in them, as in their feelds 
and meadows. The catle find grasse, for they are as fatt 
as need be; we wish we had but one for every hundred 
that hear is grase to keep. Indeed, this objection, as some 
other, are ridiculous to all here which see and know the 

8. ob: The fish will not take salt to keepe sweete. 

Ans: This is as true as that which was written, that ther 
is scarce a foule to be scene or a fish to be taken. Things hkly 
to be true in a cimtrie wher so many sayle of ships come 
yearly a fishing ; they might as well say, there can no aile or 
beere in London be kept from sowering. 

9. ob: Many of them are theevish and steale on from an 

Ans: Would London had been free from that crime, then 
we should not have been trobled with these here; it is well 
knowne sundrie have smarted well for it, and so are the rest 
like to doe, if they be taken. 

10. ob: The countrie is anoyed with foxes and woules.' 
Ans: So are many other good cuntries too; but poyson, 

traps, and other such means will help to destroy them. 

I ' Wolves. 


IL ob: The Dutch are planted nere Hudsons Bay/ and 
are hkely to overthrow the trade. 

Ans : They will come and plante in these parts, also, if we 
and others doe not, but goe home and leave it to them. We 
rather corhmend them, then condemne them for it. 

12. ob: The people are much anoyed with muskeetoes. 

Ans: They are too delicate and imfitte to begine new- 
plantations and collonies, that cannot enduer the biting of a 
muskeeto ; we would wish such to keepeat home till at least they 
be muskeeto proofe. Yet this place is as free as any, and ex- 
perience teacheth that the more the land is tild, and the woods 
cut downe, the fewer ther will be, and in the end scarseanyat all. 

Having thus dispatcht these things, that I may handle things 
togeather, I shall here inserte 2. other letters from Mr. Robinson 
their pastor; the one to the Gov'', the other to Mr. Brewster 
their Elder, which will give much Ught to the former things; and 
express the tender love and care of a true pastor over them. 

Hii leter to the Gov^. 

My loving and much beloved freind, whom God hath hithertoo pre- 
served, preserve and keepe you still to his glorie, and the good of many; 
that his blessing may make your godly and v/ise endeavours answerable 
to the valuation which they ther have, and set upon the same. Of your 
love too and care for us here, we never doubted; so are we glad to take 
knowledg of it in that fullnes we doe. Our love and care to and for you, 
is mutuall, though our hopes of coming unto you be small, and weaker 
then ever. But of this at large in Mr. Brewsters letter, with whom you, 
and he with you, mutualy, I know, comunicate your letters, as I desire 
you may doe these, etc. 

Concerning the killing of those poor Indeans, of which we heard at 
first by reporte, and since by more certaine relation, oh! how happy a 
thing had it been, if you had converted some, before you had killed any; 
besids, wher bloud is one begune to be shed, it is seldome stanched 
of a long time after. You will say they deserved it. I grant it; but 
upon what provocations and invitments by those heathenish Chris- 

' Hudson's River is no doubt meant. Permanent settlement at its mouth 
has been supposed to have begun in 1623, but a trading post had been estab- 
lished there some years before that date. 


tians ? * Besids, you, being no magLstrats over them, were to consider, not 
what they deserved, but what you were by necessitie constrained to inflicte. 
Necessitie of this, espetially of killing so many, (and many more, it seems, 
they would, if they could,) I see not. Methinks on or tow principals should 
have been full enough, according to that approved rule. The punishmente to 
a few, and the fear to many. Upon this occasion let me be bould to exhorte 
you seriouly to consider of the dispossition of your Captaine,^ whom I 
love, and am perswaded the Lord in great mercie and for much good hath 
sent you him, if you use him aright. He is a man humble and meek 
amongst you, and towards all in ordinarie course. But now if this be 
meerly from an humane spirite, tlier is cause to fear that by occasion, 
espetially of provocation, ther may be wanting that tendernes of the life of 
man (made after Gods image) which is meete. It is also a thing more glori- 
ous in mens eyes, then pleasing in Gods, or conveniente for Christians, to 
be a terrour to poore barbarous people; and indeed I am afraid least, by 
these occasions, others should be drawne to affecte a kind of rufling course 
in the world. I doubt not but you will take in good part these things which 
I write, and as ther is cause make use of them. It were to us more com- 
fortable and convenient, that we comunicated our mutuall helps in pres- 
ence, but seeing that canot be done, we shall always long after you, and 
love you, and waite Gods apoynted time. The adventurers it seems have 
neither money nor any great mind of us, for the most parte. They deney 
it to be any part of the covenants betwixte us, that they should transporte 
us, neither doe I looke for any further help from them, till means come from 
you. We hear are strangers in effecte to the whole course, and so both we 
and you (save as your owne wisdoms and worths have intressed you 
further) of principals intended in this bussines, are scarce accessaries, etc. 
My wife, with me, resalute you and yours. Unto him who is the same to his 
in all places, and nere to them which are f arr from one an other, I comend 
you and all with you, resting. Yours truly loving, 

Leyden, Des: 19. 1623. John Robinson. 

His to Mr. Brewster. 

Loving and dear f reind and brother : That which I most desired of God 
in regard of you, namly, the continuance of your life and health, and the 
safe coming of these sent unto you, that I most gladly hear of, and praise 
God for the same. And I hope Mrs. Brewsters weake and decayed state 
of body will have some reparing by the coming of her daughters, and the 
protsdssions in this and former ships, I hear is made for you; which maks 
' • "Mr. Westons men." (Br.) ' Standish. 


us with more patience bear our languishing state, and the deferring of our 
desired transportation; which I call desired, rather than hoped for, 
whatsoever you are borne in hand by any others. For first, ther is no 
hope at all, that I know, or can -conceive of, of any new stock to be raised 
for that end; so that all must depend upon returns from you, in which 
are so many uncertainties, as that nothing with any certaintie can thence 
be concluded. Besids, howsoever for the presente the adventurers aledg 
nothing but want of money, which is an invincible dif culty, yet if that be 
taken away by you, others vidthout doubte will be found. For the beter 
clearing of this, we must dispose the adventurers into 3. parts; and of 
them some 5. or 6. (as I conceive) are absolutly bent for us, above any 
others. Other 5. or 6. are oiu- bitter professed adversaries. The rest, 
being the body, I conceive to be honestly minded, and loveingly also to- 
wards us; yet such as have others (namly the forward preachers) nerer 
unto them, then us, and whose course so farr as ther is any diflerance, 
they would rather advance then ours. Now what a hanck ' these men 
have over the professors, you know. And I perswade my selfe, that for 
me, they of all others are unwilling I should be transported, espetially such 
of them as have an eye that way them selves ; as thinking if I come ther, 
ther market will be mard in many regards. And for these adversaries, 
if they have but halfe the witte to their malice, they vnll stope my course 
when they see it intended, for which this delaying serveth them very op- 
portunly. And as one restie jade can hinder, by hanging back, more 
then two or 3. can (or will at least, if they be not very free) draw for- 
ward, so will it be in this case. A notable experimente of this, they 
gave in your messengers presence, constraining the company to promise 
that none of the money now gathered should be expended or imployed to 
the help of any of us towards you. Now touching the question propound- 
ed by you, I judg it not lawfuU for you, being a ruling Elder, as Rom. 12. 
7. 8. and 1. Tim. 5. 17. opposed to the Elders that teach and exhorte and 
labore in the word and doctrine, to which the sacrements are annexed, 
to administer them, nor convenient if it were lawful!. Whether any 
lamed man will come unto you or not, I know not; if any doe, you must 
Consilium capere in arena^ Be you most hartily saluted, and your wife 
with you, both from me and mine: Your God and ours, and the God 
of all his, bring us together if it be his will, and keep us in the mean while, 
and allways to his glory, and make us servisable to his majestie, and 

faithfull to the end. Amen. .,,. , . , , 

Your very lovmg brother, 

Leyden, Des: 20. 1623. John Robinson. 

' Hold. ' Take counsel at the moment, or on the spot. . 


These things premised, I shall now prosecute the proced- 
ings and afairs here. And before I come to other things I 
must speak a word of their planting this year; they having 
found the benifite of their last years harvest, and setting 
corne for their particuler, having therby with a great deale of 
patience overcome hunger and famine. Which maks me re- 
member a saing of Senecas, Epis: 123. That a great parte of 
libertie is a well governed belly, and to be patiente in all wants. 
They begane now highly to prise come as more pretious then 
silver, and those that had some to spare begane to trade one 
with another for smale things, by the quarte, potle, and peck, 
etc.; for money they had none, and if any had, corne was 
prefered before it. That they might therfore encrease their 
tillage to better advantage, they made suite to the Gov"^ 
to have some portion of land given them for continuance, and 
not by yearly lotte, for by that means, that which the more 
industrious had brought into good culture (by much pains) 
one year, came to leave it the nexte, and often another might 
injoye it; so as the dressing of their lands were the more 
sleighted over, and to lese profite. Which being well con- 
sidered, their request was granted. And to every person was 
given only one acrre of land, to them and theirs, as nere the 
towne as might be, and they had no more till the 7. years were 
expired. The reason was, that they might be kept close to- 
gether both for more saftie and defence, and the better im- 
provement of the generall imployments. Which condition of 
theirs did make me often thinke, of what I had read in Phnie^ 
of the Romans first beginings in Romulus time. How every 
man contented him selfe with 2. Acres of land, and had no 
more assigned them. And chap. 3. It was thought a great 
reward, to receive at the hands of the people of Rome a pinte 
of corne. And long after, the greatest presente given to a 
Captaine that had gotte a victory over their enemise, was as 

»"Plin: lib: 18. chap. 2." (Br.) The reference is to Pliny's Natural 


much ground as they could till in one day. And he was not 
counted a good, but a dangerous man, that would not contente 
him selfe with 7. Acres of land. As also how they did pound 
their corne in morters, as these people were forcte to doe 
many years before they could get a mille. 

The ship which brought this supply,^ was speedily dis- 
charged, and with her m''. and company sente to Cap-Anne 
(of which place they had gott a patente, as before is shewed) 
on fishing, and because the season was so farr spente some of 
the planters were sent to help to build their stage,^ to their owne 
hinderance. But partly by the latenes of the year, and more 
espetialy by the basnes of the m''., one 'Baker, they made a 
poore viage of it. He proved a very drunken beast, and did 
nothing (in a maner) but drink, and gusle, and consume away 
the time and his victails ; and most of his company followed 
his example ; and though Mr. WiUiam Peirce was to over see 
the busines, and to be m''. of the ship home, yet he could 
doe no good amongst them, so as the loss was great, and 
would have bene more to them, but that they kept one a 
trading ther, which in those times got some store of skins, 
which was some help unto them. 

The ship-carpenter that was sent them, was an honest and 
very industrious man, and followed his labour very dilhgently, 
and made all that were imployed with him doe the like; he 
quickly builte them 2 very good and strong shalops (which 
after did them greate service), and a great and strong lighter, 
and had hewne timber for 2. catches; but that was lost, for 
he fell into a feaver in the hote season of the year, and though 
he had the best means the place could aforde, yet he dyed; 
of whom they had a very great loss, and were very sorie for his 
death. But he whom they sent to make salte was an ignorante, 
foolish, self-willd fellow; he bore them in hand he could doe 
great matters in making salt-works, so he was sente to seeke 
out fitte ground for his purpose; and after some serch hetould 

' The Charity. ' Frames or scaffolds for drying fish. 


the Gov"" that he had found a sufficente place, with a good 
botome to hold water, and otherwise very conveniente, 
which he doubted not but in a short time to bring to good 
perfection, and to yeeld them great profite ; but he must have 
8. or ten men to be constantly imployed. He was wisht to 
be sure that the ground was good, and other' things answer- 
able, and that he could bring it to perfection; otherwise he 
would bring upon them a great charge by imploying him selfe 
and so many men. But he was, after some triall, so confidente, 
as he caused them to send carpenters to rear a great frame 
for a large house, to receive the salte and such other uses. 
But in the end all proved vaine. Then he layed fault of the 
ground, in which he was deceived; but if he might have the 
Ughter to cary clay, he was sure then he could doe it. Now 
though the Gov"" and some other foresaw that this would 
come to litle, yet they had so many mahgnant spirits amongst 
them, that would have laid it upon them, in their letters of 
complainte to the adventurers, as to be their falte that would 
not suffer him to goe on to bring his work to perfection; for 
as he by his bould confidence and large promises deceived 
them in England that sente him, so he had wound him selfe in 
to these mens high esteeme hear, so as they were faine to let 
him goe on till all men saw his vanity. For he could not doe 
any thing but boyle salt in pans, and yet would make them 
that were joynd with him beleeve ther was so grat a misterie 
in it as was not easie to be attained, and made them doe many 
unnecessary things to bUnd their eys, till they discerned his 
sutltie. The next yere he was sente to Cap- Anne, and the 
pans were set up ther wher the fishing was; but before som- 
mer was out, he bumte the house, and the fire was so vehe- 
mente as it spoyld the pans, at least some of them, and this 
was the end of that chargable bussines. 

The 3*^- eminente person (which the letters before men- 
tion) was the minister which they sent over, by name Mr. 
j^ohn Lyford, of whom and whose doing I must be more large, 


though I shall abridg things as much as I can. When this 
man first came a shore, he saluted them with that reverence 
and humiUtie as is seldome to be seen, and indeed made them 
ashamed, he so bowed and cringed imto them, and would have 
kissed their hands if they would have suffered him;' yea, he 
wept and shed many tears, blessing God that had brought him 
to see their faces ; and admiring the things they had done in 
their wants, etc. as if he had been made all of love, and the 
humblest person in the world. And all the while (if we may 
judg by his after cariags) he was but hke him mentioned in 
Psa: 10. 10. That croucheth and boweth, that heaps of poore 
may fall by his might. Or Hke to that dissembling Ishmaell,^ 
who, when he had slaine GedeUa, went out weeping and mette 
them that were coming to offer incence in the house of the 
Lord; saing, Come to GedeUa, when he ment to slay them. 
They gave him the best entertainment they could, (in all 
simpUsitie,) and a larger alowans of food out of the store then 
any other had, and as the Gov'' had used in all waightie 
affairs to- consulte with their Elder, Mr. Brewster, (togeither 
with his assistants,) so now he caled Mr. Liford also to counsell 
with them in their waightiest bussineses. After some short 
time- he desired to joyne himself e a member to the church hear, 
and was accordingly received. He made a large confession of 
his faith, and an acknowledgemente of his former disorderly 
walking, and his being intangled with many corruptions, which 
had been a burthen to his conscience, and blessed God for this 
opportimitie of freedom and hbertie to injoye the ordinances 
of God in puritie among his people, with many more such like 
expressions. I must hear speake a word also of Mr. John 
Oldom, who was a copartner with him in his after courses. 
He had bene a cheefe sticler in the former faction among the 
perticulers, and an intelUgencer to those in England. But 
now, since the coming of this ship and he saw the supply that 
came, he tooke occasion to open his minde to some of the 

• " Of which were many witneses." (Br.) » " Jer. 41. 6." (Br.) 


cheefe amongst them heere, and confessed he had done them 
wrong both by word and deed, and writing into England; 
but he now saw the eminente hand of God to be with them, 
and his blesing upon them, which made his hart smite him, 
neither should those in England ever use him as an instru- 
mente any longer against them in any thing; he also desired 
former things might be forgotten, and that they would looke 
upon him as one that desired to close with them in all things, 
with such like expressions. Now whether this was in hipoc- 
risie, or out of some sudden pange of conviction (which I 
rather thinke), God only knows. Upon it they shew all ready- 
nes to imbrace his love, and carry towards him in all frendlynes, 
and called him to covmsell with them in all cheefe affairs, as 
the other, without any distrust at all. 

Thus all things seemed to goe very comfortably and 
smothly on amongst them, at which they did much rejoyce; 
but this lasted not long, for both Oldom and he grew very 
perverse, and shewed a spirite of great maUgnancie, drawing 
as many into faction as they could; were they never so vile 
or profane, they did nomish and back them in all their doings; 
so they would but cleave to them and speak against the 
church hear; so as ther was nothing but private meetings 
and whisperings amongst them; they feeding themselves 
and others with what they should bring to pass in England 
by the faction of their freinds their, which brought others 
as well as them selves into a fools paradise. Yet they could 
not cary so closly but much of both their doings and sayings 
were discovered, yet outwardly they still set a faire face of 

At lenght when the ship was ready to goe, it was observea 
Liford was long in writing, and sente many letters, and could 
not forbear to comunicate to his intimats such things as 
made them laugh in their sleeves, and thought he had done 
ther errand svifiiciently. The Gov"" and some other of his 
freinds knowing how things stood in England, and what hurt 


these things might doe, tooke a shalop and wente out with the 
ship a league or 2. to sea, and caled for all Lifords and Old- 
ums letters. Mr. WiUiam Peirce being m' of the ship, (and 
knew well theu* evill dealing both in England and here,) af- 
forded him all the assistance he could. He foimd above 20. 
of Lyfords letters, many of them larg, and full of slanders, and 
false accusations, tending not only to their prejudice, but to 
their ruine and utter subversion. Most of the letters they let 
pas, only tooke copys of them, but some of the most materiall 
they sent true copyes of them, and kept the originalls, least he 
should deney them, and that they might produce his owne 
hand against him. Amongst his letters they found the cop- 
pyes of tow letters which he sent inclosed in a leter of his to 
Mr. John Pemberton, a minister, and a great opposite of theirs. 
These 2. letters of which he tooke the coppyes were one of them 
write by a gentle-man in England to Mr. Brewster here, the 
other by Mr. Winslow to Mr. Robinson, in Holand, at his com- 
ing away, as the ship lay at Gravsend. They lying sealed ia 
the great cabin, (whilst Mr. Winslow was bussie aboute the 
affairs of the ship,) this slye marchante taks and opens them, 
taks these coppys, and seals them up againe; and not only 
sends the coppyes of them thus to his friend and their adver- 
sarie, but adds thertoo in the margente many scurrilous 
and flouting anotations. This ship went out towards evning, 
and in the night the Gov' returned. They were somwaht 
blanke at it, but after some weeks, when they heard nothing, 
they then were as briske as ever, thinking nothing had been 
knowne, but all was gone currente, and that the Gov"' 
went but to dispatch his owne letters. The reason why the 
Gov"" and rest concealed these things the longer, was to 
let things ripen, that they might the better* discover their 
intents and see who were their adherents. And the rather 
because amongst the rest they found a letter of one of their 
confederats, in which was writen that Mr. Oldame and Mr. 
Lyford intended a reformation in church and commone wealth; 


and, as soone as the ship was gone, they intended to joyne to- 
geather, and have the sacrements, etc. 

For Oldame, few of his leters were foiind, (for he was so 
bad a scribe as his hand was scarce legible,) yet he was as deepe 
in the mischeefe as the other. And thinking they were now 
strong enough, they begane to pick quarells at every thing. 
Oldame being called to watch (according to order) refused to 
come, fell out with the Capten, caled him raskell, and beg- 
gerly raskell, and resisted him, drew his knife at him; though 
he offered him no wrong, nor gave him no ille termes, but with 
all faimes required him to doe his duty. The Gov'', hear- 
ing the tumiilte, sent to quiet it, but he ramped more Uke a 
furious beast then a man, and cald them all treatours, and 
rebells, and other such foule language as I am ashamed to 
remember; but after he was clapt up a while, he came to him 
selfe, and with some slight punishmente was let goe upon his 
behaviour for further censure. 

But to cutt things shorte, at length it grew to this esseue, 
that Lyford with his compUcies,' without ever speaking one 
word either to the Gov"", Church, or Elder, withdrewe them 
selves and set up a pubhck meeting aparte, on the Lord's 
day; with sundry such insolente cariages, too long here to 
relate, begining now publikly to acta what privatly they had 
been long plotting. 

It was now thought high time (to prevent further mis- 
cheefe) to calle them to accounte; so the Gov"" called a 
courts and summoned the whol company to appeare. And 
then charged Lyford and Oldom with such things as they were 
guilty of. But they were stiffe, and stood resolutly upon 
the deneyall of most things, and required proofe. They first 
alledged what was write to them out of England, compared 
with their doings and practises hear; that it was evident they 
joyned in plotting against them, and disturbing their peace, 
both in respecte of their civill and church state, which was 

* Accomplices. 


most injiirious; for both they and all the world knew they 
came hither to injoye the hbertie of their conscience and the 
free use of Gods ordinances; and for that end had ventured 
their lives and passed throwgh so much hardshipe hithertoo, 
and they and their freinds had borne the charg of these begin- 
ings, which was not small. And that Lyford for his parte was 
sent over on this charge, and that both he and his great fam- 
ily was maintained on the same, and also was joyned to the 
church, and a member of them; and for him to plote against 
them and seek their ruine, was most unjust and perfidious. 
And for Oldam or any other that came over at their owne 
charge, and were on ther perticuler, seeing they were received 
in curtesie by the plantation, when they came only to seeke 
shelter and protection imder their wings, not being able to 
stand alone, that they, (according to the fable,) like the Hedg- 
hogg whom the conny in a stormy day in pittie received into 
her borrow, would not be content to take part with her, 
but in the end with her sharp pricks forst the poore conny 
to forsake her owne borrow ; so these men with the like 
injustice indevored to doe the same to thos that entertained 

Lyford denyed that he had any thing to doe with them in 
England, or knew of their courses, and made other things as 
strange that he was charged with. Then his letters were 
prodused and some of them read, at which he was struck 
mute. But Oldam begane to rage fiu-iously, because they 
had intercepted and opened his letters, threatening them in 
very high language, and in a most audacious and mutinous 
maner stood up and caled upon the people, saying, My maisters, 
wher is your harts? now shew your coiu-age, you have oft 
complained to me so and so ; now is the time, if you will doe 
any thing, I will stand by you, etc. Thinking that every one 
(knowing his humor) that had soothed and flattered him, or 
other wise in their discontente uttered any thing unto him, 
would now side with him in open rebelUon. But he was de- 


ceived, for not a man opened his mouth, but all were silent, 
being strucken with the injustice of the thing. Then the 
Gov'' turned his speech to Mr. Lyford, and asked him if he 
thought they had done evill to open his letters; but he was 
silente, and would not say a word, well knowing what they 
might reply. Then the Gov"^ shewed the people he did it as 
a magistrate, and was bound to it by his place, to prevent 
the mischeefe and rviine that this conspiracie and plots of 
theirs would bring on this poor colony. But he, besids his 
evill dealing hear, had delte trecherusly with his freinds that 
trusted him, and stole their letters and opened them, and sent 
coppies of them, with disgracefull annotations, to his freinds 
in England. And then the Gov"" produced them and his other 
letters under his owne hand, (which he could not deney,) and 
caused them to be read before all the people ; at which all his 
freinds were blanke, and had not a word to say. 

It would be too long and tedious here to inserte his letters 
(which would almost fill a volimie), though I have them by 
me. I shall only note a few of the cheefe things collected out 
of them, with the answers to them as they were then given; 
and but a few of those many, only for instance, by which the 
rest may be judged of. 

1. First, he saith, the church would have none to Uve 
hear but them selves. 2'^. Neither are any wilUng so to doe 
if they had company to five elswher. 

Ans: Their answer was, that this was false, in both the 
parts of it ; for they were willing and desirous that any honest 
men may Uve with them, that will cary them selves peacably, 
and seek the commone good, or at least doe them no hurte. 
And againe, ther are many that will not live els wher so long 
as they may Uve with them. 

2. That if ther come over any honest men that are not 
of the seperation, they will quickly distast them, etc. 

A. Ther answer was as before, that it was a false callum- 
niation, for they had many amongst them that they liked 


well of, and were glad of their company; and should be of 
any such like that should come amongst them. 

3. That they excepted against him for these 2. doctrins 
raised from 2. Sam: 12. 7. First, that ministers must sume 
times perticulerly apply their doctrine to spetiall persons; 
2^y, that great men may be reproved as well as meaner. 

A. Their answer was, that both these were without either 
truth or colour of the same (as was proved to his face), and 
that they had taught and beleeved these things long before 
they knew Mr. Liford. 

4. That they utterly sought the ruine of the perticulers; 
as appeareth by this, that they would not suffer any of the 
generall either to buy or sell with them, or to exchaing one 
commoditie for another. 

Ans: This was a most malicious slander and voyd of all 
truth, as was evidently proved to him before all men; for any 
of them did both buy, sell, or exchaing with them as often as 
they had any occation. Yea, and allso both lend and give to 
them when they wanted; and this the perticuler persons 
them selves could not deney, but freely confest in open court. 
But the ground from whence this arose made it much worse, 
for he was in counsell with them. When one was called be- 
fore them, and questioned for receiving powder and bisket 
from the gimner of the small ship, which was the companys, 
and had it put in at his window in the night, and allso for 
bujdng salt of one, that had no right to it, he not only stood 
to back him (being one of these perticulers) by excusing and 
extenuating his falte, as long as he could, but upon this builds 
this mischeevous and most false slander: That because they 
would not suffer them to buy stolne goods, ergo, they sought 
their utter ruine. Bad logick for a devine. 

5. Next he writs, that he chocked them with this; that 
they turned men into their perticuler, and then sought to 
starve them, and deprive them of all means of subsistance. 

A. To this was answered, he did them manifest wrong, 


for they turned none into their perticuler; it was their owne 
importnnitie and emest desire that moved them, yea, con- 
strained them to doe it. And they apealed to the persons 
them selves for the truth hereof. And they testified the same 
against him before all present, as allso that they had no cause 
to complaine of any either hard or unkind usage. 

6. He accuseth them with unjust distribution, and 
writeth, that it was a Strang difference, that some have bene 
alowed 16K. of meale by the weeke, and others but 4Zi. And 
then (floutingly) saith, it seems some mens mouths and belUes 
are very litle and slender over others. 

Ans: This might seeme strange indeed to those to whom 
he write his leters in England, which knew not the reason of 
it ; but to him and others hear, it could not be strange, who 
knew how things stood. For the first commers had none at 
all, but hved on their corne. Those which came in the Anne, 
the August before, and were to five 13. months of the provis- 
sions they brought, had as good alowance in meal and pease 
as it would extend too, the most part of the year; but a litle 
before harvest, when they had not only fish, but other fruits 
began to come in, they had but 4K. having their hbertie to 
make their owne provisions. But some of these which came 
last, as the ship carpenter, and sawiers, the salte-men and 
others that were to follow constante imployments, and had 
not an howers time, from their hard labours, to looke for any 
thing above their alowance; they had at first, 16li. alowed 
them, and afterwards as fish, and other food coued be gott, 
they had as balemente,' to 14. and 12. yea some of them to 8. 
as the times and occasions did vary. And yet those which 
followed planting and their owne occasions, and had but 4K. 
of meall a week, lived better then the other, as was well 
knowne to all. And yet it must be remembered that Lyford 
and his had allwais the highest alowance. 

Many other things (in his letters) he accused them of, with 

Bailment, delivery of goods on trust, in advance of payment. 


many aggravations; as that he saw exseeding great wast of 
tools and vesseles; and this, when it came to be examened, 
all the instance he could give was, that he had seen an old 
hogshed or too fallen to peeces, and a broken how or tow lefte 
carlesly in the feilds by some. Though he also knew that a 
godly, honest man was appointed to looke to these things. 
But these things and such hke was write of by him, to cast 
disgrace and prejudice upon them; as thinking what came 
from a minister would pass for currente. Then he tells them 
that Winslow should say, that ther was not above 7. of the 
adventurers that souight the good of the coUony. That Mr. 
Oldam and him selfe had had much to doe with them, and that 
the faction here might match the Jesuits for pohtie. With 
many the hke greevious complaints and accusations. 

1. Then, in the next place, he comes to give his freinds 
counsell and directtion. And first, that the Leyden company 
(Mr. Robinson and the rest) must still be kepte back, or els 
all will be spoyled. And least any of them should be taken 
in privatly somewher on the coast of England, (as it was 
feared might be done,) they must chaing the m''. of the ship 
(Mr. Wilham Peirce), and put another allso in Wiaslows stead, 
for marchante,' or els it would not be prevented. 

2. Then he would have such a number provided as might 
oversway them hear. And that the perticulers should have 
voyces in all courts and elections, and be free to bear any 
office. And that every perticuler should come over as an ad- 
venturer, if he be but a servante ; some other ventiuing IQli, 
the bill may be taken out in the servants name, and then as- 
signed to the party whose money it was, and good covenants 
drawn betweene them for the clearing of the matter; and this 
(saith he) would be a means to strengthen this side the more. 

3. Then he tells them that if that Capten they spoake 
of should come over hither as a generall,^ he was perswaded 

' Merchant in the sense of cape merchant or supercargo. 
' I. e., as one of the colony. 


he would be chosen Capten ; for this Captaine Standish looks 
Uke a silly boy, and is in utter contempte. 

4. Then he shows that if by the forementioned means 
they cannot be strengthened to cary and overbear things, it 
will be best for them to plant els wher by them selves; and 
would have it artickled by them that they might make choyse 
of any place that they liked best within 3. or 4. myls distance, 
shewing ther were farr better places for plantation then this. 

5. And lastly he concluds, that if some number came not 
over to bear them up here, then ther would be no abiding for 
them, but by joyning with these hear. Then he adds: Since 
I begane to write, ther are letters come from your company, 
wherin they wovild give sole authoritie in diverce things unto 
the Go v"" here; which, if it take place, then, Ve Nobis. ^ But 
I hope you wiU be more vigilante hereafter, that nothing may 
pass in such a manner. I suppose (saith he) Mr. Oldame will 
write to you further of these things. I pray you conceall me 
in the discovery of these things, etc. 

Thus I have breefly touched some cheefe things in his 
leters, and shall now retiraie to their procceeding with him. 
After the reading of his leters before the whole company, he 
was demanded what he could say to these things. But all 
the answer he made was, that Billington and some others had 
informed him of many things, and made sundrie complaints, 
which they now deneyed. He was againe asked if that was a 
sufficiente groimd for him thus to accuse and traduse them by 
his letters, and never say word to them, considering the many 
bonds betweene them. And so they went on from poynte to 
poynte; and wisht him, or any of his freinds and confederats, 
not to spare them in any thing; if he or they had any proof e 
or witnes of any corrupte or evill deaUng of theirs, his or their 
evidence must needs be ther presente, for ther was the whole 
company and sundery strangers. He said he had been abused 
by others in their informations, (as he now well saw,) and so 

Woe to us 1