Stupid Parents name their child Hashtag

You might as well call her 

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stupid parents.
below is the article from yahoo

from here

Crazy baby names are nothing new. In fact, in recent years they've become endemic in our culture, with entire websites devoted to bad baby names, deliberate misspellings masquerading as parental "creativity," andcelebrities who go way way  past "unusual" and into "Wait. What?" territory (like actor Jason Lee, who named his child Pilot Inspektor in 2003).

But Hashtag? As in, well, #hashtag? Really? Really.

Related: Top 10 Baby Name Predictions for 2013 

"Hashtag Jameson was born at 10 o'clock last nite," the proud parent announced on FacebookSaturday night. "She weys 8pounds and i luv her so much!!!!!!" 

Spelling-challenged friends started leaving equally creative congratulations in the comments. 

"Aww babes you finally had youre Tweetybird xxx," one wrote. 

Related: 10 Ways Your Baby's Name Could Ruin His Life 

Some internet commenters have questioned whether the announcement is just a poorly executed viral marketing campaign for a certain brand of whiskey -- #Jameson? (Though we tried, Yahoo! Shine couldn't confirm the photo's legitimacy, but it's well within the realm of possibility -- if the musician Prince could use a symbol as his name, why not a non-celebrity?) Others tweeted slightly crueler hashtags of their own: #Foolishparents, #YourParentsHateYou, #StupidestNameEver. Many, many commenters all over the internet wondered about the parents' mental stability. 

"These are the things that convince me the world is ending in a month," lamented John Toronto at Buzzfeed. "Not the unstable sociopolitical nature of many nations of the world. Not the increasingly erratic weather patterns we've been seeing. Nope. Someone named their child Hashtag. We are all f****d and I think we might deserve it." 

Despite the outrage over this most recent naming debacle, parents have always named their kids after things that are important to them, whether it's a beloved relative, "The Hunger Games," a hot celebrity, glittery vampires -- or, today, social media. 

In February 2011, a man in Egypt named his firstborn daughter Facebook -- a nod to the role that the website played at the start of the Arab Spring. In Israel, Lior Adler and his wife, Vardit, named their little girl "Like" when she was born in May 2011 (the couple also named one of their older daughters Pie because they enjoy cooking, they said). Now that little Hashtag has arrived, all we need is a tiny Tumblr, an adorable "@," and sweet little "YouTube" and the social media baby name trend will be properly established. 

We're sure that little Hashtag will find a way to avoid problems on the playground (she can always say her real name is Taggart, as in Romney, or get even more conventional and call herself Ash, short for Ashley). Still, she's likely to face a few issues down the road that her social-media loving parents probably hadn't thought about. 

"I'm betting she'll go by 'Ash' but her classmates will know her real name," wagered Carlo Sta. Romana in the comments at Mashable. "Wonder what it'll be like in 20 years when she'll have to explain what a hashtag is?" 

the winner of the font test.

This is Doctor Soos Light.

This is also a swampy part of Louisiana.

the best part of atlas shrugged

Rearden heard Bertram Scudder, outside the group, say to a girl who made some sound of indignation,
"Don't let him disturb you. You know, money is the root of all evil – and he's the typical product of money."
Rearden did not think that Francisco could have heard it, but he saw Francisco turning to them with a gravely courteous smile.
"So you think that money is the root of all evil?" said Francisco d'Aconia. "Have you ever asked what is the root of money? Money is a tool of exchange, which can't exist unless there are goods produced and men able to produce them. Money is the material shape of the principle that men who wish to deal with one another must deal by trade and give value for value. Money is not the tool of the moochers, who claim your product by tears, or of the looters, who take it from you by force. Money is made possible only by the men who produce. Is this what you consider evil?
"When you accept money in payment for your effort, you do so only on the conviction that you will exchange it for the product of the effort of others. It is not the moochers or the looters who give value to money. Not an ocean of tears nor all the guns in the world can transform those pieces of paper in your wallet into the bread you will need to survive tomorrow. Those pieces of paper, which should have been gold, are a token of honor – your claim upon the energy of the men who produce. Your wallet is your statement of hope that somewhere in the world around you there are men who will not default on that moral principle which is the root of money. Is this what you consider evil?
"Have you ever looked for the root of production? Take a look at an electric generator and dare tell yourself that it was created by the muscular effort of unthinking brutes. Try to grow a seed of wheat without the knowledge left to you by men who had to discover it for the first time. Try to obtain your food by means of nothing but physical motions – and you'll learn that man's mind is the root of all the goods produced and of all the wealth that has ever existed on earth.
"But you say that money is made by the strong at the expense of the weak? What strength do you mean? It is not the strength of guns or muscles. Wealth is the product of man's capacity to think. Then is money made by the man who invents a motor at the expense of those who did not invent it? Is money made by the intelligent at the expense of the fools? By the able at the expense of the incompetent? By the ambitious at the expense of the lazy? Money is made – before it can be looted or mooched – made by the effort of every honest man, each to the extent of his ability. An honest man is one who knows that he can't consume more than he has produced.
"To trade by means of money is the code of the men of good will. Money rests on the axiom that every man is the owner of his mind and his effort. Money allows no power to prescribe the value of your effort except by the voluntary choice of the man who is willing to trade you his effort in return. Money permits you to obtain for your goods and your labor that which they are worth to the men who buy them, but no more. Money permits no deals except those to mutual benefit by the unforced judgment of the traders. Money demands of you the recognition that men must work for their own benefit, not for their own injury, for their gain, not their loss – the recognition that they are not beasts of burden, born to carry the weight of your misery – that you must offer them values, not wounds – that the common bond among men is not the exchange of suffering, but the exchange of goods. Money demands that you sell, not your weakness to men's stupidity, but your talent to their reason; it demands that you buy, not the shoddiest they offer, but the best your money can find. And when men live by trade – with reason, not force, as their final arbiter – it is the best product that wins, the best performance, then man of best judgment and highest ability – and the degree of a man's productiveness is the degree of his reward. This is the code of existence whose tool and symbol is money. Is this what you consider evil?
"But money is only a tool. It will take you wherever you wish, but it will not replace you as the driver. It will give you the means for the satisfaction of your desires, but it will not provide you with desires. Money is the scourge of the men who attempt to reverse the law of causality – the men who seek to replace the mind by seizing the products of the mind.
"Money will not purchase happiness for the man who has no concept of what he wants; money will not give him a code of values, if he's evaded the knowledge of what to value, and it will not provide him with a purpose, if he's evaded the choice of what to seek. Money will not buy intelligence for the fool, or admiration for the coward, or respect for the incompetent. The man who attempts to purchase the brains of his superiors to serve him, with his money replacing his judgment, ends up by becoming the victim of his inferiors. The men of intelligence desert him, but the cheats and the frauds come flocking to him, drawn by a law which he has not discovered: that no man may be smaller than his money. Is this the reason why you call it evil?
"Only the man who does not need it, is fit to inherit wealth – the man who would make his own fortune no matter where he started. If an heir is equal to his money, it serves him; if not, it destroys him. But you look on and you cry that money corrupted him. Did it? Or did he corrupt his money? Do not envy a worthless heir; his wealth is not yours and you would have done no better with it. Do not think that it should have been distributed among you; loading the world with fifty parasites instead of one would not bring back the dead virtue which was the fortune. Money is a living power that dies without its root. Money will not serve that mind that cannot match it. Is this the reason why you call it evil?
"Money is your means of survival. The verdict which you pronounce upon the source of your livelihood is the verdict you pronounce upon your life. If the source is corrupt, you have damned your own existence. Did you get your money by fraud? By pandering to men's vices or men's stupidity? By catering to fools, in the hope of getting more than your ability deserves? By lowering your standards? By doing work you despise for purchasers you scorn? If so, then your money will not give you a moment's or a penny's worth of joy. Then all the things you buy will become, not a tribute to you, but a reproach; not an achievement, but a reminder of shame. Then you'll scream that money is evil. Evil, because it would not pinch-hit for your self-respect? Evil, because it would not let you enjoy your depravity? Is this the root of your hatred of money?
"Money will always remain an effect and refuse to replace you as the cause. Money is the product of virtue, but it will not give you virtue and it will not redeem your vices. Money will not give you the unearned, neither in matter nor in spirit. Is this the root of your hatred of money?
"Or did you say it's the love of money that's the root of all evil? To love a thing is to know and love its nature. To love money is to know and love the fact that money is the creation of the best power within you, and your passkey to trade your effort for the effort of the best among men. It's the person who would sell his soul for a nickel, who is the loudest in proclaiming his hatred of money – and he has good reason to hate it. The lovers of money are willing to work for it. They know they are able to deserve it.
"Let me give you a tip on a clue to men's characters: the man who damns money has obtained it dishonorably; the man who respects it has earned it.
"Run for your life from any man who tells you that money is evil. That sentence is the leper's bell of an approaching looter. So long as men live together on earth and need means to deal with one another – their only substitute, if they abandon money, is the muzzle of a gun.
"But money demands of you the highest virtues, if you wish to make it or to keep it. Men who have no courage, pride, or self-esteem, men who have no moral sense of their right to their money and are not willing to defend it as they defend their life, men who apologize for being rich – will not remain rich for long. They are the natural bait for the swarms of looters that stay under rocks for centuries, but come crawling out at the first smell of a man who begs to be forgiven for the guilt of owning wealth. They will hasten to relieve him of the guilt – and of his life, as he deserves.
"Then you will see the rise of the double standard – the men who live by force, yet count on those who live by trade to create the value of their looted money – the men who are the hitchhikers of virtue. In a moral society, these are the criminals, and the statutes are written to protect you against them. But when a society establishes criminals-by-right and looters-by-law – men who use force to seize the wealth of disarmed victims – then money becomes its creators' avenger. Such looters believe it safe to rob defenseless men, once they've passed a law to disarm them. But their loot becomes the magnet for other looters, who get it from them as they got it. Then the race goes, not to the ablest at production, but to those most ruthless at brutality. When force is the standard, the murderer wins over the pickpocket. And then that society vanishes, in a spread of ruins and slaughter.
"Do you wish to know whether that day is coming? Watch money. Money is the barometer of a society's virtue. When you see that trading is done, not by consent, but by compulsion – when you see that in order to produce, you need to obtain permission from men who produce nothing – when you see that money is flowing to those who deal, not in goods, but in favors – when you see that men get richer by graft and by pull than by work, and your laws don't protect you against them, but protect them against you – when you see corruption being rewarded and honesty becoming a self-sacrifice – you may know that your society is doomed. Money is so noble a medium that it does not compete with guns and it does not make terms with brutality. It will not permit a country to survive as half-property, half-loot.
"Whenever destroyers appear among men, they start by destroying money, for money is men's protection and the base of a moral existence. Destroyers seize gold and leave to its owners a counterfeit pile of paper. This kills all objective standards and delivers men into the arbitrary power of an arbitrary setter of values. Gold was an objective value, an equivalent of wealth produced. Paper is a mortgage on wealth that does not exist, backed by a gun aimed at those who are expected to produce it. Paper is a check drawn by legal looters upon an account which is not theirs: upon the virtue of the victims. Watch for the day when it becomes, marked: 'Account overdrawn.'
"When you have made evil the means of survival, do not expect men to remain good. Do not expect them to stay moral and lose their lives for the purpose of becoming the fodder of the immoral. Do not expect them to produce, when production is punished and looting rewarded. Do not ask, 'Who is destroying the world?' You are.
"You stand in the midst of the greatest achievements of the greatest productive civilization and you wonder why it's crumbling around you, while you're damning its life-blood – money. You look upon money as the savages did before you, and you wonder why the jungle is creeping back to the edge of your cities. Throughout men's history, money was always seized by looters of one brand or another, but whose method remained the same: to seize wealth by force and to keep the producers bound, demeaned, defamed, deprived of honor. That phrase about the evil of money, which you mouth with such righteous recklessness, comes from a time when wealth was produced by the labor of slaves – slaves who repeated the motions once discovered by somebody's mind and left unimproved for centuries. So long as production was ruled by force, and wealth was obtained by conquest, there was little to conquer. Yet through all the centuries of stagnation and starvation, men exalted the looters, as aristocrats of the sword, as aristocrats of birth, as aristocrats of the bureau, and despised the producers, as slaves, as traders, as shopkeepers – as industrialists.
"To the glory of mankind, there was, for the first and only time in history, a country of money – and I have no higher, more reverent tribute to pay to America, for this means: a country of reason, justice, freedom, production, achievement. For the first time, man's mind and money were set free, and there were no fortunes-by-conquest, but only fortunes-by-work, and instead of swordsmen and slaves, there appeared the real maker of wealth, the greatest worker, the highest type of human being – the self-made man – the American industrialist.
"If you ask me to name the proudest distinction of Americans, I would choose – because it contains all the others – the fact that they were the people who created the phrase 'to make money'. No other language or nation had ever used these words before; men had always thought of wealth as a static quantity – to be seized, begged, inherited, shared, looted, or obtained as a favor. Americans were the first to understand that wealth has to be created. The words 'to make money' hold the essence of human morality.
"Yet these were the words for which Americans were denounced by the rotted cultures of the looters' continents. Now the looters' credo has brought you to regard your proudest achievements as a hallmark of shame, your prosperity as guilt, your greatest men, the industrialists, as blackguards, and your magnificent factories as the product and property of muscular labor, the labor of whip-driven slaves, like the pyramids of Egypt. The rotter who simpers that he sees no difference between the power of the dollar and the power of the whip, ought to learn the difference on his own hide – as, I think, he will.
"Until and unless you discover that money is the root of all good, you ask for your own destruction. When money ceases to be the tool by which men deal with one another, then men become the tools of men. Blood, whips and guns – or dollars. Take your choice – there is no other – and your time is running out."

If I were the devil

twinkies will never die

pauly hart
sunday, november 25th 2012

the most annoying thing about twinkies is that there is nothing annoying about them.

they made us laugh in die-hard, they made us smile in school. they are the most wonderfully squishily-sweet treat on the market and the smart investor will seize the twinkie immediately.

do you remember crayola? before 1984, binney & smith had a small market with their one major product. the crayon. after they sold to hallmark, suddenly licencing went thru the roof and there were a slew of products with the crayola name on them. it was madness. i remember walking into the drug-store as a child and seeing the first ever crayola markers, stamps and pencils. i was overwhelmed and blown away by all the choices. good-bye garbage-pail kids... hello crayola scratch-and-sniff stickers!

this is what will happen with twinkie.

you now have the somewhat moist and oily mushy sweet treat seeing a new possible future.


the licencing of the twinkie will follow this simple story:

disney buys twinkies.
twinkies gets a revamp.
dreamworks buys licence to shrek twinkies giving rise to
shrek, donkey, puss (with chocolate dipped boots) and gingerbread man twinkies
tron twinkies come out in select markets
the princess twinkies 8 pack hits the shelf
chocolate dipped twinkies are packaged
twinkie cake-sickle fun bakery is introduced
and a thousand other ideas.

there is a new wave coming and it's name is twinkie. the zombie apocalypse will never occur because there are too many capitalists out there to stop it.

black friday wasn't as bad as i thought, just a harbinger of death.

many many moons ago, i participated in the tickle me elmo debacle. working at kay-b toys during the 1996 holiday season was quite an eye-opener into how crazy people could become over such a trivial thing like the accumulation of things.

and i will never forget it.

so, working at sears this year i was prepared for the worst.

i heard about a wal-mart hiring rent-a-cops with guns and i was a bit concerned with the idea, and since i had just recently moved my wife and my cat to indiana from tulsa oklahoma i was wondering if the hoosiers were going to be as civil as the sooners are famous for.

and so i began my shift.

it was 3:45 and all was in expectation...

but by 4:00, no one pushed anyone, no one shoved... it was long lines and frowns but no one was shot at the store i worked at.

and spending was up.

the store i work was expecting to sell around four hundred thousand based upon last years projections but the fear was that since we were still in a recession, we would only be banking on three hundred... and it did much much than even four hundred. upwards close to six hundred thousand. that's a fifty percent INCREASE! that's amazing!

so, like i said. it wasn't bad. not at all. i am just not a fan of keynesian economics. if you have one dollar in circulation and you want to spend it but owe one dollar and five cents to the people who printed that dollar, don't ask them to print another dollar so you can spend the first one.

a black decade is coming. and by black i don't mean on your books. i mean like no electricity.

This bears posting

can you forgive me?

can i forgive you for hating me
can i forgive you for remembering the bad days
can i forgive you for injuring me
can i forgive?

will i take pain and give it to my savior
will i replace injury with joy
will i deny my right to justification
will i forgive?

can i tell you that everything is over
can i tell you that worry doesn't fix things
or that threats don't often either
do i forgive?

i do forgive and loss becomes lesson
i do forgive and coals are finally quenched
i do forgive and life is all the brighter
i choose forgiveness
because i was first forgiven.

pauly hart 2012

Kevin Smith - I'm a Christian

I'm Christian, I identify as Christian even after all this fucking time.

I used to identify as Catholic, but I can't do that anymore, it's a little too wacky...

Um... Christianity is a little broader, it allows you to do more. Don't worry I'm not one of those "creepy Christian" types: I'll never be the guy that's like: "Have I told you about my friend Christ?"

He just works for me, you know, the religion and that much religion works for me,

You know, I pray usually when I go to bed at night. I've got a wonderful life and a great career. It costs me nothing to believe that somebody up there is responsible for it that's not fuckin me.

 Um, so... You know, I pray usually when I take off in an airplane and land. That's when I pray the most, and usually my wife is with me whenever I'm flying and sitting next to me and stuff like that, and when I pray, eh, if you saw me on a plane - it's not like I sit there and pray out loud: "Oh God! Save us from your fiery death!"

You wouldn't even know man, cause I don't move my lips all creepily and shit. I just sit there with my eyes closed, for all you know I'd be sitting there thinking about pussy - But really - Jesus.

Taken from "Kevin Smith: Burn in Hell" 2011

Of Plymouth Plantation by Bradford part two


had abused them. And this was all the answer they could 
have, for none would take his parte in any thing; but Billing- 
ton, and any whom he named, deneyed the things, and pro- 
tested he wronged them, and would have drawne them to 
such and such things which they could not consents too, 
though they were sometimes drawne to his meetings. Then 
they delte with him aboute his dissembling with them aboute 
the church, and that he professed to concm* with them in all 
things, and what a large confession he made at his admit- 
tance, and that he held not him selfe a minister till he had a 
new calling, etc. And yet now he contested against them, 
and drew a company aparte, and sequestred him selfe; and 
would goe minister the sacrements (by his Episcopall caHng) 
without ever speaking a word unto them, either as magistrats 
or bretheren. In conclusion, he was fully convicted, and 
burst out into tears, and "confest he feared he was a repro- 
bate, his sinns were so great that he doubted God would not 
pardon them, he was imsavorie salte, etc. ; and that he had so 
wronged them as he could never make them amends, con- 
fessing all he had write against them was false and nought, 
both for matter and manner." And all this he did with as 
much fullnes as words and tears could express. 

After their triall and conviction, the comi; censured them 
to be expeld the place; Oldame presently, though his wife and 
family had liberty to stay all winter, or longer, till he could 
make provission to remove them comfortably. Lyford had 
Uberty to stay 6. months. It was, indeede, with some eye to 
his release, if he caried him selfe well in the meane time, and 
that his repentance proved soimd. Lyford acknowledged his 
censure was farr less than he deserved. 

Afterwards, he confest his sin publikly in the church, with 
tears more largly then before. I shall here put it downe as I 
fhid it recorded by some who tooke it from his owne words, as 
him selfe utered them. Acknowledging "That he had don 
very evill, and slanderously abused them; and thinking most 


of the people would take parte with him, he thought to cary 
all by violence and strong hand against them. And that God 
might justly lay innocente blood to his charge, for he knew 
not what hurt might have come of these his writings, and 
blest God they were stayed. And that he spared not to take 
knowledg from any, of any evill that was spoaken, but shut his 
eyes and ears against all the good; and if God should make 
him a vacabund in the earth, as was Caine, it was but just, 
for he had sined in envie and maUce against his brethren as 
he did. And he confessed 3. things to be the groimd and 
causes of these his doings: pride, vaine-glorie, and selfe love." 
Amphfying these heads with many other sade expressions, in 
the perticulers of them. 

So as they begane againe to conceive good thoughts of him 
upon this his repentance, and admited him to teach amongst 
them as before; and Samuell Fuller (a deacon amongst them), 
and some other tender harted men amongst them, were so taken 
with his signes of sorrow and repentance, as they professed they 
would fall upon their knees to have his censure released. 

But that which made them all stand amased in the end, 
and may doe all others that shall come to hear the same, (for 
a rarer president can scarse be showne,) was, that after a 
month or 2. notwithstand all his former conffessions, convic- 
tions, and pubUck acknowledgments, both in the face of the 
church and whole company, with so many tears and sadde 
censures of him selfe before God and men, he should goe againe 
to justifie what he had done. 

For secretly he write a 2^. leter to the adventurers in 
England, in which he justified all his former writings, (save 
in some things which tended to their damage,) the which, be- 
cause it is brefer then the former, I shall here inserte. 

Worthy Srs: Though the filth of mine owne doings may justly be 
cast in my face, and with blushing cause my perpetuall silence, yet that 
the truth may not herby be injuried, your selves any longer deluded, nor 
in[j]urious dealing caried out still, with bould out facings, I have ad- 


ventured once more to write unto you. Firest, I doe freely confess I 
delte very indiscreetly in some of my perticuler leters which I wrote to 
private freinds, for the courses in coming hither and the like; which I doe 
in no sorte seeke to justifie, though stired up ther unto in the beholding 
the indirecte courses held by others, both hear, and ther with you, for 
effecting their designes. But am hartily sory for it, and doe to the glory 
of God and mine owne shame acknowledg it. Which leters being inter- 
cepted by the Gov', I have for the same undergone the censure of ban- 
ishmente. And had it not been for the respecte I have unto you, and 
some other matters of private regard, I had returned againe at this time 
by the pinass for England; for hear I purpose not to abide, unless I re- 
ceive better incouragmente from you, then from the church (as they call 
them selves) here I doe receive. I purposed before I came, to undergoe 
hardnes, therfore I shall I hope cherfuUy bear the conditions of the place, 
though very mean; and they have chainged my wages ten times aUready. 
I suppose my letters, or at least the coppies of them, are come to your 
hands, for so they hear reporte; which, if it be so, I pray you take notice 
of this, that I have writen nothing but what is certainly true, and I could 
make so apeare planly to any indifferente men, whatsoever colours be 
cast to darken the truth, and some ther are very audatious this way; 
besids many other matters which are f arre out of order hear. My mind 
was not to enlarge my selfe any further, but in respecte of diverse poore 
souls here, the care of whom in parte belongs to you, being here destitute 
of the means of salvation. For how so ever the church are provided for, 
to their contente, who are the smalest number in the coUony, and doe 
so appropriate the ministrie to them selves, houlding this principle, that 
the Lord hath not appointed any ordinary ministrie for the conversion of 
those that are without, so that some of the poor souls have with tears 
complained of this to me, and I was taxed for preaching to all in generall. 
Though in truth they have had no ministrie here since they came, but 
such as may be performed by any of you, by their owne possition, what 
soever great pretences they make; but herin they equivocate, as in many 
other things they doe. But I exceede the bounds I set my selfe, therfore 
resting thus, untill I hear further from you, so it be within the time limited 
me. I rest, etc., 

Remaining yours ever. 
Dated Aug: 22. An°: 1624. John Lyfoed, Exille. 

They made a breefe answer to some things in this later, 
but referred cheefly to their former. The effecte was to this 
purpose: That if God in his providence had not brought these 


things to their hands (both the former and later), they might 
have been thus abused, tradused, and calumniated, over- 
throwne, and imdone ; and never have knowne by whom, nor 
for what. They desired but this equall favoure, that they 
would be pleased to hear their just defence, as well as his 
accusations, and waigh them in the balance of justice and 
reason, and then censure as they pleased. They had write 
breefly to the heads of things before, and should be ready to 
give further answer as any occasion should require; craving 
leave to adde a word or tow to this last. 

1. And first, they desire to examene what filth that was 
that he acknowledgeth might justly be throwne in his face, 
and might cause blushing and perpetuall silence; some great 
mater sure! But if it be looked into, it amounts to no more 
then a poynte of indiscretion, and thats all; and yet he licks 
of that too with this excuse, that he was stired up therunto by 
beholding the indirecte course here. But this point never 
troubled him here, it was counted a fight matter both by him 
and his freinds, and put of with this, — ^that any man might 
doe so, to advise his private freinds to come over for their 
best advantage. All his sorrow and tears here was for the 
wrong and hurt he had done us, and not at all for this he 
pretends to be done to you: it was not counted so much as 

2. Having thus payed you full satisfaction, he thinks he 
may lay load of us here. And first complains that we have 
changed his wages ten times. We never agreed with him for 
any wages, nor made any bargen at all with him, neither know 
of any that you have made. You sent him over to teach 
amongst us, and desired he might be kindly used; and more 
then this we know not. That he hath beene kindly used, 
(and farr beter then he deserves from us,) he shall be judged 
first of his owne mouth. If you please to looke upon that 
writing of his, that was sent you amongst his leters, which 
he pals a generall relation, in which, though he doth otherwise 


traduse us, yet in this he him selfe clears us. In the latter 
end therof he hath these words. I speak not this (saith he) 
out of any ill affection to the men, for I have found them very 
kind and loving to me. You may ther see these to be his owne 
words under his owne hand. 2'^. It will appere by this that 
he hath ever had a larger alowance of food out of the store 
for him and his then any, and clothing as his neede hath 
required; a dwelling in one of our best houses, and a man 
wholy at his owne command to tend his private affairs. What 
cause he hath therfore to complaine, judge ye; and what he 
means in his speech we know not, except he aluds to that of 
Jaacob and Laban. If you have promised him more or other 
wise, you may doe it when you please. 

3. Then with an impudente face he would have you 
take notice, that (in his leters) he hath write nothing but 
what is certainly true, yea, and he could make it so appeare 
plainly to any indifferente men. This indeed doth astonish 
us and causeth us to tremble at the deceitfulhies and desper- 
ate wickednes of mans harte. This is to devoure holy things, 
and after voues to enquire. It is admirable that after such 
pubhck confession, and acknowledgmente in court, in church, 
before God, and men, with such sadd expressions as he used, 
and with such melting into teares, that after all this he shoud 
now justifie all againe. If things had bene done in a corner, 
it had been some thinge to deney them; but being done in 
the open view of the cuntrie and before all men, it is more 
then strange now to avow to make them plainly appear to 
any indifferente men; and here wher things were done, and 
all the evidence that could be were presente, and yet could 
make nothing appear, but even his freinds condemnd him and 
gave their voyce to his censure, so grose were they; we leave 
your selves to judge herein. Yet least this man should tri- 
umph in his wikednes, we shall be ready to answer him, when, 
or wher you will, to any thing he shall lay to our charg, though 
we have done it sufficiently allready. 


4. Then he saith he would not inlarge, but for some poore 
souls here who are destiute of the means of salvation, etc. 
But all his soothing is but that you would use means, that his 
censure might be released that he might here continue; and 
imder you (at least) be sheltered, till he sees what his freinds 
(on whom he depends) can bring about and effecte. For 
such men pretend much for poor souls, but they will looke to 
their wages and conditions; if that be not to their content, 
let poor souls doe what they will, they will shift for them 
selves, and seek poore souls some wher els among richer 

Next he fals upon the church, that indeed is the burthen- 
some stone that troubls him. First, he saith they hold this 
principle, that the Lord hath not apointed any ordinarie 
ministrie for the converssion of those without. The church 
needs not be ashamed of what she houlds in this, haveing 
Gods word for her warrente ; that ordinarie officers are boimd 
cheefly to their flocks. Acts 20. 28. and are not to be extrava- 
gants, to goe, come, and leave them at their pleasurs to shift 
for them selves, or to be devoured of wolves. But he perverts 
the truth in this as in other things, for the Lord hath as well 
appoynted them to converte, as to feede in their severall 
charges; and he wrongs the church to say other wise. Againe, 
he saith he was taxed for preaching to all in generall. This 
is a meere untruth, for this dissembler knows that every 
Lords day some are appointed to visite suspected places, and 
if any be found idling and neglecte the hearing of the word, 
(through idhies or profanes,) they are pimished for the same. 
Now to procure all to come to hear, and then to blame him 
for preaching to all, were to play the mad men. 

6. Next (he saith) they have had no ministrie since they 
came, what soever pretences they make, etc. We answer, the 
more is our wrong, that our pastor is kept from us by these 
mens means, and then reproach us for it when they have 
done. Yet have we not been wholy distitute of the means of 


salvation, as this man would make the world beleeve; for our 
reve*^ Elder hath laboured diligently in dispencing the word 
of God unto us, before he came ; and since hath taken equalle 
pains with him selfe in preaching the same; and, be it spoaken 
without ostentation, he is not inferriour to Mr. L3rford (and 
some of his betters) either in gifts or laming, though he would 
never be perswaded to take higher office upon him. Nor ever 
was more pretended in this matter. For equivocating, he 
may take it to him selfe; what the church houlds, they have 
manifested to the world, in all plaines,' both in open confes- 
sion, doctrine, and writing. 

This was the sume of ther answer, and hear I wiU let them 
rest for the presente. I have bene longer in these things then 
I desired, and yet not so long as the things might require, for 
I pass many things in silence, and many more deserve to have 
been more largly handled. But I will retume to other things, 
and leave the rest to its place. 

The pinass^ that was left sunck and cast away near Dam- 
arins-cove, as is before showed, some of the fishing maisters 
said it was a pity so fine a vessell should be lost, and sent 
them word that, if they would be at the cost, they would both 
directe them how to waygh her, and let them have their car- 
penters to mend her. They thanked them, and sente men 
aboute it, and beaver to defray the charge, (without which all 
had been in vaine). So they gott coopers to trime, I know 
not how many tune of cask, and being made tight and fas- 
tened to her at low-water, they boyed her up ; and then with 
many hands hald her on shore in a conveniente place wher 
she might be wrought upon ; and then hired sundrie car- 
penters to work upon her, and other to saw planks, and at 
last fitted her and got her home. But she cost a great deale 
of money, in thus recovering her, and buying riging and seails 
for her, both now and when before she lost her mast; so as she 
proved a chargable vessell to the poor plantation. So they 

• Plainness. 2 The Ja-mes. 


sent her home, and with her Lyford sent his last letter, in 
great secrecie; but the party intrusted with it gave it the 

The winter was passed over in ther ordinarie affairs, with- 
out any spetiall mater worth noteing; saveing that many 
who before stood something of from the church, now seeing 
Lyf ords unrighteous dealing, and mahgnitie agaiast the church, 
now tendered them selves to the chiu-ch, and were joyned to 
the same; proffessing that it was not out of the dishke of any 
thing that they had stood of so long, but a desire to fitte them 
selves beter for such a state, and they saw now the Lord cald 
for their help. And so these troubls prodused a qmte con- 
trary effecte in sundrie hear, then these adversaries hoped for. 
Which was looked at as a great worke of God, to draw on men 
by unhckly means; and that in reason which might rather 
have set them further of. And thus I shall end this year. 

Anno Dom: 1625. 

At the spring of the year, about the time of their Election 
Coiui;,* Oldam came againe amongst them; and though it was 
a part of his censure for his former mutinye and miscariage, 
not to retume without leave first obtained, yet in his dareing 
spirite, he presumed without any leave at all, being also set 
on and hardened by the ill coimsell of others. And not only 
so, but suffered his unruly passion to rune beyond the hmits 
of all reason and modestie; in so much that some strangers 
which came with him were ashamed of his outrage, and re- 
buked him; but all reprofes were but as oyle to the fire, and 
made the flame of his coller greater. He caled them all to 
nought, in this his mad furie, and a hundred rebells and 
traytors, and I know not what. But in conclusion they com- 
mited him till he was tamer, and then apointed a gard of 
musketers which he was to pass throw, and ever one was 
ordered to give him a thump on the brich, with the but end of 

> Annual meeting for election of officers of the colony. 


his musket, and then was conveied to the water side, wher a 
boat was ready to cary him away. Then they bid him goe and 
mende his maners. 

Whilst this was a doing, Mr. WiUiam Peirce and Mr. Wins- 
low came up from the water side, being come from England; 
but they were so busie with Oldam, as they never saw them 
till they came thus upon them. They bid them not spare 
either him or Liford, for they had played the vilans with 
them. But that I may hear make an end with hi m, I shall 
hear once f or_aUj:filate-.wIi at befell concerning him in the 
fiSui%-and 4hat~bFee%:,_ After the removall of his familie 
from hence, he fell into some straits, (as some others did,) 
and aboute a year or more afterwards, towards winter, he 
intended a vioage for Virginia; but it so pleased God that the 
barke that caried him, and many other passengers, was in 
that danger, as they dispaired of Ufe; so as many of them, 
as they fell to prayer, so also did they begine to examine their 
consciences and confess such sins as did most burthen them. 
AnrI Mr. 0.ii]da.Tn e_HidTnpi,ke a free and large confession of the 
wron^_aad-lau±_h£_had done tojihe_geo£l£aiiachurch here, 
in many perticulers, that as he had sought their ruine, so God 
had now mette with him and might destroy him; yea, he 
feared they all fared the worce for his sake ; he prayed God to 
forgive him, and made vowes that, if the Lord spard his Ufe, 
he would become otherwise, and the Uke. This I had from 
some of good credite, yet hving in the Bay, and were them 
selves partners in the same dangers on the ghoulds Qf.,Cap- 
Codd, and heard it from his owne mouth. Clt pleased GodJ^ _ 
ap^ajtheir_]iyes,_though_they lost-^b^ ir viago j a n d - in time 
after wards, Ouldam caried him selfe fairly towards them, 
and acknowledged the hand of God to be with them, and 
seemed to have an honourable respecte of them; and so farr 
made his peace with them, as he in after time had libertie 
to goe and come, and converse with them, at his pleasure. He 
went after this to Virginia, and had ther a great sicknes, but 


recovered and came back againe to his familie in the Bay, 
and ther hved till some store of people came over. At lenght 
going a trading in a smale vessell among the Indians, and 
being weakly mand, upon some quarell they knockt him on the 
head with a hatched, so as he fell downe dead, and never spake 
word more. 2. Utle boys that were his kinsmen were saved, 
but had some hurte, and the vessell was strangly recovered 
from the Indeans by another that belonged to the Bay of 
Massachusets; and this his death was one groimd of the 
Pequente^ warr which followed. 

I am now come to Mr. Lyford. His time being now ex- 
pired, his censure was to take place. He was so farre from 
answering their hopes by amendmente in the time, as he had 
dubled his evill, as is before noted. , Bnt, firRt. t jfthnlH the 

verified;__£sa:-X-i5. He hath made a pitte, and digged it,, 
and is fallen into the pitte he made. Hejthought to bring 
shame and disgrace upo n them, but in stead therof opens h is 
owne toalLAh ilworldr For when he was delte with all aboute 
his second letter, his wife was so affected with his doings, as 
she could no longer conceaill her greefe and sorrow of minde, 
but opens the same to one of their deacons and some other of 
her freinds, and after uttered the same to Mr. Peirce upon his 
arrivall. Which was to this piirpose, that she feared some 
great judgment of God would fall upon them, and upon her, 
for her husbands cause; now that they were to remove, she 
feared to fall into the Indeans hands, and to be defiled by 
them, as he had defiled other women; or some shuch like 
judgmente, as God had threatened David, 2. Sam. 12. 11. I 
will raise up evill against thee, and will take thy wives and 
give them, etc. And upon it showed how he had wronged her, 
as first he had a bastard by another before they were maried, 
and she having some inkUng of some ill cariage that way, when 
he was a suitor to her, she tould him what she heard, and 

• Pequot. 


deneyd him; but she not certainly knowing the thing, 
other wise then by some darke and secrete muterings, he not 
only stifly denied it, but to satisfie her tooke a solemne oath 
ther was no shuch matter. Upon which she gave consente, 
and maried with him ; but afterwards it was found true, and 
the bastard brought home to them. She then charged him 
with his oath, but he prayed pardon, and said he should els 
not have had her. And yet afterwards she could keep no 
maids but he would be medling with them, and some time 
she hath taken him in the maner, as they lay at their beds 
feete, with shuch other circumstances as I am ashamed to 
relate. The woman being a grave matron and of good 
cariage all the while she was hear, and spoake these things out 
of the sorrow of her harte, sparingly, and yet with some 
further intimations. And that which did most seeme to 
affecte her (as they conceived) was, to see his former cariage 
in his repentance, not only hear with the church, but formerly 
about these things; sheding tears, and using great and sade 
expressions, and yet eftsone fall into the hke things. 

Another thing of the same nature did strangly concurr 
herewith. When Mr. Winslow and Mr. Peirce were come over, 
Mr. Winslow informed them that they had had the hke bick- 
ering with Lyfords freinds in England, as they had with him 
selfe and his freinds hear, aboute his letters and accusations 
in them. And many meetings and much clamour was made 
by his freinds theraboute, crjdng out, a minister, a man so 
godly, to be so esteemed and taxed they held a great skandale, 
and threated to prosecute law against them for it. But 
things being referred to a further meetmg of most of the ad- 
venturers, to heare the case and decide the matters, they 
agreed to chose 2. eminente men for moderators in the bus- 
sines. Lyfords faction chose Mr. White, a counselor at law, 
the other parte chose Reve**. Mr. Hooker, • the minister, and 

' Rev. Thomas Hooker, afterward the famous minister of Hartford; at this 
time he was rector of Esher in Surrey. 


many freinds on both sids were brought in, so as ther was a 
great assemblie. In the mean time, God in his providence 
had detected Lyford's eAnll rariagp i.tLJj:fiLm.
  • ,.^^ In the mean time 4t pleased th e Lord t^ give the plantation peace and health and contented minds, and so to blese ther labom-s, as they had come sufficient, (and some to spare to others,) with other foode; neither ever had they any supply of foode but what they first brought with them. After har- vest this year, they sende out a boats load of come 40. or 50. leagues to the eastward, up a river called Kenibeck; it being one of those 2. shalops which their carpenter had built them the year before; for bigger vessell had they none. They had laid a litle deck over her midships to keepe the come drie, but the men were faine to stand it out all weathers without shel- ter; and that time of the year begins to growe tempestious. But God preserved them, and gave them good success, for they brought home 700li. of beaver, besids some other furrs, having fitle or nothing els but this come, which them selves had raised out of the earth. This viage was made by Mr. Winslow and some of the old standers, for seamen they had none. Anno Dom: 1626. About the begining of Aprill they heard of Captain Stand- ish his arrivall, and sent a boat to fetch him home, and the things he had brought. Welcome he was, but the news he broughte was sadd in many regards; not only in regarde of the former losses, before related, which their fremds had suf- fered, by which some in a manor were undon, others much disabled from doing any fm:iiher help, and some dead of the plague, but also that Mr. Robin§Q3ft7-tfaeiii ,Bastor , was dead> which struck them with-uiuch sorrow and sadnes, as they had cause. His and their adversaries had been long and contin- ually plotting how they might hinder his coming hither, but the Lord had appointed him a better place ; concerning whose 1626] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 209 death and the maner therof, it will appere by these few lines write to the Gov"" and Mr. Brewster. Loving and kind f rinds, etc. I know not whether this will ever come to your hands, or miscarie, as other my letters have done; yet in regard of the Lords dealing with us hear, I have had a great desire to write unto you, knowing your desire to bear a parte with us, both in our joyes, and sorrows, as we doe with you. These are therfore to give you to under- stand, that it hath pleased the Lord to take out of this vaell of tears, your and our loving and faithfull pastor, and my dear and Rev** brother, Mr. John Robinson, who was sick some 8. days. He begane to be sick on Saturday in the morning, yet the next day (being the Lords day) he taught us twise. And so the weeke after grew weaker, every day more then other; yet he felt no paine but weaknes all the time of his sicknes. The phisick he tooke wrought kindly in mans judgmente, but he grew weaker every day, feeling litle or no paine, and sensible to the very last. He fell sicke the 22. of Feb: and departed this life the 1. of March.' He had a continuall inwarde ague, but free from infection, so that all his fremds came freely to him. And if either prayers, tears, or means, would have saved his life, he had not gone hence. But he having faithfully finished his course, and performed his worke which the Lord had ap- pointed him here to doe, he now resteth with the Lord in eternall hapi- nes. We wanting him and all Church Gov", yet we still (by the mercie of God) continue and hould close togeather, in peace and quietnes; and so hope we shall doe, though we be very weake. Wishing (if such were the will of God) that you and we were againe united togeather in one, either ther or here; Jw ri Be e ing- iLiaJhewill of the Tiord tlm g tji..flisp nsf gf things., seJaMgt labour with patiensfiJcucesl. caateai£di.tilHtjgleaseJhe Lordothficwise,to -dispose. For news, is here not much; only as in Eng- land we have lost our old king James, who departed this life aboute a month agoe, so here they have lost the old prince. Grave Mourise;^ who both departed this life since my brother Robinson. And as in England ' Robinson was buried three days after his death under the pavement of St. Peter's church in Leyden, nearly opposite his house. A tablet in memory of him has been set up on the outer wall of the church, and another on the front of the house now occupying the site of his dwelling in the Kloksteeg, near which many of his congregation also dwelt. ' King James I. of England died March 27, 1625. Count Maurice of Nassau, Prince of Orange, stadholder of the Netherlands, second son of William the Silent, died April 23, 1625 (new style, which was at this time followed in Hol- land). He was succeeded as prince and as stadholder by his brother. Count Frederick Henry. 210 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1626 we have a new-king Chads, of whom ther is great hope, so hear they have made prince Hendrick Generall in his brothers place, etc. Thus with my love remembred, I take leave and rest. Your assured loving freind, ^ , . .„ „„ Roger White.' Leyden, Aprill 28. An°: 1625. Thus these too great princes, and their pastor, left this world near aboute one time. Djgath maks no difference. He further brought them notice oFtKe~Tdeftth~©f— their anciente freind, Mr. Cush-man, whom the Lord tooke away allso this year, and aboute this time, who was as their right hand with their freinds the adventurers, and for diverce years had done and agitated all their bussines with them to ther great advantage. He had write to the Gove'' but some few months before, of the sore sicknes of Mr. James Sherley, who was a cheefe freind to the plantation, and lay at the pointe of death, declaring his love and helpfullnes, in all things; and much bemoned the loss they should have of him, if God should now take him away, as being the stay and life of the whole bussines. As allso his owne purposs this year to come over, and spend his days with them. But he that thus write of anothers sicknes, knew not that his owne death was so near. It shows allso that a mans ways are not in his owne power, but in his hands who hath the issues of life and death. Man may purpose, but God doth dispose. Their other freinds from Leyden writ many leters to them full of sad laments for ther heavie loss; and though their wills were good to come to them, yet they saw no probabiUtie of means, how it might be effected, but concluded (as it were) that all their hopes were cutt of; and many, being aged, begane to drop away by death. All which things (before related) being well weighed and laied togither, it could not but strick them with great perplexi- ' The writer was Robinson's brother-in-law, Robinson having married Bridget White, his sister. 1626] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 211 tie; and to looke humanly on the state of things as they pre- sented them selves at this time, it is a marvell it did not wholy discourage them, and sinck them. But they gathered up their spirits, and the Lord so helped them, whose worke they had in hand, as now when they were at lowest* they begane to rise againe, and being striped (in a maner) of all humane helps and hops, he brought things aboute other wise, in his devine providence, as they were not only upheld and sus- tained, but their proceedings both honoured and imitated by others; as by the sequell will more appeare, if the Lord spare me Ufe and time to declare the same. Haveing now no fishing busines, or other things to intend, but only their trading and planting, they sett them selves to follow the same with the best Industrie they could. The planters finding their come, what they could spare from ther necessities, to be a commoditie, (for they sould it at 6s. a bushell,) used great dilhgence in planting the same. And the Gove*^ and such as were designed to manage the trade, (for it was retained for the generall good, and none were to trade in perticuler,) they followed it to the best advantage they could; and wanting trading goods, they understoode that a plantation which was at Monhigen, and belonged to some marchants of PHmoth was to breake up, and diverse usefull goods was ther to be sould ; the Gove"" and Mr. Winslow tooke a boat and some hands and went thither. But Mr. David Thomson, who Uved at Pascataway,' tmderstanding their purpose, tooke oppertunitie to goe with them, which was some hinderance to them both; for they, perceiving their joynte desires to buy, held their goods at higher rates; and not only so, but would not sell a parcell of their trading goods, excepte they sould all. So, lest they should further prejudice one an other, they agreed to buy all, and devid them equally between them. They bought allso a parcell of goats, which they distributed at home as they saw neede and occasion, and » "Note." (Br.) ' See p. 164, and note 1. 212 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1626 tooke come for them of the people, which gave them good content. Their moyety of the goods came to above 400K, stariing. Ther was allso that spring a French ship cast away at Sacadahock, in which were many Biscaie ruggs and other commodities, which were falen into these mens hands, and some other fisher men at Damerins-cove, which were allso bought in partnership, and made their parte arise to above 500li. This they made shift to pay for, for the most part, with the beaver and comodities they had gott the winter be- fore, and what they had gathered up that somer. Mr. Thom- son having some things overcharged him selfe, desired they would take some of his, but they refused except he would let them have his French goods only; and the marchant (who was one of Bristol) would take their bill for to be paid the next year. They were both willing, so they became ingaged for them and tooke them. By which means they became very well furnished for trade; and tooke of therby some other in- gagments which lay upon them, as the money taken up by Captaine Standish, and the remains of former debts. With these goods, and their corne after harvest, they gott good store of trade, so as they were enabled to pay their ingagements against the time, and to get some cloathing for the people, and had some comodities before hand. But now they begane to be envied, and others wente and fild the Indeans with corne, and beat downe the prise, giveing them twise as much as they had done, and under traded them in other comodities allso. This year they sent Mr. AUerton into England, and gave him order to make a composition with the adventurers, upon as good termes as he could (unto which some way had ben made the year before by Captaine Standish) ; but yet mjoyned him not to conclud absolutly till they knew the termes, and had well considered of them; but to drive it to as good an issew as he could, and referr the conclusion to them. Also they gave him a commission under their hands and seals to take up some money, provided it exeeded not such a summe 1627] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 213 specified, for which they engaged them selves, and gave him order how to lay out the same for the use of the plantation. And finding they ranne a great hazard to goe so long viages in a smale open boat, espetialy the winter season, they begane to thinke how they might gett a small pinass; as for the reason afforesaid, so also because others had raised the prise with the Indeans above the halfe of what they had formerly given, so as in such a boat they could not carry a quantity sufficient to answer their ends. They had no ship-carpenter amongst them, neither knew how to get one at presente; but they having an ingenious man that was a house carpenter, who also had wrought with the ship carpenter (that was dead) when he built their boats, at their request he put forth him selfe to make a triall that way of his skill; and tooke one of the bigest of ther shalops and sawed her in the midle, and so lenthened her some 5. or 6. foote, and strengthened her with timbers, and so builte her up, and laid a deck on her; and so made her a conveniente and wholsome vessell, very fitt and comfortable for their use, which did them servise 7. years after; and they gott her finished, and fitted with sayles and anchors, the insuing year. And thus passed the affairs of this year. Anno Dom: 1627. At the usuall season of the coming of ships Mr. Allerton returned, and brought some usfuU goods with him, according to the order given him. For upon his commission he tooke up 200Zi. which he now got at 30. per cent. The which goods they gott safly home, and well conditioned, which was much to the comfort and contente of the plantation. He declared unto them, allso, how, with much adoe and no small trouble, he had made a composition with the adventurers, by the help of svmdrie of their faithfull freinds ther, who had allso tooke much pains ther about. The agreement or bargen he had brought a draught of, with a fist of ther names 214 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1627 ther too annexed, drawne by the best counsell of law they could get, to make it firme. The heads wherof I shall here inserte. To all Christian people, greeting, etc. Whereas at a meeting the 26. of October last past, diverse and sundrie persons, whose names to the one part of these presents are subscribed in a schedule hereunto annexed, Adventurers to New-Plimoth in New-England in America, were contented and agreed, in consideration of the sume of one thousand and eight hun- dred pounds sterling to be paid, (in maner and forme foiling,) to sell, and make sale of all and every the stocks, shares, lands, marchandise, and chatles, what soever, to the said adventurers, and other ther fellow ad- venturers to New Plimoth aforesaid, any way accruing, or belonging to the generalitie of the said adventurers aforesaid; as well by reason of any sume or sumes of money, or marchandise, at any time heretofore adven- tured or disbursed by them, or other wise howsoever; for the better ex- pression and setting forth of which said agreemente, the parties to these presents subscribing, doe for them selves severally, and as much as in them is, grant, bargan, alien, sell, and transfere all and every the said shares, goods, lands, marchandice, and chatles to them belonging as aforesaid, unto Isaack Alerton, one of the planters resident at Plimoth afforesaid, assigned, and sent over as agente for the rest of the planters ther, and to such other planters at Plimoth afforesaid as the said Isack, his heirs, or assignes, at his or ther arrivall, shall by writing or otherwise thinke fitte to joyne or partake in the premisses, their heirs, and assignes, in as large, ample, and beneficiall maner and forme, to all intents and purposes, as the said subscribing adventurers here could or may doe, or performe. All which stocks, shares, lands, etc. to the said adven: in severallitie alloted, apportioned, or any way belonging, the said adven: doe warrant and defend unto the said Isaack Allerton, his heirs and as- signes, against them, their heirs and assignes, by these presents. And therfore the said Isaack Allerton doth, for him, his heirs and assigns, covenant, promise, and grant too and with the adven: whose names are here unto subscribed, ther heirs, etc. well and truly to pay, or cause to be payed, unto the said adven: or 5. of them which were, at that meeting afforsaid, nominated and deputed, viz. John Pocock, John Beachamp, Robart Keane, Edward Base, and James Sherley, marchants, their heirs, etc. too and for the use of the generallitie of them, the sume of ISOOli. of lawfull money of England, at the place appoynted for the receipts of money, on the west side of the Royall Exchaing in London, by 200li. yearly, and every year, on the feast of St. 1627] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 215 Migchell/ the first paiment to be made An" : 1628, etc. Allso the said Isaack is to indeavor to procure and obtaine from the planters of N. P. aforesaid, securitie, by severall obligations, or writings obligatory, to make paiment of the said smne of ISOO^i. in forme afforsaid, according to the true meaning of these presents. In testimonie wherof to this part of these presents remaining with the said Isaack AUerton, the said sub- scribing adven: have sett to their names, etc.^ And to the other part remaining with the said adven : the said Isaack Allerton hath subscribed his name, the 15. Nov'"'. An°: 1626. in the 2. year of his Majesties raigne. This agreemente was very well liked of, and approved by all the plantation, and consented imto; though they knew not well how to raise the payment and discharge their other in- gagements, and supply the yearly wants of the plantation, seeing they were forced for their necessities to take up money or goods at so high intrests. Yet they undertooke it, and 7. or 8. of the cheefe of the place became joyntly bound for the paimente of this ISOO^t. (in the behalfe of the rest) at the severall days. In which they rane a great adventure, as their present state stood, having many other heavie burthens all- • Michaelmas, September 29. ° Below are the names of the adventurers subscribed to this paper, taken from Bradford's letter-book, in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, first series, III. 48. John White, John Pocock, Robert Kean, Edward Bass, William Hobson, William Penington, William Quarles, Daniel Poynton, Richard Andrews, Newman Rookes, Henry Browning, Richard Wright, John Ling, Thomas Goffe, Samuel Sharpe, Robert Holland, James Sherley, Thomas Mott, Thomas Fletcher, Timothy Hatherly, Thomas Brewer, John Thomed, Myles Knowles, William Collier, John Revell, Peter Gudbum, Emnu. AUtham, John Beauchamp, Thomas Hudson, Thomas Andrews, Thomas Ward, Fria. Newbald, Thomas Heath, Joseph Tilden, William Perrin, Eliza Knight, Thomas Coventry, Robert Allden, Lawrence Anthony, John Knight, Matthew Thomhill, Thomas Millsop. To this list Dr. Azel Ames. The Mayflower and Her Log, p. 58, suggests that we may perhaps add, as belonging to the original number, the names of William Greene, Christopher Martin, William Mullens, Edward Pickering, John Pierce, William Thomas, John White, John Wincob and Richard Wright. 216 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1627 ready upon them, and all things in an uncertaine condition amongst them. So the next retrntie it was absolutly con- firmed on both sids, and the bargen fairly ingrossed in partch- mente and in many things put into better forme, by the advice of the leamedest counsell they could gett; and least any forfeiture should fall on the whole for none paimente at any of the days, it rane thus: to forfite 30s. a weeke if they missed the time; and was concluded imder their hands and seals, as may be seen at large by the deed it selfe. Now though they had some untowarde persons mixed amongst them from the first, which came out of England, and more afterwards by some of the adventurers, as freindship or other affections led them, — though sundrie were gone, some for Virginia, and some to other places, — yet diverse were still mingled amongst them, about whom the Gove'' and counsell with other of ther cheefe freinds had serious consideration, how to setle things in regard of this new bargen or purchas made, in respecte of the distribution of things both for the presente and future. For the present, excepte peace and union were preserved, they should be able to doe nothing, but in- danger to over throw all, now that other tyes and bonds were taken away. Therfore they resolved, for sundrie reasons, to take in all amongst them, that were either heads of famihes, or single yonge men, that were of abilhty, and free, (and able to governe them selvs with meete descretion, and their affairs, so as to be helpfuU in the comone-welth,) into this partnership or purchass. First, they considered that they had need of men and strength both for defence and carrying on of bussinesses. 2'y, most of them had borne ther parts in former miseries and wants with them, and therfore (in some sort) but equall to partake in a better condition, if the Lord be pleased to give it. But cheefly they saw not how peace would be preserved with- out so doing, but danger and great disturbance might grow to their great hurte and prejudice other wise. Yet they resolved to keep such a mean in distribution of lands, and other 1627] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 217 courses, as should not hinder their growth in others coming to them. So they caled the company togeather, and conferred with them, and came to this conclusion, that the trade should be managed as before, to help to pay the debts; and all such persons as were above named should be reputed and inrouled for purchasers; single free men to have a single share, and every father of a familie to be alowed to purchass so many shares as he had persons in his family; that is to say, one for him seLfe, and one for his wife, and for every child that he had living with him, one. As for servants, they had none, but what either their maisters should give them out of theirs, or their deservings should obtaine from the company afterwards. Thus all were to be cast into single shares according to the order abovesaid ; and so every one was to pay his part accord- ing to his proportion towards the purchass, and all other debts, what the profite of the trade would not reach too; viz. a single man for a single share, a maister of a famaUe for so many as he had. This gave all good contente. And first accordingly the few catle which they had were devided,' which arose to this proportion; a cowe to 6. persons or shars, and 2. goats to the same, which were first equaUsed for age and goodnes, and then lotted for; single persons consorting with others, as they thought good, and smaler familys Hkwise; and swine though more in number, yet by the same rule. Then they agreed that every person or share should have 20. acres of land de- vided unto them, besids the single acres they had alheady; and they appoynted were to begin first on the one side of the towne, and how farr to goe; and then on the other side in Hke maner; and so to devid it by lotte; and appointed sundrie by name to doe it, and tyed them to certaine ruls to proceed by; as that they should only lay out settable or tillable land, at least such of it as should butt on the water side, (as the most they were to lay out did,) and pass by the rest as refvise and ■ For the division of cattle, see Plymouth Colony Records, XH. 9. 218 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1627 commune; and what they judged fitte should be so taken. And they were first to agree of the goodnes and fitnes of it before the lott was drawne, and so it might as well prove some of ther owne, as an other mans ; and this course they were to hould throwout. But yet seekeing to keepe the people to- gither, as much as might be, they allso agreed upon this order, by mutuall consente, before any lots were cast: that whose lotts soever should fall next the towne, or most conveninte for neames, they should take to them a neigboure or tow, whom they best hked; and should suffer them to plant come with them for 4. years; and afterwards they might use as much of theirs for as long time, if they would. Allso every share or 20. acers was to be laid out 5. acres in breadth by the water side, and 4. acres in lenght, excepting nooks and comers, which were to be measured as they would bear to best advantage. But no meadows were to be laid out at all, nor were not of many years after, because they were but streight of meadow groimds ; and if they had bene now given out, it would have hindred all addition to them afterwards; but every season all were appoynted wher they should mowe, according to the pro- portion of catle they had. This distribution gave generally good contente, and setled mens minds. Also they gave the Gove'' and 4. or 5. of the spetiall men amongst them, the houses they lived in; the rest were valued and equaUsed at an in- diferent rate, and so every man kept his owne, and he that had a better alowed some thing to him that had a worse, as the vaulation wente. Ther is one thing that fell out in the begining of the winter before, which I have refferred to this place, that I may handle the whole matter togeither. Ther was a ship, with many pas- sengers in her and sundrie goods, bound for Virginia.* They ' A vessel bound to Virginia was wrecked on Cape Cod in the winter of 1626-1627, called according to tradition the Sparrow-Hawk. She was aban- doned and finally buried by the sand at a place which has been known since as 'Old Ship Harbor." She was occasionally exposed by storms at sufficiently short intervals of time to become a familiar object to generatioa after generatiott. 1627] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 219 had lost them selves at sea, either by the insufficiencie of the maister, or his ilnes; for he was sick and lame of the sctirvie, 60 that he could but lye in the cabin dore, and give direction ; and it should seeme was badly assisted either with mate or mariners ; or else the fear and unrulines of the passengers were such, as they made them stear a course betweene the south- west and the norwest, that they might fall with some land, what soever it was they cared not. For they had been 6. weeks at sea, and had no water, nor beere, nor any woode left, but had burnt up all their emptie caske; only one of the com- pany had a hogshead of wine or 2. which was allso allmost spente, so as they feared they should be starved at sea, or con- sumed with diseases, which made them rune this desperate course. Bij^ tpJased Go dth^ though they came so neare the shoulds o'F Cap-Codd or^efee ran stumbUng over them in the night, they knew not how, they came right before a small blind harbore, that lyes about the midle of Manamoyake Bay, to the southward of Cap-Codd,' with a small gale of wind; and about high water toucht upon a barr of sand that lyes before it, but had no hurte, the sea being smoth; so they laid out an anchore. But towards the evening the wind sprunge up at sea, and was so rough, as broake their cable, and beat them over the barr into the harbor, wher they saved their Uves and goods, though much were hurte with salt water; for with beating they had sprimg the but end of a planke or too, and beat out ther occome;^ but they were soone over, and ran on a drie flate within the harbor, close by a beach ; so at low water they gatt out then- goods on drie shore, and dried those that were wette, and saved most of their things without any great loss; neither was the ship much hurt, but shee might be mended, and made servisable againe. But though they were not a litle glad that they had thus saved their lives, yet when In 1863 she became sufficiently exposed to admit of the removal of her timbers, and she may now be seen in Pilgrim Hall, Plymouth, where she has been set up. ' Somewhere in Chatham; but the outline of this sandy coast has greatly changed in 280 years. Oakum. 220 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1627 they had a Utle refreshed them selves, and begane to thinke on their condition, not knowing wher they were, nor what they should doe, they begane to be strucken with sadnes. But shortly after they saw some Mdians come to them in canows, which made them stand upon their gard. But when they heard some of the Indeans speake Enghsh unto them, they were not a htle revived, especially when they heard them demand if they were the Gove'' of Phmoths men, or freinds; and that they would bring them to the English houses, or carry their letters. They feasted these Indeans, and gave them many giftes; and sente 2. men and a letter with them to the Gove'', and did intreat him to send a boat unto them, with some pitch, and occume, and spiks, with divers other necessaries for the mend- ing of ther ship (which was recoverable). AUso they besought him to help them with some come and sundrie other things they wanted, to enable them to make their viage to Virginia; and they should be much bound to him, and would make satis- faction for any thing they had, in any comodities they had abord. After the Gove'' was well informed by the messengers of their condition, he caused a boate to be made ready, and such things to be provided as they write for; and because others were abroad upon trading, and such other affairs, as had been fitte to send unto them, he went him selfe, and allso carried some trading comodities, to buy them come of the Indeans. It was no season of the year to goe withoute the Cape, but understanding wher the ship lay, he went into the bottom of the bay, on the inside, and put into a crick called Naumskachett,' wher it is not much above 2. mile over land to the bay wher they were, wher he had the Indeans ready to cary over any thing to them. Of his arrivall they were very glad, and received the things to mend ther ship, and other necessaries. Allso he bought them as much come as they ' Naumskachett Creek is on the inside of Cape Cod between Brewster and Orleans. 1627] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 221 would have; and wheras some of their sea-men were rune away amonge the Indeans, he procured their retume to the ship, and so left them well furnished and contented, being very thankfull for the curtesies they receaved. But after the Gove' thus left them, he went into some other harbors ther aboute and loaded his boat with come, which he traded, and so went home. But he had not been at home many days, but he had notice from them, that by the violence of a great storme, and the bad morring of their ship (after she was mended) she was put a shore, and so beatten and shaken as she was now wholy imfitte to goe to sea. And so their request was that they might have leave to repaire to them, and soujourne with them, till they could have means to convey them selves to Virginia; and that they might have means to transport their goods, and they would pay for the same, or any thing els wher with the plantation should releeve them. Considering their distres, their requests were granted, and all helpfulLnes done unto them; their goods transported, and them selves and goods sheltered in their houses as well as they could. The cheefe amongst these people was one Mr. Fells and Mr. Sibsie, which had many servants belonging unto them, many of them being Irish. Some others ther were that had a servante or 2. a peece; but the most were servants, and such as were ingaged to the former persons, who allso had the most goods. Affter they were hither come, and some thing setled, the maisters desirfed some ground to imploye ther ser- vants upon; seing it was like to be the latter end of the year before they could have passage for Virginia, and they had now the winter before them; they might clear some ground, and plant a crope (seeing they had tools, and necessaries for the same) to help to bear their charge, and keep their servants in imployment; and if they had oppertunitie to departe before the same was ripe, they would sell it on the ground. So they had groimd appointed them in convenient places, and Fells and some other of them raised a great deall of come, which they 222 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1627 sould at their departwe. This Fells, amongst his other ser- vants had a maid servante which kept his house and did his household affairs, and by the intimation of some that belonged unto him, he was suspected to keep her, as his concubine ; and both of them were examined ther upon, but nothing could be proved, and they stood upon their justification; so with ad- monition they were dismiste. But afterward it appeard she was with child, so he gott a small boat, and ran away with her, for fear of punishmente. First he went to Cap-Anne, and after into the bay of the Massachussets, but could get no pas- sage, and had Uke to have been cast away; and was forst to come againe and submits him selfe ; but they pact him away and those that belonged unto him by the first oppertunitie, and dismiste all the rest as soone as could, being many unto.- ward people amongst them; though ther were allso some that caried them selves very orderly all the time they stayed. And the plantation had some benefite by them, in selUng them come and other provisions of food for cloathing ; for they had of diverse kinds, as cloath, perpetuanes, and other stuffs, besids hose, and shoes, and such like commodities as the planters stood in need of. So they both did good, and received good one from another; and a cuple of barks caried them away at the later end of sommer. And sundrie of them have acknowledged their thankfullness since from Virginia. That they might the better take all convenient opportunitie to follow their trade, both to maintaine them selves, and to disingage them of those great sumes which they stood charged with, and bound for, they resoloved to build a smale pinass at Manamet,' a place 20. mile from the plantation, standing on the sea to the southward of them, unto which, by an other creeke on this side, they could cary their goods, withia 4. or 5. miles, and then transport them over land to their vessell; and so avoyd the compasing of Cap-Codd, and those deangerous shoulds, and so make any vioage to the southward in much • The place referred to lies near Buzzard's Bay, south of Plymouth. 1627] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 223 shorter time, and with farr less danger. Also for the saftie of their vessell and goods, they builte a house their, and kept some servants, who also planted come, and reared some swine, and were allwayes ready to goe out with the barke when ther was occasion. All which tooke good effecte, and turned to their profite. They now sent (with the retume of the ships) Mr. AUerton againe into England, giveing him full . power, imder their hands and seals, to conclude the former bargaine with the adventurers; and sent ther bonds for the paimente of the money. AUso they sent what beaver they could spare to pay some of their ingagementes, and to defray his chargs; for those deepe interests still kepte them low. Also he had order to procure a patente for a fitt trading place in the river of Kenebec; for being emulated both by the planters at Pas- cataway and other places to the eastward of them, and allso by the fishing ships, which used to draw much profite from the Indeans of those parts, they threatened to procure a grante, and shutte them out from thence; espetially after they saw them so well furnished with commodities, as to carie the trade from them. They thought it but needfuU to prevente such a thing, at least that they might not be excluded from free trade ther, wher them selves had first begune and discovered the same, and brought it to so good effecte. This year allso they had letters, and messengers from the Dutch-plantation, sent unto them from the Gov' ther, writen both in Dutch and French. The Dutch had traded in these southeme parts, diverse years before they came ; but they begane no plantation hear till 4. or 5. years after their coming, and here begining.* Ther letters were as foUoweth. It being their maner to be full of complementall titles. Eedele, Eerenfeste Wyse Voorsinnige Heeren, den Goveerneur, ende Raeden in Nieu-Pliemuen residerende; onse seer Goede vrinden. Den directeur ende Raed van Nieu-Nederlande, wensen uwe Edn: ' See p. 172, note 1. 224 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1627 eerenfesten, ende wijse voorsinnige geluck salichitt [gelukzaligheid ?], In Christi Jesu onsen Heere; met goede voorspoet, ende gesonthijt, naer Siele, ende Lichaem. Amen.' The rest I shall render in English, leaving out the repeti- tion of superfluous titles. We have often before this wished for an opportunitie or an occasion to congratulate you, and your prosperous and praise-worthy undertake- ings, and Goverment of your colony ther. And the more, in that we also have made a good begining to pitch the foundation of a coUonie hear; and seeing our native countrie lyes not farr from yours, and our fore- fathers (diverse hundred years agoe) have made and held frendship and alliance with your ancestours, as sufficiently appears by the old contractes, and entrecourses,^ confirmed under the hands of kings and princes, in the pointe of warr and trafick; as may be seene and read by all the world in the old chronakles. The which are not only by the king now reigning confirmed, but it hath pleased his majesty, upon mature deliberation, to make a new covenante,' (and to take up armes,) with the States Generall of our dear native country, against our commone enemie the Spaniards, who seeke nothing else but to usurpe and overcome other Christian kings and princes lands, that so he might obtaine and possess his pretended monarchic over all Christendom; and so to rule and command, after his owne pleasure, over the consciences of so many hundred thousand sowles, which God forbid. And also seeing it hath some time since been reported unto us, by some of our people, that by occasion came so farr northward with their shalop, and met with sundry of the Indeans, who tould them that they were within halfe a days journey of your plantation, and offered ther service to cary letters unto you; therfore we could not forbear to salute you with these few lines, with presentation of our good will and servise unto, you, in all frendly-kindnes and neighbourhood. And if it so fall out that any goods that comes to our hands from our native countrie, may be serviceable unto you, we shall take our selves bound to help and ac- ' "Noble, worshipful, wise, and prudent Lords, the Governor and Council- lors residing in New Plymouth, our very good friends: — The Director and Council of New Netherland wish to your Lordships, worshipful, wise, and prudent, happiness in Christ Jesus our Lord, with prosperity and health, in soul and body. Amen." ^Inlercursus was a usual Latin word for the Anglo-Dutch commercial treaties; e. g., the Intercursus Magnus of 1496 between Henry VII. of England and the Duke of Burgundy as Count of Flanders. ' The Treaty of Southampton, September 8, 1625. 1627] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 225 commadate you ther with; either for beaver or any other wares or mar- chandise that you should be pleased to deale for. And if in ease we have no commodity at present that may give you contente, if you please to sell us any beaver, or otter, or such like comodities as may be usefull for us, for ready money, and let us understand therof by this bearer in writing, (whom we have apoynted to stay 3. or 4. days for your answer,) when we understand your minds therin, we shall depute one to deale with you, at such place as you shall appointe. In the mean time we pray the Lord to take you, our honoured good freinds and neighbours, into his holy protection. By the appointment of the Gov'' and Counsell, etc. IsAAK DE Rasier, Secretaris.' From the Manhatas, in the fort Amsterdam, March 9. An°: 1627. To this they returned answer as foUoweth, on the other side. To the Honoured, etc. The Gove'' and Counsell of New-Plim: wisheth, etc. We have received your leters, etc. wherin appeareth your good wills and frendship towards us; but is expresed with over high titls, more then belongs to us, or is meete for us to receive. But for your good will, and congratulations of our prosperitie in these smale beginings of our poore colonic, we are much bound unto you, and with many thanks doe acknowledg the same; talcing it both for a great honour done unto us, and for a certaine testimoney of your love and good neighbourhood. Now these are further to give your Wor^*"^ to understand, that it is to us no smale joye to hear, that his majestic hath not only bene pleased to confirme that ancient amitie, aliance, and frendship, and other con- tracts, formerly made and ratified by his predecessors of famous memorie, but hath him selfe (as you say) strengthened the same with a new-union the better to resist the prid of that commone enemy the Spaniard, from whose cruelty the Lord keep us both, and our native countries. Now forasmuch as this is sufficiente to unite us togeather in love and good neighbourhood, in all our dealings, yet are many of us further obliged, by the good and curteous entreaty which we have found in your countrie; haveing lived ther many years, with freedome, and good contente, as also many of our freinds doe to this day ; for which we, and our children after us, • Isaac de Rasiferes had come out to New Netherland in 1626, and remained there two years as chief commissary and secretary of the colony under Director Minuit. The date of his letter is shown by Bradford's letter-book to be a new- style date, after the practice of the Dutch. 226 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1627 are bound to be thankfull to your Nation, and shall never forgett the same, but shall hartily desire your good and prosperity, as our owne, for ever. Likwise for your freindly tender, and offer to acommodate and help us with any comodities or marchandise you have, or shall come to you, either for beaver, otters, or other wares, it is to us very acceptable, and we doubte not but in short time we may have profitable commerce and trade togeather." But for this year we are fully supplyed with all necessaries, both for cloathing and other things; but hereafter it is like we shall deale with you, if your rates be reasonable. And therfore when you please to send to us againe by any of yours, we desire to know how you will take beaver, by the pounde, and otters, by the skine; and how you will deale per cent, for other comodities, and what you can f urnishe us with. As likwise what other commodities from us may be acceptable unto you, as tobaco, fish, corne, or other things, and what prises you will give, etc. Thus hoping that you will pardon and excuse us for our rude and imperfecte writing in your language, and take it in good parte, because for wante of use we cannot so well express that we understand, nor hapily understand every thing so fully as we should. And so we hiunbly pray the Lord for his mercie sake, that he will take both us and you into his keeping and gratious protection. By the Gove'' and Counsell of New-Plimoth, Your Wor^P^ very good freinds and neigbours, etc. New-Plim: March 19. After this ther was many passages betweene them both by letters and other entercom-se;^ and they had some profitable com- ' Bradford here, as is shown by his letter-book, Collections of the Massachu- setts Historical Society, III. 52, omits the following important passage which was in his original letter: "But you may please to understand that we are but one particular colony or plantation in this land, there being divers others besides, unto whom it hath pleased those Honorable Lords of his Majesty's Council for New England to grant the like commission, and ample privileges to them (as to us) for their better profit and subsistence; namely to expulse, or make prize of any, either strangers or other English, which shall attempt either to trade or plant within their limits (without their special license and commission) which extend to forty degrees. Yet for our parts, we shall not go abolit to molest or trouble you in anything, but continue all good neighborhood and correspondence as far as we may; only we desire that you would forbear to trade with the natives in this bay, and river of Naragansett and Sowames, which is (as it were) at our doors: The which if you do, we think no other English will go about any way to trouble or hinder you; which otherwise are resolved to solicit his Majesty for redress, if otherwise they cannot help themselves." 'Portions of this correspondence appear in Bradford's letter-book, Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, III. 53-55. 1627] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 227 merce togither for diverce years, till other occasions interrupted the same, as may happily appear afterwards, more at large. Before they sent Mr. AUerton away for England this year, the Gove"" and some of their cheefe freinds had serious con- sideration, not only how they might discharge those great in- gagments, which lay so heavily upon them, and is affore mentioned but also how they might (if possibhe they could) devise means to help some of their freinds and breethren of Leyden over unto them, who desired so much to come to them, and they desired as much their company. To effecte which, they resolved to rime a high course, and of great adventure, not knowing otherwise how to bring it aboute. Which was to hire the trade of the company for certaine years, and in that time to undertake to pay that ISOOli. and all the rest of the debts that then lay upon the plantation, which was aboute some QOOli. more; and so to set them free, and returne the trade to the generaUtie againe at the end of the terme. Upon which resolution they called the company togeither, and made it clearly appear unto all what their debts were, and upon what terms they would imdertake to pay them all in such a time, and sett them clear. But their other ends they were faine to keepe secrete, haveing only privatly acquaynted some of their trusty freinds therwith; which were glad of the same, but doubted how they would be able to performe it. So after some agitation of the thing with the company, it was yeelded tmto, and the agreemente made upon the conditions following. Articles of agreemente betweene the collony of New-Plimmoth of the one partie, and William Bradford, Captein Myles Standish, Isaack AUerton, etc. one the other partie; and shuch others as they shall thinke good to take as partners and undertakers with them,* con- cerning the trade for beaver and other f urrs and comodities, etc. ; made July, 1627. • The names of the undertakers were William Bradford, Myles Standish, Isaac Allerton, Edward Winslow, William Brewster, John Rowland, John Alden, and Thomas Prence of the colony and James Sherley, John Beauchamp, Richard Andrews, and Timothy Hatherley of London. 228 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1627 First, it is agreed and covenanted betweexte the said parties, that the afforsaid William Bradford, Captain Myles Standish, and Isaack AUerton, etc. have undertaken, and doe by these presents, covenante and agree to pay, discharge, and acquite the said coUony of all the debtes both due for the purchass, or any other belonging to them, at the day of the date of these presents. Secondly, the above-said parties are to have and freely injoye the pinass latly builte, the boat at Manamett, and the shalop, called the Bass- boat, with all other implements to them belonging, that is in the store of the said company; with all the whole stock of furrs, fells, beads, come, wampampeak,' hatchets, knives, etc. that is now in the storre, or any way due unto the same uppon accounte. 3'''. That the above said parties have the whole trade to them selves, their heires and assignes, with all the privileges therof, as the said collonie doth now, or may use the same, for 6. full years, to begine the last of September next insuing. 4'^. In furder consideration of the discharge of the said debtes, every severall purchaser doth promise and covenante yearly to pay, or cause to be payed, to the above said parties, during the full terme of the said 6. years, 3. bushells of corne, or Qli. of tobaco, at the undertakers choyse. 5'''. The said undertakers shall dureing the afforesaid terme bestow 50/i. per annum, in hose and shoese, to be brought over for the coUonies use, to be sould unto them for corne at 6s. per bushell. 6*''. That at the end of the said terme of 6. years, the whole trade shall returne to the use and benefite of the said collonie, as before. Lastly, if the afioresaid undertakers, after they have aquainted their freinds in England with these covenants, doe (upon the first returne) resolve to performe them, and undertake to discharge the debtes of the said collony, according to the true meaning and intente of these presents, then they are (upon such notice given) to stand in full force; otherwise all things to remaine as formerly they were, and a true accounte to be given to the said collonie, of the disposing of all things according to the former order. Mr. Allerton carried a coppy of this agreemente with him into England, and amongst other his instructions had order given him to deale with some of their speciall freinds, to joyne with them in this trade upon the above recited conditions; as allso to imparte their further ends that moved them to take this course, namly, the helping over of some of their freinds ' See page 235, note 1, post. 1628] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 229 from Leyden, as they should be able ; in which if any of them would joyne with them they should thankfully acceptt of their love and partnership herein. And with all (by their letters) gave them some grounds of their hops of the accomphshmente of these things with some advantage. Anno Dom: 1628. After Mr. AUertons arivall in England, he aquainted them with his comission and full power to conclude the foremen- tioned bargan and purchas; upon the veiw wherof, and the delivery of the bonds for the paymente of the money yearly, (as is before mentioned,) it was fully concluded, and a deede^ fairly ingrossed in partchmente was deUvered him, under their hands and seals confirming the same. Morover he delte with them aboute other things according to his instructions. As to admittsomeof these their good freinds into this purchass if they pleased, and to deale with them for moneys at better rates, etc. Touching which I shall hear inserte a letter of Mr. Sherleys, giv- ing light to what followed therof, writ to the Gov'^ as foUoweth. Sr: I have received yours of the 26. of May by Mr. Gibs, and Mr. Goffe, with the barrell of otter skins, according to the contents ; for which I got a bill of store, and so tooke them up, and sould them togeather at 78li. 12s. sterling; and since, Mr. Allerton hath received the money, as will apear by the accounte. It is true (as you write) that your ingagments are great, not only the purchass, but you are yet necessitated to take up the stock you work upon; and that not at 6. or 8. p' cent, as it is here let out, but at 30. 40. yea, and some at 50. p' cent, which, were not your gaines great, and Gods blessing on your honest indeaours more then ordinarie, it could not be that you should longe subsiste in the maintaining of, and upholding of your worldly affaires. And this your honest and discreete agente, Mr. Allerton, hath seriously considered, and deeply laid to mind, how to ease you of it. He tould me you were contented to accepte of me and some few others, to joyne with you in the purchass, as partners; for which I kindly thanke you and all the rest, and doe vsrillingly accepte of it. And though absente, shall willingly be at shuch charge as ' "Nov. 6, 1627. Page 238." (Note by Bradford, referring to the page of bis manuscript. See under 1641, post) 230 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1628 you and the rest shall thinke meete; and this year am contented to forbear my former 50li. and 2. years increase for the venture, both which now makes it 80li. without any bargaine or condition for the profite, you (I mean the generalitie) stand to the adventure, outward, and homeward. I have perswaded Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beachamp to doe the like, so as you are eased of the high rate, you were at the other 2. yeares; I say we leave it freely to your selves to alow us what you please, and as God shall blesse. What course I rune, Mr. Beachamp desireth to doe the same; and though he have been or seemed somwhat harsh heretofore, yet now you shall find he is new moulded. I allso see by your letter, you desire I should be your agente or f actore hear. I have ever found you so f aithf ull, honest, and upright men, as I have even resolved with my selfe (God as- sisting me) to doe you all the good lyeth in my power; and therfore if you please to make choyse of so weak a man, both for abillities and body, to performe your bussines, I promise (the Lord enabling me) to doe the best I can according to those abillities he hath given me; and wherin I faile, blame your selves, that you made no better choyce. Now, because I am sickly, and we are all mortall, I have advised Mr. Allerton to joyne Mr. Beachamp with me in your deputation, which I conceive to be very necessary and good for you ; your charge shall be no more, for it is not your salarie maks me undertake your bussines. Thus comending you and yours, and all Gods people, unto the guidance and protection of the All- mightie, I ever rest. Your faithfull loving freind, London, Nov. 17. 1628. James Sherley. Another leter of his, that should ha ^hpine plane d before:— We cannot but take notice ho^jhe Xord hath bfpn plfnfif'djj? '^r "°°'' ■eur-pioseedlB ^Tand cau s ed"m anv_disasteii~to4>ef^fr^n5^^ con- ceive the only reason to be, we, or many of us, aimed at other ends then Gods glorie; but now I hope that cause is taken away; the bargen being fully concluded, as farr as our powers will reach, and confirmed under our hands and seals, to Mr. Allerton and the rest of his and your copartners. But for my owne parte, I confess as I was loath to hinder the full confirm- ing of it, being the first propounder ther of at our meeting; so on the other side, I was as unwilling to set my hand to the sale, being the receiver of most part of the adventurs, and a second causer of much of the ingagments; and one more threatened, being most envied and aimed at (if they could find any stepe to ground their malice on) then any other whosoever. I profess I know no just cause they ever had, or have, so to doe; neither shall it ever be proved that I have wronged them or any of the adventurers, 1628] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 231 •wittingly or willingly, one peny in the disbursing of so many pounds in those 2. years trouble. No, the sole cause why they maligne me (as I and others conceived) was that I would not side with them against you, and the going over of the Leyden people. But as I then card not, so now I litle fear what they can doe; yet charge and trouble I know they may cause me to be at. And for these reasons, I would gladly have perswaded the other 4. to have sealed to this bargaine, and left me out, but they would not; so rather then it should faile, Mr. Alerton having taken so much pains, I have sealed with the rest; with this proviso and promise of his, that if any trouble arise hear, you are to bear halfe the charge. Wherfore now I doubt not but you will give your generallitie good contente, and setle peace amongst your selves, and peace with the natives ; and then no doubt but the God of Peace will blese your going out and your returning, and cause all that you sett your hands unto to prosper; the which I shall ever pray the Lord to grante if it be his blessed will. Asuredly unless the Lord be mercifull unto us and the whole land in generall, our estate and condition is farr worse then yours. Wherfore if the Lord should send persecution or trouble hear, (which is much to be feared,) and so should put into our minds to flye for refuge, I know no place safer then to come to you, (for all Europ is at varience one with another, but cheefly with us,) not doubting but to find such frendly entertainmente as shall be honest and conscionable, notwithstanding what hath latly passed. For I profess in the word of an honest man, had it not been to procure your peace and quiet from some turbulent spirites hear, I would not have sealed to this last deed; though you would have given me all my adventure and debte ready downe. Thus desiring the Lord to blesse and prosper you, I cease ever resting, Your faithfuU and loving freind, to my power, Des: 27. James Sheelet.* With this leter they sent a draught of a formall deputation to be hear sealed and sent back unto them, to authorise them as their agents, according to what is mentioned in the above said letter; and because some inconvenience grue therby afterward I shall here ioserte it. To all to whom these prets shall come greeting; know yee that we, William Bradford, Gov' of Plimoth, in N. E. in America, Isaak 'The above letter was written on the reverse of a page (154) of the original manuscript. 232 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1628 Allerton, Myles Standish, William Brewster, and Ed: Winslow, of Plimoth aforesaid, marchants, doe by these presents for us, and in our names, make, substitute, and appointe James Sherley, Goldsmith, and John Beachamp, Salter, citizens of London, our true and lawfull agents, factors, substitutes, and assignes; as well to take and receive all such goods, wares, and marchandise what soever as to our said substitutes or either of them, or to the citie of London, or other place of the Relme of Engl: shall be sente, transported, or come from us or any of us, as allso to vend, sell, barter, or exchaing the said goods, wares, and marchandise so from time to time to be sent to such person or persons upon credite, or other wise in such maner as to our said agents and factors joyently, or to either of them severally shall seeme meete. And further we doe make and or- daine our said substituts and assignes joyntly and severally for us, and to our uses, and accounts, to buy and consigne for and to us into New- Engl : aforesaid, such goods and marchandise to be provided here, and to be returned hence, as by our said assignes, or either of them, shall be thought fitt. And to recover, receive, and demand for us and in our names all such debtes and sumes of money, as now are or hereafter shall be due incidente accruing or belonging to us, or any of us, by any wayes or means; and to acquite, discharge, or compound for any debte or sume of money, which now or hereafter shall be due or oweing by any person or persons to us, or any of us. And generally for us and in our names to doe, perf orme, and execute every acte and thing which to our said assignes, or either of them, shall seeme meete to be done in or aboute the premissies, as fully and effectually, to all intents and purposes, as if we or any of us were in person presente. And whatsoever our said agents and factors joyntly or severally shall doe, or cause to be done, in or aboute the premis- ses, we will and doe, and every of us doth ratifie, alow, and confirme, by these presents. In wittnes wherof we have here unto put our hands and seals. Dated 18. Nov''^ 1628. This was accordingly confirmed by the above named, and 4. more of the cheefe of them imder their hands and seals, and dehvered imto them. Also Mr. Allerton formerly had au- thoritie imder their hands and seals for the transacting of the former bussines, and taking up of moneys, etc. which still he retained whilst he was imployed in these affaires; they mis- trusting neither him nor any of their freinds f aithfullnes, which made them more remisse in looking to shuch acts as had passed under their hands, as necessarie for the time; but 1628] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR , , 233-., letting them rune on to long unminded or recaled , it turne d to their harme afterwards ^B will appcrc in ita place : — iMfrrTyiertCnTiaving setled all things thus in a good and hopfuU way, he made hast to returne in the first of the spring to be hear with their supply for trade, (for the fishermen with whom he came used to sett forth in winter and be here be- times.) He brought a resonable supply of goods for the plantation, and without those great interests as before is noted; and brought an accoimte of the beaver sould, and how the money was disposed for goods, and the paymente of other debtes, having paid all debts abroad to others, save to Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beachamp, and Mr. Andrews; from whom lik- wise he brought an accounte which to them all amounted not to above 400Zi. for which he had passed bonds. AUso he had payed the first pajrmente for the purchass, being due for this year, viz. 200K. and brought them the bonde for the same canselled; so as they now had no more foreine debtes but the abovesaid 400Zi. and odde pownds, and the rest of the yearly purchass monie. Some other debtes they had in the cuntrie, but they were without any intrest, and they had wherwith to discharge them when they were due. To this pass the Lord had brought things for them. Also he brought them further notice that their freinds, the abovenamed, and some others that would joyne with them in the trad and purchass, did in- tend for to send over to Leyden, for a competente-nnffiber-^ to be hear the next year without faylek if the Lor d ) pl«asedr^o blesse their journey. He allso brought-themr-'a pateijie' for Kenebeck,* but it was so straite and ill bounded, as they were faine to renew and inlarge it the next year, as allso that which they had at home, to their great charge, as will after appeare. Hithertoo Mr. AUerton did them good and faithfuU service ; and well had it been if he had so continued, ' The Kennebec Purchase of 1628 was better defined in the patent of January 13, 1629/30, which was granted by the Counci! for New England and covered both the region of New Plymouth and the Kennebec grant. 234 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1628 or els they had now ceased for imploying him any longer thus into England. But of this more afterwards. Having procured a patente (as is above said) for Kenebeck, they now erected a house up above in the river in the most convenientest place for trade,' as they conceived, and fur- nished the same with commodities for that end, both winter and sommer, not only with come, but also with such other commodities as the fishermen had traded with them, as coats, shirts, ruggs, and blankets, biskett, pease, prunes, etc.; and what they could not have out of England, they bought of the fishing ships, and so carried on their bussines as well as they could. This year^ the Dutch sent againe unto them from their plantation, both kind leterss, and also diverse comodities, as suger, linen cloth, Holand finer and courser stufes, etc. They came up with their barke to Manamete, to their house ther, in which came their Secretarie Easier;' who was accompanied with a noyse of trumpeters, and some other attendants; and desired that they would send a boat for him, for he could not travill so farr over land. So they sent a boat to Manonscus- sett, and brought him to the plantation, with the cheefe of his company. And after some few days entertainmente, he re- turned to his barke, and some of them wente with him, and bought sundry of his goods; after which begming thus made, they sente often times to the same place, and had entercourse togeather for diverce years; and amongst other comodities, they vended much tobaco for linen cloath, stuffs, etc., which was a good benefite to the people, till the Virginians found out their plantation. But that which turned most to their profite, ' Now Augusta, Maine. "The dates in Bradford's letter-book, however, show that the episode oc- curred in October, 1627. ' His account of the visit, a very interesting document, may be found in a letter he wrote to a friend in Holland, printed in the Collections of the New York Historical Society, second series, II. 351. Manomet (now Monument) was at the head of Buzzard's Bay; Manonscussett was on the opposite side of the isthmus, on Cape Cod Bay, in the present town of Bourne. 1628] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 235 in time, was an entrance into the trade of Wampampeake;' for they now bought aboute 50li. worth of it of them; and they tould them how vendable it was at their forte Orania;' and did perswade them they would find it so at Kenebeck; and so it came to pass in time, though at first it stuck, and it was 2. years before they could put of this small quantity, till the inland people knew of it; and afterwards they could scarce ever gett enough for them, for many years togeather. And so this, with their other provissions, cutt of they trade quite from the fisher-men, and in great part from other of the stragling planters. And strange it was to see the great all- teration it made in a few years among the Indeans them selves; for all the Indeans of these parts, and the Massachus- sets, had none or very htle of it,- but the sachems and some spetiaU persons that wore a litle of it for omamente. Only it was made and kepte amonge the Nariganssets, and Pequents, which grew rich arid potent by it, and these people were poore and begerly, and had no use of it. Neither did the English of this plantation, or any other in the land, till now that they had knowledg of it from the Dutch, so much as know what it was, much less that it was a commoditie of that worth and valew. But after it grue thus to be a comoditie in these parts, these Indeans fell into it allso, and to leame how to make it; for the ' The wampumpeake, of which De Rasiferes brought specimens to Plymouth, was made by the Long Island Indians from the thick quahaug shells and cut in the shape of oblong beads with holes by which they were strung. The wampum made by the Plymouth colonists was evidently made from the common clam- shell, cut in the shape of small button-moulds; a specimen is to be seen in Pil- grim Hall in Plymouth. There are several spots in Plymouth where the soil is filled with small pieces of clam-shells, which may have been the places where the wampum was cut. Wampum became at a later period a legal tender among the colonists, the value of which was from time to time fixed by law. I have seen a specimen of another kind of wampum made apparently of burned white clay, as hard and smooth as porcelain, about three-eighths of an inch in diameter and a quarter of an inch thick, with intervening thin discs of shell. The Indian grave in East Bridgewater in which this specimen was found contained a few bones almost destroyed by decay, and thus suggesting great antiquity. " Fort Aurania, or Orange, was on the site of the present city of Albany. "Teag." (Br.) 236 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1628 Narigansets doe geather the shells of which they make it from their shors. And it hath now continued a current comoditie aboute this 20. years, and it may prove a drugg in time. In the mean time it maks the Indeans of these parts rich and power full and also prowd therby; and fills them with peeces, powder, and shote, which no laws can restraine, by reasone of the bassnes of sundry unworthy persons, both English, Dutch, and French, which may turne to the ruine of many. Hither- too the Indeans of these parts had no peeces nor other armes but their bowes and arrowes, nor of many years after; nether durst they scarce handle a gune, so much were they affraid of them; and the very sight of one (though out of kilter) was a terrour unto them. But those Indeans to the east parts, which had commerce with the French, got peces of them, and they in the end made a commone trade of it; and in time our English fisher-men, led with the Hke covetoussnes, followed their example, for their owne gaine; but upon complainte against them, it pleased the kings majestie to prohibite the same by a stricte proclaimation,' commanding that no sorte of armes, or munition, should by any of his subjects be traded with them. Aboute some 3. or 4. years before this time, ther came over one Captaine Wolastone,' (a man of pretie parts,) and with him 3. or 4. more of some eminencie, who brought with them a great many servants, with provissions and other implments for to begine a plantation ; and pitched them selves in a place within the Massachusets, which they called, after their Captains name. Mount- WoUaston. Amongst whom was one Mr. Morton,^ who, it should seeme, had some small ad- ' Probably the reference is to the proclamation of November 24, 1630, "for- bidding disorderly trade with the savages of New England." == Captain Wdlastone came over about 1625 with some partners and about thirty servants and began a plantation at what is now Quincy. ' Thomas Morton, the celebrated author of the New English Canaan (Lon- don, 1637), had first visited New England, according to his own statement, in June, 1622 (coming no doubt in the Charity), and had been charmed with the region. 1628] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 237 venture (of his owne or other mens) amongst them; but had Utle respecte amongst them, and was sleghted by the meanest servants. Haveing continued ther some time, and not finding things to answer their expectations, nor profite to arise as they looked for, Captaine WoUaston takes a great part of the sarvants, and transports them to Virginia, wher he puts them of at good rates, seUing their time to other men; and writs back to one Mr. Rassdall, one of his cheefe partners, and accounted their marchant, to bring another parte of them to Verginia hkewise, intending to put them of ther as he had done the rest. And he, with the consente of the said Rasdall, appoynted one Fitcher to be his Livetenante, and goveme the remaines of the plantation, till he or Rasdall returned to take further order theraboute. But this Morton abovesaid, haveing more craft then honestie, (who had been a kind of petie- fogger, of Fumefells Inne,)' in the others absence, watches an oppertunitie, (commons being but hard amongst them,) and gott some strong drinck and other junkats, and made them a feast; and after they were merie, he begane to tell them, he would give them good cotmsell. You see (saith he) that many of your fellows are carried to Virginia; and if you stay till this Rasdall retume, you will also be carried away and sould for slaves with the rest. Therfore I would advise you to thruste out this Levetenant Fitcher; and I, having a parte in the plantation, will receive you as my partners and consociats; so may you be free from service, and we will converse, trad, plante, and hve togeather as equalls, and supporte and pro- tecte one another, or to hke effecte. This counsell was easily received; so they tooke oppertunitie, and thrust Levetenante Fitcher out a dores, and would suffer him to come no more amongst them, but forct him to seeke bread to eate, and other releefe from his neigbom-s, till he could gett passage for England. After this they fell to great Ucenciousnes, and led a ' On the title-page of his book he describes himself as "Thomas Morton, of Clifford's Inn, Gent." 238 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1628 dissolute life, powering out them selves into all profanenes. And Morton became lord of misrule, and maintained (as it vrexe) a schoole of Athisme. And after they had gott some good' into their hands, and gott much by trading with the Indeans, they spent it as vainly, in quaffing and drinking both wine and strong waters in great exsess, and, as some reported, lOli. worth in a morning. They allso set up a May-pole, drinking and dancing aboute it many days togeather, inviting the Indean women, for theic-;4;onsort|jdancing and frisking togither, (like so many fairiesT^or furi^/WtherJ and worse practises. As if they had^'new revived and celebrated the ^^^^asteofjthe Roman Goddes Flora, or tl^ebea^^practieses or the madd Bacchinahans. Morton likwise (to shew his poetrie) conipose3~stindfy~Times-and verses, some tending to lasciviousnes, and others to the detmction.^d scandall of some persons, which he affixed tcLJhi s |dle)or i^oll^ay-p olle. They chainged allso the name of their place, and in steaH of calling it Mounte Wollaston, they call it Meriemounte, as if this joylity would have lasted ever. But this continued not long, for after Morton was sent for England, (as follows to be de- clared,) shortly after came over that worthy gentlman, Mr. John Indecott, who brought over a patent under the broad sealV for the govermente of the Massachusets, who visiting those parts caused that May-poUe to be cutt downe, and re- buked them for their profannes, and admonished them to looke ther should be better walking; so they now, or others, changed the name of their place againe, and called it Mounte- Dagon. Now to maintaine this riotous prodigalUtie and profuse excess, Morton, thinking him selfe lawless, and hearing what gaine the French and fisher-men made by trading of peeces, powder, and shotte to the Indeans, he, as the head of this con- sortship, begane the practise of the same in these parts; and ' Endicott did not bring over a patent under the broad seal. He was sent over before the royal charter of March 4, 1628/9, was granted. 1628] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 239 first he taught them how to use them, to charge, and dis- charg, and what proportion of powder to give the peece, ac- cording to the sise or bignes of the same; and what shotte to use for foule, and what for deare. And having thus instructed them, he imployed some of them to hunte and fowle for him, so as they became farr more active in that imploymente then any of the Enghsh, by reason of ther swiftnes of foote, and nimbhies of body, being also quick-sighted, and by continuall exercise well knowing the hants of all sorts of game. So as when they saw the execution that a peece would doe, and the benefite that might come by the same, they became madd, as it were, after them, and would not stick to give any prise they could attaine too for them; accounting their bowes and ar- rowes but babies in comparison of them. And here I may take nccapimi t,n bpwailp t.TiP migpTipfp jh^f this,mckp.d. man hRga.n in ihese-paits^^nd which since base covetousnes prevailing in men that should know betterT^as now at length gott the upper hand, and made this thing com- mone, notwithstanding any laws to the contrary; so as the Indeans are full of peeces all over, both fouling peeces, muskets, pistols, etc. They have also their moulds to make shotte, of all sorts, as muskett buUetts, pistoU bullets, swane and gose shote, and of smaler sorts; yea, some have seen them have their scruplats to make scrupins' them selves, when they wante them, with sundery other implements, wherwith they are ordinarily better fited and furnished then the English them selves. Yea, it is well knowne that they will have powder and shot, when the Enghsh want it, nor cannot gett it; and that in a time of warr or danger, as experience hath manifested, that when lead hath been scarce, and men for their owne de- fence would gladly have given a groat a li., which is dear enoughe, yet hath it bene bought up and sent to other places, and sould to shuch as trade it with the Indeans, at 12. pence the li. ; and it is like they give 3. or 4.s. the pound, for they will ' Screw-plates, screw-pins. 240 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1628 have it at any rate. And these things have been done in the same times, when some of their neigbom-s and freinds are daly killed by the Indeans, or are in deanger therof, and live but at the Indeans mercie. Yea, some (as they have aquainted them with all other things) have tould them how gunpowder is made, and all the materialls in it, and that they are to be had in their owne land; and I am confidente, could they attaine to make saltpeter, they would teach them to make powder. the horiblnes of this vilanie! how many both Dutch and English have been latly slaine by those Indeans, thus furnished; and no remedie provided, nay, the evill more increased, and the blood of their brethren sould for gaine, as is to be feared; and in what danger all these colonies are in is too well known. Oh! that princes and parlements would take some timly order to prevente this mischeefe, and at length to suppress it, by some exemplerie pimishmente upon some of these gaine thirstie murderers, (for they deserve no better title,) before their collonies in these parts be over throwne by these barbar- ous savages, thus armed with their owne weapons, by these evill instruments, and traytors to their neigbors and cimtrie.' . But I have forgott mv selfe. and have been to longe in this digression ;' but now to returne. This Morton having thus taught them the use of peeces, he sould them all he could spare; and he and his consorts detirmined to send for many out of England, and had by some of the ships sente for above a score. The which being knowne, and his neigbours meeting the Indeans in the woods armed with guns in this sorte, it was a terrour xmto them, who lived straglingly, and were of no strenght in any place. And other places (though more remote) saw this mischeefe would quietly spread over all, if not pre- vented. Besides, they saw they should keep no servants, for Morton would entertaine any, how vile soever, and all the ' See the similar remarks of Captain John Smith on this subject, in Narra- tives of Early Virginia, of this series, pp. 346, 400, and the Virginian act of 1619, ibid., 270. 1628] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 241 scume of the coxintrie, or any discontents, would flock to him from all places, if this nest was not broken; and they should stand in more fear of their lives and goods (in short time) from this wicked and deboste^ crue, then from the salvages them selves. So sundrie of the cheefe of the stragling plantations, meet- ing togither, agreed by mutuall consente to soUissite those of Plimoth (who were then of more strength then them all) to joyne with them, to prevente the further grouth of this mis- cheefe, and suppress Morton and his consortes before they grewe to further head and strength. Those that joynedin this acction (and after contributed to the charge of sending him for England) were from Pascataway, Namkeake, Winisi- mett, Weesagascusett, Natasco,^ and other places wher any English were seated. Those of Plimoth being thus sought too by their messengers and letters, and waying both their reasons, and the commone danger, were wilhng to afford them their help; though them selves had least cause of fear or hurte. So, to be short, they first resolved joyntly to write to him, and in a freindly and neigborly way to admonish him to forbear these courses, and sent a messenger with their letters to bring his answer. But he was so highe as he scorned all advise, and asked who had to doe with him ; he had and would trade peeces with the Indeans in dispite of all, with many other scurillous termes full of disdaine. They sente to him a second time, and bad him be better advised, and more temperate in his termes, for the countrie could not beare the injure he did; it was against their comone saftie, and against the king's proclama- tion. He answerd in high terms as before, and that the kings proclaimation was no law;^ demanding what penaltie was upon it. It was answered, more then he could bear, his majesties displeasure. But insolently he persisted, and said the king ' Debauched. » /. e., the settlements at or near the present Portsmouth or Dover, Salem, Chelsea, Weymouth, and Nantasket, respectively. ' See p. 236, note 1, above. 242 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1628 was dead and his displeasure with him, and many the like things ; and threatened withall that if any came to molest him, let them looke to them selves, for he would prepare for them. Upon which they saw ther was no way but to take him by force; and having so farr proceeded, now to give over would make him farr more hautie and insolente. So they mutually resolved to proceed, and obtained of the Gov' of Phmoth to send Captaine Standish, and some other aide with him, to take Morton by force. The which accordingly was done; but they foimd him to stand stifly in his defence, having made fast his dors, armed his consorts, set diverse dishes of powder and bullets ready on the table; and if they had not been over armed with drinke, more hurt might have been done. They sommaned him to yeeld, but he kept his house, and they could gett nothing but scofes and scorns from him; but at length, fearing they would doe some violence to the house, he and some of his crue came out, but not to yeeld, but to shoote; but they were so steeld with drinke as their peeces were to heavie for them; him selfe with a carbine (over charged and allmost halfe fild with powder and shote, as was after found) had thought to have shot Captaine Standish; but he stept to him, and put by his peece, and tooke him. Neither was ther any hurte done to any of either side, save that one was so drunke that he rane his owne nose upon the pointe of a sword that one held before him as he entred the house; but he lost but a litle of his hott blood. Morton they brought away to Phmoth, wher he was kepte, till a ship went from the lie of Shols for England, with which he was sente to the Counsell of New- England; and letters writen to give them information of his course and cariage; and also one was sent at their commone charge to informe their Ho" more perticulerly, and to prose- cute against him. But he foold of the messenger, after he was gone from hence, and though he wente for England, yet nothing was done to him, not so much as rebukte, for ought was heard; but returned the nexte year. Some of the worst 1628] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 243 of the company were disperst, and some of the more modest kepte the house till he should be heard from. ^JBut-Xiiave been too long aboute so unworthy a perso n, and bad a cause. This year Mr. Allerton brought over a yonge man for a minister to the people hear, wheather upon his owne head, or at the motion of some freinds ther, I well know not, but it was without the churches sending; for they had bene so bitten by Mr. Lyford, as they desired to know the person well whom they shovild invite amongst them. His name was Mr. Rogers; but they perceived, upon some triall, that he was erased in his braine; so they were faine to be at further charge to send him back againe the nexte year, and loose all the charge that was expended in his hither bringing, which was not smalle by Mr. AUerton's accounte, in provissions, aparell, bedding, etc. After his retume he grue quite distracted, and Mr. Allerton was much blamed that he would bring such a man over, they having charge enough otherwise. Mr. Allerton, in the years before, had brought over some small quantie of goods, upon his owne perticuler, and sould them for his owne private benefite; which was more then any man had yet hithertoo attempted. But because he had other wise done them good service, and also he sould them among the people at the plantation, by which their wants were sup- phed, and he aledged it was the love of Mr. Sherley and some other freinds that would needs trust him with some goods, conceiveing it might doe him some good, and none hurte, it was not much lookt at, but past over. But this year he brought over a greater quantitie, and they were so intermixte with the goods of the generall, as they knew not which were theirs, and which was his, being pact up together; so as they well saw that, if any casualty had beefalne at sea, he might have laid the whole on them, if he would; for ther was no distinction. Allso what was most vendible, and would yeeld presente pay, usualy that was his; and he now begane allso to sell abroad to others of forine places, which, considering their commone 244 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1629 course, they began to dislike. Yet because love thinkes no evill, nor is susspitious, they tooke his faire words for excuse, and resolved to send him againe this year for England; con- sidering how well he had done the former bussines, and what good acceptation he had with their freinds ther; as also seeing sundry of their freinds from Leyden were sente for, which would or might be much furthered by his means. Againe, seeing the patente for Kenebeck must be inlarged, by reason of the former mistaks in the boimding of it, and it was conceived in a maner, the same charge would serve to inlarge this at home with it, and he that had begane the former the last year would be the fittest to effecte this ; so they gave him instructions and sente him for England this year againe. And in his instruc- tions bound him to bring over no goods on their accoimte, but 50li. in hose and shoes, and some Hnen cloth, (as they were bound by covenante when they tooke the trad;) also some trading goods to such a value; and in no case to exseed his instructions, nor runne them into any further charge; he well knowing how their state stood. Also that he should so provide that their trading goods came over betimes, and what so ever was sent on their accoimte should be pact up by it selfe, marked with their marke, and no other goods to be mixed with theirs. For so he prayed them to give him such instructions as they saw good, and he would folow them, to prevente any jellocie or farther offence, upon the former forementioned dislikes. And thus they conceived they had well provided for all things. Anno Dom: 1629. Mr. Allerton safly arriving in England, and deUvering his leters to their freinds their, and aquainting them with his instructions, found good acceptation with them, and they were very forward and wilHng to joyne with them in the partner- ship of trade, and in the charge to send over the Leyden people; a company wherof were allready come out of Holand, and prepared to come over, and so were sent away before Mr. 1629] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 245 Allerton could be ready to come. They had passage with the ships that came to Salem, that brought over many godly persons to begine the plantations and churches of Christ ther, and in the Bay of Massachussets;,so4 hcirlong stay and ke ep= ing ■ba.ek-^wfas-ipeeeBitpefised-ijyJiia^Lord t^Jthe^^^ here wi^ a duJbleJalessijB^5yJiLj;iiaj; they not only injoyed them now beycmd therJata pyppintialaon, ,(whgn,alli|heir hogs seemed to be cutt of,) LiiV^ih thOTij_m^^^more£qdly;^fre^^ breethr.ea,^^ Jh£i3£gilliDg^|ji^rger harvest unto the Lord, in the increa ss..r)f h is churches_andjeople in these parts._to,the admiration o f many, and allmost wonder olt hgjorld,; jhat of. so small beginingssoxrgsLtbhigs should, inaue, as time after mamfestedr-and- tha±«.hei:ajshaLMJ3J^jaure place for To many joiiihe Lo3aia.p£Qplfi,.«ffiha3^so ah^^ their owne rLati!Qn>.^_^ut it^js^sJheJLords doin^^ aM ought to be ffi^^dkaiiin oureze&u. ..«, But I shall hear inserte some of their freinds letters, which doe best expresse their owne minds in these thir proceedings. A leter of Mr. Sherleys to the Got/' May 25, 1629.' Sr: etc. Here are now many of your and our freinds from Leyden coming over, who, though for the most parte be but a weak company, yet herein is a good parte of that end obtained which was aimed at, and which hath been so strongly opposed by some of our former adventurers. But God hath his working in these things, which man cannot frustrate. With them we have allso sent some servants in the ship called the Talbut, that wente hence latly ; but these come in the May-flower. Mr. Beachamp and my selfe, with Mr. Andrews and Mr. Hatherly,^ are, with your love and liking, joyned partners with you, etc. Yotu: deputation we have received, and the goods have been taken up and sould by your freind and agente, Mr. Allerton, my selfe having '■ "1629, May 25, the first letter concerning the former company of Leyden people." (Note by Rev. Thomas Prince.) "Timothy Hatherley was one of the London adventurers, and arrived at Boston in the ship Friendship July 14, 1631. He came first in the Anne in 1623 and returned to England. He came again to Plymouth in 1632 in the ship Barnstaple, sailing from Barnstaple, England, and settled in Scituate. 246 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1629 bine nere 3. months in Holland, at Amsterdam and other parts in the Low-Countries. I see further the agreemente you have made with the generallitie, in which I cannot understand but you have done very well, both for them and you, and also for your freinds at Leyden. Mr. Bea- champ, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Hatherley, and my selfe, doe so like and ap- prove of it, as we are willing to joyne with you, and, God directing and inabling us, will be assisting and helpfull to you, the best that possiblie we can. Nay, had you not taken this course, I doe not see how you should accomplish the end you first aimed at, and some others indevored these years past. We know it must keep us from the profite, which otherwise by the blessing of God and your indeaours, might be gained; for most of those that came in May, and these now sente, though I hope honest and good people, yet not like to be helpfull to raise profite, but rather, ney, cer- taine must, some while, be chargable to you and us; at which it is lickly, had not this wise anddiscreete course been taken, many of your generalitie would have grudged. Againe, you say well in your letter, and I make no doubte but you will performe it, that now being but a few, on whom the burthen must be, you will both menage it the beter, and sett too it more cherfully, haveing no discontente nor contradiction, but so lovingly to joyne togeither, in affection and counsell, as God no doubte will blesse and prosper yotu" honest labours and indeavors. And therfore in all respects I doe not see but you have done marvelously discreetly, and ad- visedly, and no doubt but it gives all parties good contente; I mean that are reasonable and honest men, such as make conscience of giving the best satisfaction they be able for their debts, and that regard not their owne perticuler so much as the accomplishing of that good end for which this bussines was first intended, etc. Thus desiring the Lord to blese and prosper you, and all yours, and all our honest endeavors, I rest Your unfained and ever loving freind, James Sheeley. Lon: March 8. 1629.' That I may handle things together, I have put these 2. companies that came from Leyden in this place; though they came at 2. severall times, yet they both came out of England this year. The former company, being 35. persons, were shiped m May, and arived here aboute August. The later were shiped in the begining of March, and arived hear the later ' " 1629-30, March 8th, the second letter concerning the latter company of Leyden people." (Note by Prince.) 1629] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 247 end of May, 1630. Mr. Sherleys 2. letters, the effect wherof I have before related, (as much of them as is pertinente,) men- tions both. Their charge, as Mr. AUerton brought it in after- wards on accounte, came to above 550K. besids ther fetching hither from Salem and the Bay, wher they and their goods were landed; viz. their transportation from Holland to England, and their charges lying ther, and passages hither, with clothing provided for them. For I find by accounte for the one com- pany, 125. yeards of karsey,' 127. ellons of linen cloath, shoes, 66. p"", with many other perticulers. The charge of the other company is reckoned on the several! famiUes, some 50li., some 40K., some SOIL, and so more or less, as their number and expencess were. And besids all this charg, their freinds and bretheren here were to provid corne and other provissions for them, till they could reap a crope which was long before. Those t.hRtjwnFMnJVT ay wprpi thus maintained upward of-1 6. or4SP5Riaths^bef ore they had an y hai3test-©f4fe^F-owne,-amL_ t.hpjTJJTprJTyiprnpnrtinTi. An^jfljHliey could_doe in the^mean time was to gett them some hoiising, and prepare them grounds to plant on, against the season. And this charg of maintaining them all this while was Utle less then the former sume, ^ These tlungs j note more perticulerly , fnr am^dr^r rpf?;Rrrl,'^,',),^,icst. to sE^A ^e example'herein of _brother1 y love, and Chris tian care in perfor min g their promises and covenants to their breth- eren, too, and in a sorte beyonde their power; that they should venture so desperatly to ingage them selves to accomplish this thing, and bear it so cheerfully; for they never demanded, much less had, any repaymente of all these great sumes thus disbursed. 2'^. < :Tt. must, r ^H" ^f' +>iat, thftr^syaa more then Q oLmanjn^theseadieeveEaei^ up4he hartToTshuch abkf rinds to joyne in partnership with them in shuch a case, and cleave so faithfulUe to them as these "did, in so great adventures; and the more because the most of » Kersey is coarse woollen cloth, usually ribbed. An ellon, or ell, was 45 inches. ^48 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1629 them never saw their faces to this dajr; ther being n either kin dred, ahance, o r_ptheL acquaintance or relajiQiis_betweene anyjofjhem, then hath been befoxe.JnentioJied;JjLnmstnee^ be Jherfprejthe spetiall worke and hand of God. S'^T^That these poore people here in a Wdemess should, notwithstand- ing, be inabled in time to repay all these ingagments, and many more im justly brought upon them through the imfaithfullnes of some, and many other great losses which they sus tained, which wilTbem ad e manifest, if thejjord be pleased to give Hfe and time. In the mean time, I cannot but admire his ways and workes towards his servants, and humbly desire to blesse his holy name for his great mercies hithertoo. The Leyden people being thus come over, and sundry of the generalitie seeing and hearing how great the charg was like to be that was that way to be expended, they begane to murmure and repin eat it, notwithstanding the burden lay on other mens shoulders; espetially at the pajdng of the 3. bushells of come a year, according to the former agreemente, when the trad was lett for the 6. years aforesaid. But to give them contente herein allso, it was promised them, that if they could doe it in the time without it, they would never demand it of them; which gave them good contente. And indeed it never was paid, as will appeare by the sequell. Concerning Mr. Allertons proceedings about the inlarging and confirming of their patent, both that at home and Kene- beck, will best appere by another leter of Mr. Sherleys; for though much time and money was expended aboute it, yet he left it imaccomplisht this year, and came without it. See Mr. Sherleys letter. Most worthy and loving freinds, etc. Some of your leters I received in July, and some since by Mr. Peirce, but till our maine bussines, the patent, was granted,' I could not setle my ' This patent or grant was made January 13, 1629/30, to William Bradford, his heirs, associates and assigns, by the Council for New England, and was in 1640 assigned by Bradford to the colony, as may be seen under that year, fost. It defined the territorial limits of the Plymouth Colony, and confirmed the Ken- 1629] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 249 mind nor pen to writing. Mr. AUerton was so turrmoyled about it, as verily I would not nor could not have undergone it, if I might have had a thousand pounds; but the Lord so blessed his labours (even beyond ex' pectation in these evill days) as he obtained the love and favore of great men in repute and place. He got granted from the Earle of Warwick" and Sr. Ferdinando Gorge all that Mr. Winslow desired in his letters to me, and more also, which I leave to him to relate. Then he sued to the king to confirme their grante, and to make you a corporation, and so to inable you to make and execute lawes, in such large and ample maner as the Massachusett plantation hath it; which the king graciously granted, referring it to the Lord Keeper to give order to the solisiter to draw it up, if ther were a presidente for it.^ So the Lord Keeper furthered it all he could, and allso the solissiter; but as Festus said to Paule, With no small sume of money obtained I this freedom; for by the way many ridells must be resolved, and many locks must be opened with the silver, ney, the golden key. Then it was to come to the Lord Treasurer, to have his warrente for freeing the custume for a certaine time; but he would not doe it, but refierd it to the Counsell table. And ther Mr. Allerton at- tended day by day, when they sate, but could not gett his petition read. And by reason of Mr. Peirce his staying with all the passengers at Bristoll, he was forct to leave the further prosecuting of it to a solissiter. But ther is no fear nor doubte but it will be granted, for lie hath the cheefe of them to freind; yet it will be marvelously needfull for him to returne by the first ship that comes from thence; for if you had this confirmed, then were you compleate, and might bear such sway and goverment as were fitt nebec grant. No royal charter was ever granted to the colony. In 1685 the colony was divided into three counties, Plymouth, Barnstable, and Bristol, and the town of Bristol, now in Rhode Island, was made the shire town of Bristol County. The patent included a strip of territory afterwards claimed by Rhode Island under a charter granted in 1644 to Providence Plantations by the parlia- mentary government, and also under a new charter granted in 1663 by Charles II. During the controversy between Massachusetts and Rhode Island concern- ing the boundary line it became necessary to exhibit the Old Colony patent in support of the Massachusetts claim, and after some search it was found in an old Bradford house in Plympton. By order of Council under date of January 20, 1748, it was placed in the Plymouth registry of deeds where it now is. For its text, see Ebenezer Hazard's Historical Collections, I. 298-303, or Davis, History of Plymouth, pp. 146-155. ' A Puritan earl, at this time a leading member of the Council for New England. ^ For the forms and processes used in the preparation and issue of letters patent by the Crown, see Dr. Charles Deane's paper in the Proceedings cj the Massachusetts Historical Society, XI. 168. 250 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1629 for your ranke and place that God hath called you unto; and stope the moueths of base and scurrulous fellowes, that are ready to question and threaten you in every action you doe. And besids, if you have the custome free for 7. years inward, and 21. outward, the charge of the patent will be soone recovered, and ther is no fear of obtaining ' it. But such things must work by degrees; men cannot hasten it as they would; werefore we (I write in behalfe of all our partners here) desire you to be ernest with Mr. AUerton to come, and his wife to spare him this one year more, to finish this great and waighty bussines, which we conceive will be much for your good, and I hope for your posteritie, and for many generations to come. Thus much of this letter. It was dated the 19. March, 1629.' By which it appears what progress was made herein, and in part what charge it was, and how left unfinished, and some reason of the same ; but in truth (as was afterwards appehended the meaine reason was Mr. AUerton's pohcie, to have an op- portunitie to be sent over againe, for other regards; and for that end procured them thus to write. For it might then well enough have been finshed, if not with that clause aboute the custumes, which was Mr. AUertons and Mr. Sherleys device, and not at all thought on by the colony here, nor much re- garded, yet it might have been done without it, without all queston, having passed the kings hand ; nay it was conceived it might then have beene done with it, if he had pleased; but covetousnes never brings ought home, as the proverb is, for this oppertunytie being lost, it was never accomplished, but a great deale of money veainly and lavishly cast away aboute it, as doth appear upon their accounts. But of this more in its place. Mr. Alerton gave them great and just ofence in this (which I had omited ' and almost forgotten), — in bringing over this year, for base gaine, that imworthy man, and instrumente of ' This word is here substituted for reccwering in the manuscript, on the au- thority of Bradford's letter-book. » 1629/30. ' This paragraph is written on the reverse of the page immediately preceding, in the original manuscript. 1629] .^^E^^saADPORD, GOVERNOR 251 inischiefe, Morton^^^o^was sent home but the year before for his laai^^ffiOTsr He not only brought him over, but to 'the^tg5roB-(a6-4t~werg_to nose them), and lodged him at his owne house, and for a doe his bussines, till he was caused to pack him away. So he wente to his old nest in the Massachusets, wher it was not long but by his miscariage he gave them just occation to lay hands on him; and he was by th em againe sent prisoner into England,, wher heJiiva^go MlySlei n Exeter .Tmlf . For besids his miscariage here, he was vemently suspected for the murder of a man that had adventured moneys with him, when he came first into New-England. And a warrente was sente from the Lord- Cheefe Justice to apprehend him, by vertue wherof he was by the Gov'' of the Massachusets sent into England; and for other his misdemenors amongst them, they demolisht his house, that it might be no longer a roost for shuch imclaine birds to nestle in. Yet he got free againe, and write an infamoxise and scurillous booke' against many godly and cheefe men of the cuntrie; full of lyes and slanders, and fraight with profane cal- lumnies against their names and persons, and the ways of God. After sundry years, when the warrs were hott in England, he came againe into the cuntrie, and was imprisoned at Boston for this booke and other things, being grown old in wickednes. Concerning the rest of Mr. Allertons instructions, in which they strictly injoyned him not to exceed above that 50li. in the goods before mentioned, not to bring any but trading com- modities, he followed them not at all, but did the quite con- trarie; bringing over many other sorts of retaile goods, selUng what he could by the way on his owne accounte, and de- livering the rest, which he said to be theirs, into the store; and for trading goods brought but litle in comparison ; excusing 'Thomas Morton's New English Canaan (Amsterdam, 1637). Returning to New England in 1643, Morton was allowed to spend the winter in Plymouth, but, venturing incautiously within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, he was arrested, in September, 1644, imprisoned for a year, and fined heavily. Two years after, he died in Maine. 252 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1629 the matter, they had laid out much about the Laiden people, and patent, etc. And for other goods, they had much of them of ther owne deahngs, without present disbursemente, and to Uke effect. And as for passing his bounds and instructions, he laid it on Mr. Sherley, etc., who, he said, they might see his mind in his leters; also that they had sett out Ashley at great charg; but next year they should have what trading goods they would send for, if things were now well setled, etc. And thus were they put off ; indeed Mr. Sherley write things tending this way, but it is like he was overruled by Mr. Allerton, and barkened more to him then to their letters from hence. Thus he further writs in the former leter. I see what you write in your leters concerning the overcomming and pajdng of our debts, which I confess are great, and had need be carfully looked unto; yet no doubt but we, joyning in love, may soone over-come them; but we must follow it roundly and to purposs, for if we pedle out the time of our trad, others will step in and nose us. But we know that you have that aquaintance and experience in the countrie, as none have the like; wherfore, freinds and partners, be no way discouraged with the greatnes of the debt, etc., but let us not fulfill the proverbe, to bestow 12d. on a purse, and put 6d. in it; but as you and we have been at great charg, and undergone much for setling you ther, and to gaine experience, so as God shall enable us, let us make use of it. And think not with 50li. pound a yeare sent you over, to rayse shuch means as to pay our debts. We see a possibillitie of good if you be well supplied, and fully furnished; and cheefly if you lovingly agree. I know I write to godly and wise men, such as have lerned to bear one an others infirmities, and rejoyce at any ones prosperities; and if I were able I would press this more, because it is hoped by some of your enimies, that you will fall out one with another, and so over throw your hopfull bussines. Nay, I have heard it crediblie reported, that some have said, that till you be disjoynted by discontents and fractions ' amongst your sellves, it bootes not any to goe over, in hope of getting or doing good in those parts. But we hope beter things of you, and that you will not only bear one vnth another, but banish such thoughts, and not suffer them to lodg in your brests. God grant you may disap- pointe the hopes of your foes, and procure the hartie desire of your selves and freinds in this perticuler. ' Factions. 1629] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 253 By this it appears that ther was a kind of concxirrance betweene Mr. AUerton and them in these things, and that they gave more regard to his way and coiirse in these things, then to the advise from hence; which made him bould to presume above his instructions, and to rune on in the course he did, to their greater hurt afterwards, as will appear. These things did much trouble them hear, but they well knew not how to help it, being loath to make any breach or contention hear aboute; being so premonished as before in the leter above recited. An other more secrete cause was herewith concur- rente; Mr. AUerton had maried the daughter of their Reverend Elder, Mr. Brewster^ (a man beloved and honoured amongst them, and who tooke great paines in teaching and dispenceing the word of God unto them), whom they were loath to greeve or any way offend, so as they bore with much in that respecte. And with all Mr. AUerton carried so faire with him, and pro- cured such leters from Mr. Sherley to him, with shuch applause of Mr. AUertons wisdom, care, and faithfullnes, in the bussines; and as things stood none were so fitte to send aboute them as he; and if any should suggest other wise, it was rather out of envie, or some other sinister respecte then other wise. Besids, though private gaine, I doe perswade my selfe, was some cause to lead Mr. AUerton aside in these beginings, yet I thinke, or at least charitie caries me to hope, that he intended to deale faithfiUly with them m the maine, and had such an opinion of his owne abillitie, and some experience of the benefite that he had made in this singuler way, as he conceived he might both raise him selfe an estate, and allso be a means to bring in such profite to Mr. Sherley, (and it may be the rest,) as might be as Uckly to bring m their moneys againe with advantage, and it may be sooner then from the generaU way; or at least • Isaac AUerton of London married in Leyden in 1611 Mary Norris of Newbury, England, and came in the Mayflower with wife and three children, Bartholomew, Remember, and Mary. His wife died February 25, 1620/1, and in 1626 he married Fear, daughter of William Brewster. She died in 1634. He married a third wife, Joanna. 254 HISTORY OP PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1629 it was looked upon by some of them to be a good help ther iinto ; and that neither he nor any other did intend to charge the generall accounte with any thing that rane in perticuler; or that Mr. Sherley or any other did purposs but that the generall should be first and fully supplyed. I say charitie makes me thus conceive; though things fell out other wise, and they missed of their aimes, and the generall suffered abundantly hereby, as will afterwards apear. Togeither herewith sorted an other bussines contrived by Mr. AUerton and them ther, without any knowledg of the partners, and so farr proceeded in as they were constrained to allow therof, and joyne in the same, though they had no great liking of it, but feared what might be the evente of the same. I shall relate it in a further part of Mr. Sherley's leter as foloweth. I am to aquainte you that we have thought good to jojoie with one Edward Ashley (a man I thinke that some of you know) ; but it is only of that place wherof he hath a patente in Mr. Beachamps name;* and to that end have furnished him with larg provissions, etc. Now if you please to be partners with us in this, we are willing you shall; for after we heard how forward Bristoll men (and as I hear some able men of his owne kindrid) have been to stock and supply him, hoping of profite, we thought it fitter for us to lay hould of such an opportunitie, and to keep a kind of running plantation, then others who have not borne the burthen of setiing a plantation, as we have done. And he, on the other side, like an under- standing yonge man, thought it better to joyne with those that had means by a plantation to supply and back him ther, rather then strangers, that looke but only after profite. Now it is not knowne that you are partners with him; but only we 4., Mr. Andrews, Mr. Beachamp, my selfe, and Mr. Hatherley, who desired to have the patente, in consideration of our great loss we have allready sustained in setiing the first plantation ther; so we agreed togeather to take it in our names. And now, as I said before, if you please to joyne with us, we are willing you should. Mr. Allerton had no power from you to make this new contracte, neither was he willing > Apparently this is that patent which the Council for New England gave to John Beauchamp and Thomas Leverett on March 13, 1629/30, for a tract of some 900 square miles lying between the Penobscot and Muscongus Bay. At a later time it was known as the Waldo Patent. 1629] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 255 to doe any thing therin without your consente and approbation. Mr. William Peirce is joyned with us in this, for we thought it very conveniente, because of landing Ashley and his goods ther, if God please; and he will bend his course accordingly. He hath a new boate with him, and boards to make another, with 4. or 5. lustie fellowes, wherof one is a carpenter. Now in case you are not willing in this perticuler to joyne with us, fearing the charge and doubting the success, yet thus much we intreate of you, to afford him all the help you can, either by men, commodities, or boats ; yet not but that we will pay you for any thing he hath. And we desire you to keep the accounts apart, though you joyne with us; becase ther is, as you see, other partners in this then the other; so, for all mens wages, boats-hire, or comodities, which we shall have of you, make him debtore for it; and what you shall have of him, make the plantation or your selves debtore for it to him, and so ther will need no mingling of the accounts. And now, loving freinds and partners, if you joyne in Ashles patent and bussines, though we have laid out the money and taken up much to stock this bussines and the other, yet I thinke it conscionable and reason- able that you should beare your shares and proportion of the stock, if not by present money, yet by securing us for so much as it shall come too; for it is not barly the interest that is to be alowed and considered of, but allso the adventure; though I hope in God, by his blessing and your honest indeavors, it may soon be payed; yet the years that this partner- ship holds is not long, nor many; let all therfore lay it to harte, and make the best use of the time that possiblie we cann, and let every man put too his shoulder, and the burthen will be the lighter. I know you are so honest and conscionable men, as you will consider hereof, and retume shuch an answer as may give good satisfaction. Ther is none of us that would venture as we have done, were it not to strengthen and setle you more then our owne perticuler profite. Ther is no liclyhood of doing any good in buying the debte for the purchas. I know some will not abate the interest, and therfore let it rune its course; they are to be paied yearly, and so I hope they shall, according to agreemente. The Lord grant that our loves and affections may still be united, and knit togeither; and so we rest your ever loving *"«°*1«' James Shehley. BristoU, March 19. 1629.^ "^^^^^ Hatheelet. This mater of the buying the debts of the purchass was parte of Mr. Allertons instructions, and in many of them it • 1629/30, 256 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1629 might have been done to good profite for ready pay (as some were) ; but Mr. Sherley had no mind to it. But this bussines aboute Ashley did not a htle trouble them; for though he had wite and abiUitie enough to menage the bussines, yet some of them knew him to be a very profane yonge man ; and he had for some time lived amonge the Indeans as a savage, and wente naked amongst them, and used their maners (in which time he got their language), so they feared he might still rune into evill courses (though he promised better), and God would not prosper his ways. As soone as he was landed at the place in- tended, caled Penobscote, some 4. score leagues from this place, he write (and afterwards came) for to desire to be supplyed with Wampampeake, come against winter, and other things. They considered these were of their cheefe commodities, and would be continually needed by him, and it would much prejudice their owne trade at Kenebeck if they did not joyne with him in the ordering of things, if thus they should supply him; and on the other hand, if they refused to joyne with him, and allso to afford any supply unto him, they should greatly offend their above named friends, and might hapily lose them hereby; and he and Mr. Allerton, lajdng their craftie wits togither, might gett supplies of these things els wher; besids, they considered that if they joyned not in the bussines, they knew Mr. Allerton would be with them in it, and so would swime, as it were, betweene both, to the prejudice of boath, but of them selves espetially. For they had reason to thinke this bussines was cheefiy of his contriving, and Ashley was a man fitte for his timie and dealings. So they, to prevente a worse mischeefe, resolved to joyne in the bussines, and gave him supphes in what they could, and overlooked his proceedings as well as they could ; the which they did the bet- ter, by joyning an honest yonge man^ that came from Leyden, ' "Thomas Willett." (Br.) Thomas Willett came to Plymouth about 1630 and was selected by the united colonies for mayor of New York after its capture from the Dutch in 1664. 1629) WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR ^5'? with him as his fellow (in some sorte), and not merely as a servante. Which yonge man being discreete, and one whom they could trust, they so instructed as keept Ashley in some good mesiore within bounds. And so they returned their answer to their freinds in England, that they accepted of their motion, and joyned with them in Ashleys bussines; and yet withall tould them what their fears were concerning him. But when they came to have full notice of all the goods brought them that year, they saw they fell very short of trading goods, and Ashley farr better suppleyed then themselves; so as they were forced to buy of the fisher men to furnish them selves, yea, and cottens and carseys and other such Hke cloath (for want of trading cloath) of Mr. Allerton himseKe, and so to put away a great parte of their beaver, at under rate, in the countrie, which they should have sente home, to help to discharge their great ingagementes ; which was to their great vexation; but Mr. Allerton prayed them to be contente, and the nexte yere they might have what they would write for. And their ingagmentes of this year were great indeed when they came to know them, (which was not wholy till 2. years after) ; and that which made them the more, Mr. Allerton had taken up some large simimes at BristoU at 50. p"" cent, againe, which he excused, that he was f orcte to it, because other wise he could at the spring of year get no goods transported, such were their envie against their trade. But wheither this was any more then an excuse, some of them doubted; but however, the burden did lye on their backs, and they must bear it, as they did many heavie loads more in the end. This paying of 50. p' cent, and dificulty of having their goods transported by the fishing ships at the first of the year, (as was beleeved,) which was the cheefe season for trade, put them upon another projecte. Mr. Allerton, after the fishing season was over, light of a bargan of salte, at a good fishing place, and bought it; which came to aboute 113K.; and shortly after he might have had 30li. cleare profite for it, 258 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1629 without any more trouble aboute it. But Mr. Winslow coming that way from Kenebeck, and some other of ther partners with him in the barke, they mett with Mr. Allerton, and falling into discourse with him, they stayed him from selling the salte; and resolved, if it might please the rest, to keep it for them selves, and to hire a ship in the west cuntrie to come on fishing for them, on shares, according to the coustome; and seeing she might have her salte here ready, and a stage ready builte and fitted wher the salt lay safely landed and housed. In stead of bringing salte, they might stowe her full of trading goods, as bread, pease, cloth, etc., and so they might have a full supply of goods without paing fraight, and in due season, which might tume greatly to their advantage. Coming home, this was propounded, and considered on, and aproved by all but the Gov'', who had no mind to it, seeing they had allway lost by fishing; but the rest were so emest, as thinkeing that they might gaine well by the fishing in this way; and if they should but save, yea, or lose some thing by it, the other benefite would be advantage inough ; so, seeing their emestnes, he gave way, and it was referd to their freinds in England to alow, or disalow it. Of which more in its place. Upon the consideration of the bussines about the paten, and in what state it was left, as is before remembred, and Mr. Sherleys emest pressing to have Mr. Allerton to come over againe to finish it, and perfect the accounts, etc., it was con- cluded to send him over this year againe; though it was with some fear and jeolocie; yet he gave them fair words and promises of well perfo/ming all their bussineses according to their directions, and to mend his former errors. So he was accordingly sent with full instructions for all things, with large letters to Mr. Sherley and the rest, both aboute Ashleys bussines and their owne suply with trading comodities, and how much it did conceme them to be furnished therwith, and what they had suffered for wante therof ; and of what Utle use other goods were in comparison therof; and so likewise aboute this fishing 1629] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 259 ship, to be thus hired, and fraught with trading goods, which might both supply them and Ashley, and the benefite therof ; which was left to their consideration to hire and set her out, or not ; but in no case not to send any, exepte she was thus fraighte with trading goods. But what these things came too will appere in the next years passages. I had hke to have omited an other passage that fell out the begining of this year. Ther was one Mr. Ralfe Smith,* and his wife and famiUe, that came over into the Bay of the Massa- chusets, and sojourned at presente with some stragling people that hved at Natascoe ; here being a boat of this place putting in ther on some occasion, he emestly desired that they would give him and his, passage for Plimoth, and some such things as they could well carrie; having before heard that ther was liklyhood he might procure house-roome for some time, till he should resolve to setle ther, if he might, or els-wher as God should disposs ; for he was werie of being in that uncoth place, and in a poore house that would neither keep him nor his goods drie. So, seeing him to be a grave man, and understood he had been a minister, though they had no order for any such thing, yet they presumed and brought him. He was here accordingly kindly entertained and housed, and had the rest of his goods and servants sente for, and exercised his gifts amongst them, and afterwards was chosen into the ministrie, and so remained for sundrie years. It was before noted that simdry of those that came from Leyden, came over in the ships that came to Salem, wher Mr. ' Rev. Half Smith came over with Higginson in 1629 in the ship Talbot. Matthew Cradock, the governor in England of the Massachusetts Company, sus- pected him of Separatism and sent an order to Endicott to forbid his continuance in Massachusetts unless he conformed to the Church. Smith, fearing trouble, went to Nantasket and thence to Plymouth, where he became the first settled pastor of the Plymouth Church after the ministrations of Elder Brewster. Mr. Smith was graduated at Cambridge in 1613. In 1633, while in Plymouth, he married Mary (Goodall), widow of Richard Masterson. He dissolved his con- nection with the church in 1636 after a pastorate of seven years, remaining, how- ever, in Plymouth several years longer, after which he preached in Manchester, and died in Boston in 1662. 260 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1629 Endecott had cheefe command; and by infection that grue amonge the passengers at sea, it spread also among them a shore, of which many dyed, some of the scurvie, other of an infectious feaoure, which continued some time amongst them (though our people, through Gods goodnes, escaped it). Upon which occasion he write hither for some help, under- standing here was one that had some skill that way, and had cured diverse of the scurvie, and others of other diseases, by letting blood, and other means. Upon which his request the Gov^ hear sent him vmto them, and also write to him, from whom he received an answers; the which, because it is breefe, and shows the begining of their aquaintance, and closing in the truth and ways of God, I thought it not unmeete, nor without use, hear to inserte it ; and an other showing the be- gining of their fellowship and church estate ther. Being as foUoweth. Right worthy Sr: It is a thing not usuall, that servants to one m"' and of the same houshold should be strangers; I assure you I desire it not, nay, to speake more plainly, I cannot be so to you. Gods people are all marked with one and the same marke, and sealed with one and the same seale, and have for the maine, one and the same harte, guided by one and same spirite of truth; and wher this is, ther can be no discorde, nay, here must needs be sweete harmonic. And the same request (with you) I make unto the Lord, that we may, as Christian breethren, be united by a heavenly and unfained love; bending all our harts and forces in furthering a worke be- yond our strength, with reverence and fear, fastening our eyse allways on him that only is able to directe and prosper all our ways. I acknowledge my selfe much bound to you for your kind love and care in sending Mr. Fuller ' among us, and rejoyce much that I am by him satisfied touching your judgments of the outward forme of Gods worshipe. It is, as fan- as I can yet gather, no other then is warrented by the evidence of truth, and the same which I have proflessed and maintained ever since the Lord in mercie revealed him selfe unto me; being farr from the commone re- porte that hath been spread of you touching that perticuler. But Gods ' Samuel Fuller, physician of the colony and deacon of the Plymouth church (as he had been in that of Leyden), came in the Mayflower. His wife came in the Anne in 1623. He died in 1633. 1629] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 261 children must not looke for less here below, and it is the great mercie of God, that he strengthens them to goe through with it. I shall not neede at this time to be tedious unto you, for, God willing, I purpose to see your face shortly. In the mean time, I humbly take my leave of you, commit- ing you to the Lords blessed protection, and rest. Your assured loving friend, Naumkeak, May 11. An°. 1629. ^''- ^ndecott. This second leter sheweth ther proceedings in their church affaires at Salem, which was the 2. church erected in these parts; and afterwards the Lord established many more in sundrie places. Sr: I make bould to trouble you with a few lines, for to certifie you how it hath pleased God to deale with us, since you heard from us. How, notvnthstanding all opposition that hath been hear, and els wher, it hath pleased God to lay a foundation, the which I hope is agreeable to his word in every thing. The 20. of July, it pleased the Lord to move the hart of our Gov' to set it aparte for a solemne day of humilliation for the choyce of a pastor and teacher. The former parte of. the day beuig spente in praier and teaching, the later parte aboute the election, which was after this maner.^ The persons thought on (who had been ministers in England) were demanded concerning their callings; they acknowledged ther was a towfould calling, the one an inward calling, when the Lord moved the harte of a man to take that calling upon him, and fitted him with guiftes for the same; the second was an outward calling, which was from the people, when a company of beleevers are joyned togither in covenante, to walke togither in all the ways of God, and every member (being men) are to have a free voyce in the choyce of their officers, etc. Now, we being perswaded that these 2. men were so quaUified, as the apostle speaks to Timothy, wher he saith, A bishop must be blamles, sober, apte to teach, etc., I thinke I maysay, as the eunuch said unto Philip, What should let from being baptised, seeing ther was water? and he beleeved. So these 2. servants of God, clearing all things by their answers, (and being thus fitted,) we saw noe reason but we might freely give our voyces for their election, after this triall. So Mr. Skelton was chosen pastor, and Mr. Higgison to be teacher; and they acceptmg • At this election by the Salem church the written ballot was used for the first time in America, as appears from the fuller copy of the letter in Bradford's letter-book. The transition to the congregational system of church polity is marked, and was important. The influence of the Plymouth example is obvious. 262 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1630 the choyce, Mr. Higgison, with 3. or 4. of the gravest members of the church, laid their hands on Mr. Skelton, using prayer therwith. This being done, ther was imposission of hands on Mr. Higgison also. And since that time, Thursday (being, as I take it, the 6. of August) is appoynted for another day of humilliation, for the choyce of elders and deacons, and ordaining of them. And now, good Sr, I hope that you and the rest of Gods people (who are aquainted with the ways of God) with you, will say that hear was a right foundation layed, and that these 2. blessed servants of the Lord came in at the dore, and not at the window. Thus I have made bould to trouble you with these few lines, desiring you to remember us, etc. And so rest. At your service in what I may, Salem, July 30. 1629. Chaeles Gott. Anno Dom: 1630. Ashley, being well supplyed, had quickly gathered a good parcell of beaver, and like a crafty pate he sent it all home, and would not pay for the goods he had had of the plantation hear, but lett them stand still on the score, and tooke up still more. Now though they well enough knew his aime, yet they let him goe on, and write of it into England. But partly the beaver they received, and sould, (of which they weer sencible,) and partly by Mr. AUertons extolling of him, they cast more how to supphe him then the plantation, and something to upbraid them with it. They were forct to buy him a barke allso, and to furnish her with a m"" and men, to transporte his come and provissions (of which he put of much) ; for the Indeans of those parts have no corne growing, and at harvest, after corne is ready, the weather grows foule, and the seas dangerous, so as he could doe litle good with his shallope for that purposs. They looked ernestly for a timely supply this spring, by the fishing ship which they expected, and had been at charg to keepe a stage for her; but none came, nor any supply heard of for them. At length they heard sume supply was sent to Ashley by a fishing ship, at which they something marvelled, and the more that they had no letters either from Mr. Allerton 1630] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 263 or Mr. Sherley; so they went on in their bussines as well as they could. At last they heard of Mr. Peirce his arivall in the Bay of the Massachusetts, who brought passengers and goods thither. They presently sent a shallop, conceiving they should have some thing by him. But he tould them he had none; and a ship was sett out on fishing, but after 11. weeks beating at sea, she mett with shuch fouU weather as she was forcte back againe for England, and, the season being over, gave off the vioage. Neither did he hear of much goods in her for the plantation, or that she did belong to them, for he had heard some thing from Mr. Allerton tending that way. But Mr. Allerton had bought another ship, and was to come in her, and was to fish for bass to the eastward, and to bring goods, etc. These things did much trouble them, and half astonish them. Mr. Winslow haveing been to the eastward, brought nuese of the like things, with some more perticulers, and that it was like Mr. Allerton would be late before he came. At length they, having an oppertimitie, resolved to send Mr. Winslow, with what beaver they had ready, into England, to see how the squars wente, being very jeolouse of these things, and Mr. AUertons courses ; and writ shuch leters, and gave him shuch instructions, as they thought meet ; and if he found things not well, to discharge Mr. Allerton for being any longer agent for them, or to deal any more in the bussines, and to see how the accounts stood, etc. Aboute the midle of sommer arrives Mr. Hatherley m the Bay of the Massachusetts, (being one of the partners,) and came over in the same ship that was set out on fhishing (called the Frendship). They presently sent to him, making no question but now they had goods come, and should know how all things stood. But they found the former news true, how this ship had been so long at sea, and spente and spoyled her provissions, and overthrowne the viage. And he being sent over by the rest of the partners, to see how things wente hear, being at BristoU with Mr. Allerton, in the shipe bought 264 HISTORY OP PLYMOUTH PLANTATION fi630 (called the White- Angell), ready to set sayle, over night came a messenger from Bastable' to Mr. AUerton, and tould him of the retnrne of the ship, and what had befallen. And he not knowing what to doe, having a great charge under hand, the ship lying at his rates, and now ready to set sayle, got him to goe and discharg the ship, and take order for the goods. To be short, they foimd Mr. Hatherley some thing reserved, and troubled in him selfe, (Mr. Allerton not being ther,) not know- ing how to dispose of the goods till he came; but he heard he was arived with the other ship to the eastward, and expected his coming. But he tould them ther was not much for them in this ship, only 2. packs of Bastable ruggs, and 2. hoggsheads of meatheglin,^ drawne out in wooden fiackets (but when these flackets came to be received, ther was left but 6. gallons of the 2. hogsheads, it being drunke up under the name leackage, and so lost). But the ship was filled with goods for simdrie gentle- men, and others, that were come to plant in the Massachusets, for which they payed fraight by the tim. And this was all the satisfaction they could have at presente, so they brought this small parcell of goods and retm-ned with this nues, and a letter as obscure; which made them much to marvell therat. The letter was as foUoweth. Gentle-men, partners, and loving friends, etc. Breefly thus : wee have this year set forth a fishing ship, and a trading ship, which later we have bought; and so have disbursed a great deale of money, as may and will appeare by the accounts. And because this ship (called the White Angell) is to acte 2. parts, (as I may say,) fishing for bass, and trading; and that while Mr. Allerton was imployed aboute the trading, the fishing might suffer by carlesnes or neglecte of the sailors, we have entreated your and our loving friend, Mr. Hatherley, to goe over with him, knowing he will be a comforte to Mr. Allerton, a joye to you, to all a carfull and loving friend, and a great stay to the bussines; and so great contente to us, that if it should please God the one should faile, (as God forbid,) yet the other would keepe both recconings, and things up- ' Barnstaple is in Devonshire, about 70 miles from Bristol. ^ Metheglin, or mead, was a liquor made of honey and water boiled and fermented, often enriched with spices. 1630] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 265 righte. For we are now out great sumes of money, as they will acquainte you withall, etc. When we were out but 4. or 5. hundred pounds a peece, we looked not much after it, but left it to you, and your agente, (who, without flaterie, deserveth infinite thanks and comendations, both of you and us, for his pains, etc.) ; but now we are out double, nay, trible a peece, some of us, etc. ; which maks us both write, and send over our friend, Mr. Hatherley, whom we pray you to entertaine kindly, of which we doubte not of. The main end of sending him is to see the state and accounte of all the bussines, of all which we pray you informe him fully, though the ship and bussines wayte for it and him. For we should take it very un- kindly that we should intreat him to take such a journey, and that, when it pleaseth God he retumes, he could not give us contente and satisfaction in this perticuler, through defaulte of any of you. But we hope you will so order bussines, as neither he nor we shall have cause to complaine, but to doe as we ever have done, thinke well of you all, etc. I will not promise, but shall indeaour and hope to effecte the full desire and grant of your patente, and that ere it be longe. I would not have you take any thing unkindly. I have not write out of jeolocie of any unjuste dealing. Be you all kindly saluted in the Lord, so I rest. Yours in what I may, March 25. 1630.^ "^^^^^ ^=^^^^^- It needs not be thought strange, that these things should amase and trouble them; first, that this fishing ship should be set out, and fraight with other mens goods, and scarce any of theirs; seeing their maine end was (as is before remembred) to bring them a full supply, and their speatiall order not to sett out any excepte this was done. And now a ship to come on their accounte, clean contrary to their both end and order, was a misterie they could not understand; and so much the worse, seeing she had shuch iU success as to lose both her vioage and provissions. The 2. thing, that another ship should be bought and sente out on new designes, a thing not so much as once thought on by any here, much less, not a word intimated or spoaken of by any here, either by word or letter, neither could they imagine why this should be. Bass fishing was never lookt at by them, but as soone as ever they heard on it, they looked ' By error for March 25, 1631. 266 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1630 at it as a vaine thing, that would certainly tume to loss. And for Mr. Allerton to follow any trade for them, it was never in their thoughts. And 3^^, that their friends should complaine of disbursements, and yet rune into such great things, and charge of shiping and new projects of their owne heads, not only without, but against, all order and advice, was to them very Strang. And 4^'', that all these matters of so great charg and imployments should be thus wrapped up in a breefe and obscure letter, they knew not what to make of it. But amids all their doubts they must have patience till Mr. Allerton and Mr. Hatherley should come. In the mean time Mr. Winslow was gone for England; and others of them were forst to folow their imployments with the best means they had, till they could hear of better. At length Mr. Hatherley and Mr. Allerton came imto them, (after they had dehvered their goods,) and finding them strucken with some sadnes aboute these things, Mr. Allerton tould them that the ship Whit-Angele did not belong to them, nor their accounte, neither neede they have any thing to doe with her, excepte they would. And Mr. Hatherley confirmed the same, and said that they woidd have had him to have had a parte, but he refused; but he made question whether they would not tume her upon the generall accounte, if ther came loss (as he now saw was like), seeing Mr. Allerton laid downe this course, and put them on this projecte. But for the fishing ship, he tould them they need not be so much troubled, for he had her accounts here, and showed them that her first seting out came not much to exceed 600K. as they might see by the accoimte, which he showed them; and for this later viage, it would arrise to profite by the fraight of the goods, and the salle of some katle which he shiped and had allready sould, and was to be paid for partly here and partly by bills mto Eng- land, so as they should not have this put on their acounte at all, except they would. And for the former, he had sould so much goods out of her in England, and imployed the money 1630] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 267 in this 2. viage, as it, togeither with such goods and implements as Mr. Allerton must need aboute his fishing, would rise to a good parte of the money; for he must have the sallt and nets, allso spiks, nails, etc.; all which would rise to nere 400Zi.; so, with the bearing of their parts of the rest of the loses (which would not be much above 200li.), they would clear them of this whole accounte. Of which motion they were glad, not being willing to have any accounts lye upon them; but aboute their trade, which made them willing to harken therunto, and de- mand of Mr. Hatherly how he could make this good, if they should agree their imto, he tould them he was sent over as their agente, and had this order from them, that whatsoever he and Mr. Allerton did togeather, they would stand to it; but they would not alow of what Mr. Allerton did alone, except they liked it; but if he did it alone, they would not gaine say it. Upon which they sould to him and Mr. Allerton all the rest of the goods, and gave them present possession of them; and a writing was made, and confirmed under both Mr. Hatherleys and Mr. Allertons hands, to the effecte afforesaide. And Mr. Allertone, being best aquainted with the people sould away presenly all shuch goods as he had no need of for the fishing, as 9. shallop sails, made of good new canvas, and the roaps for them being all new, with sundry such usefuU goods, for ready beaver, by Mr. Hatherleys allowance. And thus they thought they had well provided for them selvs. Yet they rebuked Mr. Allerton very much for runing into these courses, fearing the success of them. Mr. Allerton and Mr. Hatherley brought to the towne with them (after he had sould what he could abroad) a great qviantity of other goods besids trading comodities; as linen cloath, bedticks, stockings, tape, pins, ruggs, etc., and tould them they were to have them, if they would; but they tould Mr. Allerton that they had forbid him before for bringing any such on their accounte; it would hinder their trade and retumes. But he and Mr. Hatherley said, if they would not have them, they would sell them, them selves, and take come 268 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1630 for what they could not otherwise sell. They tould them they might, if they had order for it. The goods of one sorte and other came to upward of 500li. After these things, Mr. AUerton wente to the ship aboute his bass fishing; and Mr. Hatherley, (according to his order,) after he tooke knowledg how things stood at the plantation, (of all which they informed him fully,) he then desired a boate of them to goe and visite the trading houeses, both Kenebeck, and Ashley at Penobscote ; for so they in England had injoyned him. They accordinglvfu Tnished him with a boate a^ men for the viage, and aquainted him plainly and tho rowly with all "^ tlung&pEy'whicTi 'he'^M'g5o3^^^ii ^tP^ t fi& -^^ and saw. plainly that Mr. Allert^' plaid his owne gaxmjhm rane a couirse not only to the great wrong^SoFaethmente of the plan- tation, who imployeH and 'Irus^edTT umTTut abused the m in England also. la^pflsaessiaLlhfim,.s ith prejudice- agajn stthe plantation ; a,s that they would neyerJb,e,Able to repaye their moneys (in regard, of .,tlieii:-sr-ea,t- chargaX-hu l if thev ~would:' follow his a,dyice and projects, he and Ashley (being well sT plyed) would quickly -brtng Tn their moneyi "wrt£"^od ad- ^ya3ita; ge; — Mrr^fa thSflCT"'disclosed also a further projecte aboute the setting out of this ship, the White-angell; how, she being wel fitted with good ordnance, and known to have made a great fight at sea (when she belonged to BristoU) and caried away the victory, they had agreed (by Mr. Allerton's means) that, after she had brought a fraight of goods here into the countrie, and fraight her seKe with fish, she should goe from hence to Port of porte,^ and ther be sould, both ship, goods, and ordenance; and had, for this end, had speech with a factore of those parts, beforehand, to whom she should have been consigned. But this was prevented at this time, (after it was known,) partly by the contrary advice given by their freinds hear to Mr. AUerton and Mr. Hatherley, showing how it might insnare their friends in England, (being men of estate,) ' Oporto in Portugal. 1630] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 269 if it should come to be knowne ; and for the plantation, they did and would disalow it, and protest against it; and partly by their bad viage, for they both came too late to doe any good for fishing, and allso had such a wicked and drunken company as neither Mr. Allerton nor any els could rule ; as Mr. Hatherley, to his great greefe and shame, saw, and beheld, and all others that came nere them. Ashley likwise was taken in a trape, (before Mr. Hatherley returned,) for trading powder and shote with the Indeans; and was ceased upon by some in authoritie, who allso would have confiscated above a thousand weight of beaver; but the goods were freed, for the Gov'' here made it appere, by a bond under Ashleys hand, wherin he was bound to them in 500K. not to trade any mimition with the Indeans, or other wise to abuse him selfe; it was also manifest against him that he had commited uncleannes with Indean women, (things that they feared at his first imployment, which made them take this strict coxorse with him in the begining) ; so, to be shorte, they gott their goods freed, but he was sent home prisoner. And that I may make an end 'concerning him, after some time of imprisonmente in the Fleet,^ by the means of friends he was set at liberty, a,nd_intended to come over againe, jDut the Lord p revented it: for be ha3~ar motion made Lu him, b^'-seme marchants, to goe into Russia, because he had such good skill in the beaver trade, the which he accepted of, and in his returne home was cast away at sea; this was his end. Mr. Hatherley, fully understanding the state of all things, had good satisfaction, and could well informe them how all things stood betweene Mr. Allerton and the plantation. Yea, he found that Mr. Allerton had gott within him, and got all the goods into his owne hands, for which Mr. Hatherley stood joyntly ingaged to them hear, aboute the ship-Freindship, as also most of the fraigte money, besids some of his owne per- ticuler estate; about which more wiU appear here after. So ' The celebrated prison on the Fleet market, in the city of London. 270 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1630 he returned into England, and they sente a good quantity of beaver with him to the rest of the partners; so both he and it was very wellcome unto them. Mr. Allerton followed his affaires, and returned with his WMte Angell, being no more imployed by the plantation; but (these bussinesses were not ended till many years a,fter, nnr ypll imderslood[ of a longe time, but,>and kepte in the clouds, to the great loss and-vexatioa of the^planta- tion, who in the end were (for peace sake) fprc,e,d,toJbeg,r the unjust burtlieh of them, to their allmost imdoing, as will ap- /pear, if God give hfe to finish this history. ' ■— ™-^ They sent their letters also by Mr. Hatherley to the partners ther, to show them how Mr. Hatherley and Mr, Allerton had discharged them of the Friendship accounte, and that they boath affirmed that the White-Angell did not at all belong to them; and therfore desired that their accoimte might not be charged therwith. Also they write to Mr. Winslow, their agente, that he in Hke maner should (in their names) protest against it, if any such thing should be intended, for they would never yeeld to the same. As allso to signifie to them that they renounsed Mr. Allerton wholy, for being their agente, or to have any thing to doe in any of their bussines. This year John Billinton the elder (one that came over with the first) was arrained, and both by grand and petie jurie found guilty of willfull murder, by plaine and notorious evi- dence. And was for the same accordingly executed. This, as it was the first execution amongst them, so was it a mater of great sadnes unto them. They used all due means about his triall, and tooke the advice of Mr. Winthrop and other the ablest gentle-men in the Bay of the Massachusets, that were then new-ly come over, who concured with them that he ought to dye, and the land to be purged from blood. He and some of his had been often punished for miscariags before, being one of the profanest famiUes amongst them. They came from London, and I kno^v not by what freinds shufled into their 1630] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 271 company. His facte was, that he way-laid a yong-man, one John New-comj^^^ahout a former quarell,) and shote him with a gune, whey6f he dyed.' "^s Havmg^y a providenc^.'^ letter or to that came to my hands conceiSng"lKe^poceedingToTtireir Re"^: freinds in the Bay of the Massachusets, who were latly come over, I thought it not amise here to inserte them, (so farr as is pertenente, and may be usefull for after times,) before I conclude this year. Sr: Being at Salem the 25. of July, being the saboath, after the evening exercise, Mr. Johnson received a letter from the Gov'', Mr. John Winthrop, manifesting the hand of God to be upon them, and against them at Charles-towne, in visiting them with sicknes, and taking diverse from amongst them, not sparing the righteous, but partaking with the wicked in these bodily judgments. It was therfore by his desire taken into the Godly consideration of the best hear, what was to be done to pacific the Lords wrath, etc. Wher it was concluded, that the Lord was to be sought in righteousnes; and to that end, the 6. day (being Friday) of this present weeke, is set aparte, that they may humble them selves before God, and seeke him in his ordenances; and that then also such godly persons that are amongst them, and known each to other, may publickly, at the end of their exercise, make known their Godly desire, and practise the same, viz. solemnly to enter into covenante with the Lord to walke in his ways. And since they are so disposed of in their outward estats, as to live in three distinct places, each having men of abilitie amongst them, ther to observe the day, and become 3. distincte bodys; not then intending rashly to proceed to the choyce of oflBcers, or the admitting of any other to their societie then a few, to witte, such as are well knowne imto them; promising after to receive in such by confes- sion of faith, as shall appeare to be fitly qualified for the estate. They doe ernestly entreate that the church of Plimoth would set apparte the same day, for the same ends, beseeching the Lord, as to withdraw his hand of correction from them, so also to establish and direct them in his wayes. And though the time be shorte, we pray you be provocked to this godly worke, seing the causes are so urgente; wherin God will be honoured, and they and we undoubtedly have sweete comforte. Be you all kindly saluted, etc. Salem, July 26. 1630. Your brethren in Christ, etc. ' This paragraph was written on the reverse of a page (180) of the original manuscript, near this place. 272 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1631 Sr : etc. The sadd news here is, that many are sicke, and many are dead; the Lord in mercie looke upon them. Some are here entered into church covenante; the first were 4. namly, the Gov', Mr. John Winthrop, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Willson;^ since that 5. more are joyned unto them, and others, it is like, ■s^^iK adde them selves to them dayly; the Lord increase them, both in number and in holines for his mercie sake. Here is a gentleman, one Mr. Cottington, (a Boston man,) who tould me, that Mr. Cottons charge at Hamton was, that they should take advise of them at Plimoth, and should doe nothing to offend them. Here are diverce honest Christians that are desirous to see us, some out of love which they bear to us, and the good perswasion they have of us; others to see whether we be so ill as they have heard of us. We have a name of holines, and love to God and his saincts ; the Lord make us more and more answerable, and that it may be more then a name, or els it will doe us no good. Be you lovingly saluted, and all the rest of our friends. The Lord Jesus blese us, and the whole Israll of God. Amen. Your loving brother, etc. Charles-towne, Aug. 2. 1630. Thus out of smalle beginings greater things have been produced by his hand that made all things of nothing, and gives being to all things that are; and as one small candle may light a thousand, so the light here kindled hath shone to many, yea in some sorte to our whole nation; let the glorious name of Jehova have all the praise. Anno Dom: 1631. AsHMY_being thus bxife§~ilMd_of. Godjaken away, and Mr. Allerton discharged of his imploymente for them, their bussines began againe to rune hi one chanell, and them selves better able to guide the same, Penobscote being wholy now at 1 Governor Winthrop, Isaac Johnson and Thomas Dudley of the court of assistants, and Rev. John Wilson, subsequently elected teacher of the church, united in a covenant to form the church, then admitted others. Rev. John Cotton, mentioned just below, was a famous Puritan divine of Boston, England, ^ who three years later became teacher of this church formed at Charlestown but soon transferred to Boston. Wilson became its pastor. The person mentioned below as "Mr. Cottington" was WiUiam Coddington, a native of Boston in England, now a member of the court of assistants, afterwards banished for sym- pathy with Mrs. Hutchinson, and a founder and governor of Rhode Island. 1631] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR ^73 their disposing. And though Mr, William Peirce had a parte ther as is before noted, yet now, as things stood, he was glad to have his money repayed him, and stand out. Mr. Winslow, whom they had sent over, sent them over some supply as soone as he could; and afterwards when he came, which was something longe by reason of bussines, he brought a large supply of suitable goods with him, by which ther trading was well carried on. But by no means either he, or the letters they write, could take off Mr. Sherley and the rest from putting both the Friendship and Whit-Angell on the generall accounte; which caused continuall contention be- tweene them, as will more appeare. I shall inserte a leter of Mr. Winslow's about these things, being as foloweth. Sr: It fell out by Gods providence, that I received and brought your leters p'' Mr. Allerton from Bristol!, to London; and doe much feare what will be the event of things. Mr. Allerton intended to prepare the ship againe, to set forth upon fishing. Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beachamp, and Mr. Andrews, they renounce all perticulers, protesting but for us they would never have adventured one penie into those parts; Mr. Hatherley stands inclinable to either. And wheras you write that he and Mr. Allerton have taken the Whit-Angell upon them, for their partners here, they prof esse they neiver gave any such order, nor will make it good; if them selves will cleare the accounte and doe it, all shall be well. What the evente of these things will be, I know not. The Lord so directe and assiste us, as he may not be dishonoured by our divissions. I hear (p' a freind) that I was much blamed for speaking w**^ [what] I heard in the spring of the year, concerning the buying and setting forth of that ship;^ sure, if I should not have tould you what I heard so peremtorly reported (which report I offered now to prove at BristoU), I should have been unworthy my imploymente. And concerning the commission so long since given to Mr. Allerton, the truth is, the thing we feared is come upon us; for Mr. Sherley and the rest have it, and will not deliver it, that being the ground of our agents credite to procure shuch great sumes. But I looke for bitter words, hard thoughts, and sower looks, from sundrie, as well for writing this, as reporting the former. I would I had ' "This was about the selling the ship in Spaine." (Br.) Oporto, like the rest of Portugal, was a part of the Spanish monarchy from 1580 to 1640. 274 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1631 a more thankfull imploymente; but I hope a good conscience shall make it comefortable, etc. Thus farr he. Dated Nov: 16. 163L The comission above said was given by them under their hand and seale, when Mr. AUerton was first imployed by them, and redemanded of him in the year 29. when they begane to suspecte his course. He tould them it was amongst his papers, but he would seeke it out and give it them before he wente. But he being ready to goe, it was demanded againe. He said he could not find it, but it was amongst his papers, which he must take with him, and he would send it by the boat from the eastward ; but ther it could not be had neither, but he would seeke it up at sea. But whether Mr. Sherley had it before or after, it is not certaine ; but having it, he would not let it goe, but keeps it to this day. Wherfore, even amongst freinds, men had need be carfull whom they trust, and not lett things of this nature lye long imrecaled. Some parts of Mr. Sherley' s letters aboute these things, in which the truth is best manifested. St: Yours I have received by our loving friends, Mr. AUerton and Mr. Hatherley, who, blesed be God, after a long and dangerous passage with the ship Angell, are safely come to Bristoll. Mr. Hatherley is come up, but Mr. AUerton I have not yet seen. We thanke you, and are very glad you have disswaded him from his Spanish viage, and that he did not goe on in these designes he intended; for we did all uterly dislick of that course, as allso of the fishing that the Freindship should have performed; for we wished him to sell the salte, and were unwilling to have him under- take so much bussines, partly for the ill success we formerly had in those affairs, and partly being loath to disburse so much money. But he per- swaded us this must be one way that must repay us, for the plantation would be long in doing of it; ney, to my rememberance, he doubted you could not be able, with the trade ther, to maintaine your charge and pay us. And for this very cause he brought us on that bussines with Ed: Ashley, for he was a stranger to us, etc. For the fishing ship, we are sorie it proves so heavie, and wiU be willing to bear our parts. What Mr. Hatherley and Mr. AUerton have done, no 1631] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 275 doubt but them selves will make good;' we gave them no order to make any composition, to seperate you and us in this or any other. And I thinke you have no cause to forsake us, for we put you upon no new thing, but what your agent perswaded us to, and you by your letters desired. If he exceede your order, I hope you will not blame us, much less cast us of, when our moneys be layed out, etc. But I fear neither you nor we have been well delte withall, for sure, as you write, half e 4000;i., nay, a quarter, in fitting comodities, and in seasonable time, would have furnished you beter then you were. And yet for all this, and much more I might write, I dare not but thinke him honest, and that his desire and intente was good; but the wisest may faile. Well, now that it hath pleased God to give us hope of meeting, doubte not but we will all indeavore to perfecte these accounts just and right, as soone as possibly we can. And I supposs you sente over Mr. Winslow, and we Mr. Hatherley, to certifie each other how the state of things stood. We have received some contente upon Mr. Hatherley's retume, and I hope you will receive good contente upon Mr. Winslow's retume. Now I should come to answer more perticulerly your letter, but herin I shall be very breefe. The coming of the White Angele on your accounte could not be more Strang to you, then the buying of her was to us; for you gave him commission^ that what he did you would stand too; we gave him none, and yet for his credite, and your saks, payed what bills he charged on us, etc. For that I write she was to acte tow parts, fishing and trade; beleeve me, I never so much as thought of any perticuler trade, nor will side with any that doth, if I conceive it may wrong you; for I ever was against it, useing these words: They will eate up and destroy the generall. ' "They were too short in resting on Mr. Hatherleys honest word, for his order to discharg them from the Friendship's accounte, when he and Mr. AUerton made the bargane with them, and they delivered them the rest of the goods; and therby gave them oppertunitie also to receive all the fraight of boath viages, without seeing an order (to have such power) under their hands in writing, which they never doubted of, seeing he affirmed he had power; and they both knew his honestie, and that he was spetially imploy'ed for their agente at this time. And he was as shorte in resting on a verball order from them; which was now denyed, when it came to a perticuler of loss; but he still affirmed the same. But they were both now taught how to deale in the world, espetially with marchants, in such cases. But in the end this fight upon these here also, for Mr. AUerton had gott all into his owne hand, and Mr. Hatherley was not able to pay it, except they would have uteriie undon him, as the sequel] will manifest." (Note by Bradford.) ' "This commission is abused; he never had any for shuch end, as they well knew, nether had they any to pay this money, nor would have paid a peny, if they had not pleased for some other respecte." (Br.) 276 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1631 Other things I omite as tedious, and not very pertenente. This was dated Nov"". 19. 163L In an other leter bearing date the 24. of this month, being an answer to the generall order, he hath these words: — For the White Angell, against which you write so ernestly, and say we thrust her upon you, contrary to the intente of the buyer, herin we say you forgett your selves, and doe us wrong. We will not take uppon us to devine what the thougts or intents of the buyer was, but what he spack we heard, and that we will afiirme, and make good against any that oppose it; which is, that unles shee were bought, and shuch a course taken, Ashley could not be supplyed; and againe, if he weer not supplyed, we could not be satisfied what we were out for you. And further, you were not able to doe it; and he gave some reasons which we spare to relate, unless by your unreasonable refusall you will force us, and so hasten that fire which is a kindling too fast allready, etc. Out of another of his, bearing date Jan. 2. 1631. We purpose to keep the Freindship and the Whit Angell, for the last year viages, on the generall accounte, hoping togeither they will rather produse profite then loss, and breed less confution in our accounts, and less disturbance in our affections. As for the White Angell, though we layed out the money, and tooke bills of salle in our owne names, yet none of us had so much as a thought (I dare say) of deviding from you in any thing this year, because we would not have the world (I may say Bristol!) take notice of any breach betwixte Mr. Allerton and you, and he and us; and so disgrace him in his proceedings o[n] in his intended viage. We have now let him the ship at SOU. p'' month, by charter-partie, and bound him in a bond of a lOOOZi. to performe covenants, and bring her to London (if God please). And what he brings in her for you, shall be marked with your marke, and bils of laden taken, and sent in Mr. Wins- lows letter, who is this day riding to BristoU about it. So in this viage, we deale and are with him as strangers. He hath brought in 3. books of accounts, one for the company, an other for Ashley's bussines, and the third for the Whit-Angell and Freindship. The books, or coppies, we purpose to send you, for you may discover the errours in them better then we. We can make it appear how much money he hath had of us, and you can charg him with all the beaver he hath had of you. The totall sume, as he hath put it, is 7103. 17. 1. Of this he hath expended, and given to Mr. Vines and others, aboute 5432i. ode money, and then by 1631] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 277 your books you will find whether you had such, and so much goods, as he chargeth you with all; and this is all that I can say at presente concerning these accounts. He thought to dispatch them in a few howers, but he and Straton and Fogge were above a month aboute them; but he could not stay till we had examined them, for losing his fishing viage, which I fear he hath allready done, etc. We blese God, who put both you and us in mind to send each to other, for verily had he rune on in that desperate and chargable course one year more, we had not been able to suport him; nay, both he and we must have lyen in the ditch, and sunck under the burthen, etc. Had ther been an orderly course taken, and your bussines better managed, assuredly (by the blessing of God) you had been the ablest plantation that, as we think, or know, hath been undertaken by Englishmen, etc. Thus farr of these letters of [Mr. Sherley's.]' A few observations from the former letters, and then I shall set downe the simple truth of the things (thus in con- troversie betweene them), at least as farr as by any good evidence it could be made to appeare; and so laboure to be breefe in so tedious and intricate a bussines, which hunge in expostulation betweene them many years before the same was ended. That though ther will be often occasion to touch these things about other passages, yet I shall not neede to be large therin; doing it hear once for all. First, it seemes to appere clearly that Ashley's bussines, and the buying of this ship, and the courses framed ther upon, were first contrived and proposed by Mr. Allerton, as also that the pleaes and pretences which he made, of the inablitie of the plantation to repaye their moneys, etc., and the hops he gave them of doing it with profite, was more beleeved and rested on by them (at least some of them) then any thing the plantation did or said. 2. It is Uke, though Mr. Allerton might thinke not to wrong the plantation in the maine, yet, jus ow ne gaine and p rivate ends led him a side in these things; for it came to be knowne, and I have itm a letter undeFMr. bUerley's hand, that in the first 2. or 3. years of his imploymente, he had cleared up *Tbe last two words not found in the manuscript, but obviously intended. 278 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1631 400K. and put it into a brew-house of Mr. Colliers in London, at first under Mr. Sherley's name, etc. ; besids what he might have other wise. Againe, Mr. Sherley and he had perticuler dealings in some things ; for he bought up the beaver that sea- men and other passengers brought over to BristoU, and at other places, and charged the bills to London, which Mr. Sherley payed; and they got some time 50li. a peece in a bargen, as was made knowne by Mr. Hatherley and others, besids what might be other wise; which might make Mr. Sherley harken imto him in many things; and yet I beleeve, as he in his forementioned leter write, he never would side in any perticuler trade which he conceived would wrong the plantation, and eate up and destroy the generall. 3^y. It may be perceived that, seeing they had done so much for the plantation, both in former adventures and late disbursements, and allso that Mr. Allerton was the first oc- casioner of bringing them upon these new designes, which at first seemed faire and profitable unto them, and unto which they agreed; but now, seeing them to tume to loss, and de- cline to greater intanglments, they thought it more meete for the plantation to bear them, then them selves, who had borne much in other things alheady, and so tooke advantage of such comission and power as Mr. Allerton had formerly had as their agente, to devolve these things upon them. 4'y. With pitie and compassion (touching Mr. Allerton) that wiUhe_xicKfaLLjMo many temtations and snare s, etc., and pearce them_£dves~thr.ow~ with m^my-^axi^issi^ efr..; fm- tlr^.m)^_ r^ money. is the roote-of alLemllf-Y:. 10. God give him to see the evill in his failings, that he may find mercie by repentance for the wrongs he hath done to any, and this pore plantation in spetiall. They that doe such things doe not only bring them selves into snares, and sorrows, but many with them, (though in an other kind,) as lamentable experience shows; and is too manifest in this bussines. 1631] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 279 Now about these ships and their setting forth, the truth, as farr as could be learned, is this. The motion aboute setting forth the fishing ship (caled the Frindship) came first from the plantation, and the reasons of it, as is before remembered; but wholy left to them selves to doe or not to doe, as they saw cause. But when it fell into consideration, and the designe was held to be profitable and hopefull, it was propounded by some of them, why might not they doe it of them selves, seeing they must disburse all the money, and what need they have any refferance to the plantation in that ; they might take the profite them selves, towards other losses, and need not let the plantation share therin; and if their ends were other wise answered for their supplyes to come too them in time, it would be well enough. So they hired her, and set her out, and fraighted her as full as she could carry with passengers goods that belonged to the Massachussets, which rise to a good sume of money; intending to send the plantations supply in the other ship. The effecte of this Mr. Hatherley not only de- clared afterward upon occasion, but affirmed upon othe, taken before the Gov' and Dep: Gov'' of the Massachusets, Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Dudley: That this shvp-Frindship was not sett out nor intended for the joynt partnership of the plan- tation, but for the perticuler accoimte of Mr. James Sherley, Mr. Beachampe, Mr. Andrews, Mr. AUerton, and him selfe. This deposition was taken at Boston the 29. of Aug: 1639. as is to be seen tmder their hands ; besids some other concurente testimonies declared at severall times to sundrie of them. Aboute the Whit-Angell, though she was first bought, or at least the price beaten, by Mr. Allerton (at BristoU), yet that had been nothing if Mr. Sherley had not liked it, and disbursed the money. And that she was not intended for the plantation appears by sundrie evidences;' as, first, the bills of sale, or ' "About the WhiPAngell they all mette at a certaine taveme in London, wher they had a diner prepared, and had a conference with a factore aboute selling of her in Spaine, or at Port a porte, as hath been before mentioned; as Mr. Hatherley manifested, and Mr. Allerton could not deney." (Br.) 280 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1631 charter-parties, were taken va their owne names, without any mention or refferance to the plantation at all; viz. Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beachampe, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Denison, and Mr. Allerton; for Mr. Hatherley fell off, and would not joyne with them in this. That she was not bought for their accounte, Mr. Hath- erley tooke his oath before the parties afforesaid, the day and year above writen. Mr. Allerton tooke his oath to like effecte concerning this ship, the Whit-Angell, before the Gov"^ and Deputie, the 7. of Sep: 1639. and likewise deposed, the same time, that Mr. Hatherley and him selfe did, in the behalfe of them selves and the said Mr. Sherley, Mr. Andrews, and Mr. Beachamp, agree and imdertake to discharge, and save harmless, all the rest of the partners and pm-chasers, of and from the said losses of Freindship for 200li., which was to be discounted therupon; as by ther depossitions (which are in writing) may appeare more at large, and some other depositions and other testemonies by Mr. Winslow,' etc. But I suppose these may be sufficente to evince the truth in these things, against all pretences to the contrary. And yet the burthen lay still upon the plantation; or, to speake more truly and rightly, upon those few that were ingaged for all, for they were faine to wade through these things without any help from any. Concerning Mr. Allerton's accounts, they were so larg and intrecate, as they could not well understand them, much less examine and correcte them, without a great deale of time and help, and his owne presence, which was now hard to gett '"Mr. Winslow deposed, the same time, before the Gov'' afore said, etc. that when he came into England, and the partners inquired of the success of the Whit Angell, which should have been laden with bass and so sent for Port, of Porting-gall, and their ship and goods to be sould; having informed them that they were like to faile in their lading of bass, that then Mr. James Sherley used these termes: Feck, we must make one accounte of all; and ther upon presed him, as agente for the partners in Neu-England, to accepte the said ship Whit-Angell, and her accounte, into the joynte partner-ship; which he refused, for many reasons; and after received instructions from New-Engl: to refuse her if she should be offered, which instructions he shewed them; and wheras he was often pressed to accept her, he ever refused her, etc." (Note by Bradford.) 6131] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 281 amongst them; and it was 2. or 3. years before they could bring them to any good pass, but never make them perfecte. I know- not how it came to pass, or what misterie was in it, for he tooke upon him to make up all accounts till this time, though Mr. Sherley was their agente to buy and sell their goods, and did more then he therin; yet he past in accoimts in a maner for all disbursments, both concerning goods bought, which he never saw, but were done when he was hear in the cuntrie or at sea; and all the expences of the Leyden people, done by others in his absence; the charges aboute the patente, etc. In all which he made them debtore to him above SOOli. and demanded paimente of it. But when things came to scaning, he was found above 2000K. debtore to them, (this wherin Mr. Hatherley and he being joyntly ingaged, which he only had, being included,) besids I know not how much that could never be cleared; and interest moneys which ate them up, which he never accoimted. Also they were faine to alow such large bills of charges as were intolerable; the charges of the patent came to above 500li. and yet nothing done in it but what was done at first without any cpnfirmation; SOU. given at a clape, and 50Zi. spent in a jov^^l IkL-Oiarzdljtherforeif Mr. Sherley said in his leter|s!^^Bneir bussines had beeiTTetter managed, they might ha-TObeen th e ricEest~piantatiorr5fa nv Enghsh at that ti^ae,^ — ¥ea, he scrued' up his poore old father in law's accounte to above 200K. and brought it on the generall accounte, and to befreind him made most of it to arise out of those goods taken up by him at Bristoll, at 50. per cent., be- cause he knew they would never let it lye on the old man, when, alass! he, poore man, never dreamte of any such thing, nor that what he had could arise nere that valew ; but thought that many of them had been freely bestowed on him and his chil- dren by Mr. Allerton. Nither in truth did they come nere that valew in worth, but that sume was blowne up by interest and high prises, which the company did for the most parte bear, ' Screwed. 282 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1631 (he deserving farr more,) being most sory that he should have a name to have much, when he had in effecte Htle. This year also Mr. Sherley sent over an accounte, which was in a maner but a cash accounte what Mr. AUerton had had of them, and disbursed, for which he referd to his accounts; besids an account of beaver sould, which Mr. Winslow and some others had carried over, and a large supply of goods which Mr. Winslow had sent and brought over, all which was comprised in that accounte, and all the disbursements aboute the Freind- ship, and Whit-Angell, and what concerned their accounts from first to last ; or any thing else he could charg the partners with. So they were made debtor in the foote of that accounte 4770K. 19. 2.^ besids lOOOK. still due for the purchase yet unpayed; notwithstanding all the beaver, and retumes that both Ashley and they had made, which were not small. In these accounts of Mr. Sherley's some things were ob- scure, and some things twise charged, as a 100. of Bastable ruggs which came in the Freindship, and cost 75li., charged before by Mr. Allerton, and now by him againe, with other perticulers of like nature doubtfull, to be twise or thrise charged; as also a sume of QOOli. which Mr. Allerton deneyed, and they could never understand for what it was. They sent a note of these and such like things afterward to Mr. Sherley by Mr. Winslow; but (I know not how it came to pass) could never have them explained. Intojbhese deepe sumes had Mr. Al lerton rime tiiem in tow -years-,-^or4nHjhe-later,end of the yea r 1628. all their debts d id not amounte to much above 400Zi., as_wasJJi®Briioted; and now come .io-so~iiiarLy,iEQusfladSi___And wheras in the year ' "So as a while before, wheras their great care was how to pay the pur- chase, and those other few debts which were upon them, now it was with them as it was some times with Saule's father, who left careing for the Asses, and sorrowed for his sonn. 1. Sam. 10. 2. So that which before they looked at as a heavie burthen, they now esteeme but a small thing and a light mater, in com- parison of what was now upon them. And thus the Lord oftentimes deals with his people to teach them, and humble them, that he may doe them good in the later end." (Br.) 1631] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 283 1629. Mr. Sherley and Mr. Hatherley being at Bristol!, and write a large letter from thence, in which they had given an account of the debts, and what sumes were then disbursed, Mr. Allerton never left begging and intreating of them till they had put it out. So they bloted out 2. lines in that leter in which the s\unes were contained, and write upon it so as not a word could be perceived; as since by them was confessed, and by the leters may be seene. And thus were they kept hoodwinckte, till now they were so deeply ingaged. And wheras Mr. Sherley did so ernestly press that Mr. Allerton might be sent over to finish the great bussines aboutethe patente, as may be seen in his leter write 1629. as is before recorded, and that they should be emest with his wife to suffer him to goe, etc., he hath since confessed by a letter under my hands, that it was Mr. AUerton's owne doings, and not his, and he made him write his words, and not his owne. The patent was but a pretence, and not the thing. Thus were they abused in their simpUcitie, and no beter then bought and sould, as it may seeme. And to mPTid thft rnattPT-j Mr. Allprt.nn dr>th in a SOr te wl i5Iynbw. desfir+.p f.TiPm ; ha ving brought them into the brier s, hft Ipavps tjip^ t.n n]\f. as they can. But God crost him nughtily,jpxJlfiJtiaS£g.hirei^iiSSlE^^X.^^ ^ month, he set forth againe with a lmos t wicked and . drunk en filling her hould, but so stufed her betweene decks, as she was walte,^ and could not bear sayle, and they had like to have been cast away at sea, and were forced to put for Millford Havene,^ and new-stow her, and put some of ther ordnance and more heavie goods in the botome; which lost them time, and made them come late into the countrie, lose ther season, and made a worse viage then the year before. But being come into the coimtrie, he sells trading comodities to any that will ' Walty, crank, liable to roll over. ' Milford Haven is a harbor in Pembrokeshire, in the southwest part of Wales. 284 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1631 buy, to the great prejudice of the plantation here; but that which is worse, what he could not sell, he trustes; and sets up a company of base felows and maks them traders, to rune into every hole, and into the river of Kenebeck, to gleane away the trade from the house ther, aboute the patente and priviledge wherof he had dasht away so much money of theirs here ; and now what in him lay went aboute to take away the benefite therof, and to overthrow them. Yea, not only this, but he furnishes a company, and joyns with some consorts, (being now deprived of Ashley at Penobscote,) and sets up a trading house beyoned Penobscote, to cute of the trade from thence also. But the French perceiving that that would be greatly to their damage allso, they came in their begining before they were well setled, and displanted them, slue 2. of their men, and tooke all their goods to a good valew, the loss being most, if not all, Mr. AUerton's ; for though some of them should have been his partners, yet he trusted them for their partes; the rest of the men were sent into France, and this was the end of that projecte. The rest of those he trusted, being lose and drimken fellows, did for the most parte but coussen and cheats hi u of all thej got into their hands; that howsoever he did his friends some hiu-te hereby for the presente, yet he gate litle good, but wente by the loss by Gods just hand. After in time, when he came to PUmiiioth7~tKe~ch\u'cK caled'him to accounte for these, and other his grosse miscarrages ; ' he con- fessed his faulte, and promised better walking, and that he would wind him selfe out of these courses as soone as he could, etc. This year also Mr. Sherley would needs send them over a new-acountante; he had made mention of such a thing the year before, but they write him word, that their charge was great allready, and they neede not increase it, as this would; but if they were well delte with, and had their goods well sent over, they could keep their accounts hear them selves. Yet he now sente one, which they did not refuse, being a yonger 1631] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 285 brother of Mr. Winslows, whom they had been at charge to instructe at London before he came. He came over in the White Angell with Mr. AUerton, and ther begane his first im- ploymente ; for though Mr. Sherley had so farr befreinded Mr. Allerton, as to caiise^ Mr. Winslow to ship the supply sente to the partners here in this ship, and give him ^li. p"^ tune wheras others carried for 3. and he made them pay their fraight ready downe, before the ship wente out of the harbore, wheras others payed upon certificate of the goods being de- livered, and their fraight came to upward of 6. score pounds, yet they had much adoe to have their goods delivered, for some of them were chainged, as bread and pease; they were forced to take worse for better, neither could they ever gett all. And if Josias Winslow had not been ther, it had been worse ; for he had the invoyce, and order to send them to the trading houses. This year their house at Penobscott was robed by the French, and all their goods of any worth they carried away, to the value of 400. or 500K. as the cost first peny worth; in beaver BOOli. waight; and the rest in trading goods, as coats, ruggs, blankett, biskett, etc. It was in this maner. The m"" of the house, and parte of the company with him, were come with their vessell to the westward to fecth a supply of goods which was brought over for them. In the mean time comes a smale French ship into the harbore (and amongst the company was a false Scott) ; they pretended they were nuly come from the sea, and knew not wher they were, and that their vesell was very leake, and desired they might hale her a shore and stop their leaks. And many French complements they used, and congees they made; and in the ende, seeing but 3. or 4. simple men, that were servants, and by this Scoth-man understanding that the maister and the rest of the company were gone from home, they fell of comending their gunes and muskets, that lay upon racks by the wall side, and tooke them ' This word is obscure in the manuscript. 286 HISTORY OP PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1631 downe to looke on them, asking if they were charged. And when they were possesst of them, one presents a peece ready charged against the servants, and another a pistoll; and bid them not sturr, but quietly deUver them their goods, and carries some of the men aborde, and made the other help to carry away the goods. And when they had tooke what they pleased, they sett them at Hberty, and wente their way, with this mocke, biding them tell their m'' when he came, that some of the He of Rey gentlemen had been ther.' This year,^ on[e] Sr Christopher Gardener, being, as him selfe said, descended of that house that the Bishop of Win- chester ' came of (who was so great a persecutor of Gods saincts in Queene Maries days), and being a great traveler, received his first honour of knighthood at Jerusalem, being made Knight of the Sepulcher ther. He came into these parts imder pretence of forsaking the world, and to hve a private life, in a godly course, not unwilling to put him selfe upon any meane implojrments, and take any paines for his living; and some time offered him selfe to joyne to the churchs in sundry places. He brought over with him a servante or 2. and a comly yonge woman, whom he caled his cousin, but it was suspected, she (after the Italian maner) was his concubine. Living at the Massachusets, for some miscariages which he ' The above paragraph was written on the reverse of a page (188) of the original manuscript. The Isle of R6 or Rh^ is an island off Rochelle. During the recent war between England and France, in 1627, the Duke of Buckingham's expedition to Rochelle was made a failure by his repulse at the Isle of R^. ' The following account of Sir Christopher Gardiner, with the documents accompanying it, extending to page 290, does not appear in the text of the original manuscript, — having been perhaps inadvertently omitted, — but was written on the reverse of certain neighboring pages (189-191). The mysterious Sir Chris- topher Gardiner came over as an agent of Gorges. Letters arriving from two wives, one of whom he had left in Paris, the other in London, and who had come together in the search for him and compared notes, the Massachusetts govern- ment, in February, 1631, ordered that he should be apprehended and sent back to England. After his capture and his delivery to the authorities of the Bay Colony, he was not tried nor punished, but went up into Maine for a year, and then returned to England. An article upon him will be found in the Proceedings of the Massachmetts Historical Society, XX. 60-88. ' Stephen Gardiner. 1631] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 287 should have answered, he fled away from authority, and gott amonge the Indeans of these parts; they sent after him, but could not gett him, and promissed some reward to those that should find him. The Indeans came to the Gov'' here, and tould wher he was, and asked if they might kill him; he tould them no, by no means, but if they could take him and bring him hither, they should be payed for their paines. They said he had a gune and a rapier, and he would kill them if they went aboute it ; and the Massachuset Indeans said they might kille him. But the Gov"" tould them no, they should not kill him, but watch their opportunitie, and take him. And so they did, for when they light of him by a river side, he got mto a canowe to get from them, and when they came nere him, whilst he presented his peece at them to keep them of, the streame carried the canow against a rock, and tumbled both him and his peece and rapier into the water; yet he got out, and having a htle dagger by his side, they durst not close with him, but getting longe pols they soone beat his dagger out of his hand, so he was glad to yeeld; and they brought him to the Gov''. But his hands and armes were swolen and very sore with the blowes they had given him. So he used him kindly, and sent him to a lodging wher his armes were bathed and anoynted, and he was quickly well againe, and blamed the Indeans for beating him so much. They said that they did but a htle whip him with sticks. In his lodging, those that made his bed fovmd a htle note booke that by accidente had shpt out of his pockett, or some private place, in which was a memoriall what day he was reconciled to the pope and church of Rome, and in what universitie he tooke his scapula,' and such and such de- grees. It being brought to the Gov"", he kept it, and sent the Gov'' of the Massachusets word of his taking, who sent for him. So the Gov"" sent him and these notes to the Gov' ther, who tooke it very thankfuly; but after he gott for England he shewed his malice, b ut God prevente d^ hi jqi.—- ' Academic hood. 288 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1631 See the Gov'' leter on the other side.* Sr: It hath pleased God to bring Sr Christopher Gardener safe to tis, with thos that came with him. And howsoever I never intended any hard measure to him, but to respecte and use him according to his qualitie, yet I let him know your care of him, and that he shall speed the better for your mediation. It was a spetiall providence of God to bring those notes of his to our hands ; I desire that you will please to speake to all that are privie to them, not to discovere them to any one, for that may frustrate the means of any further use to be made of them. The good Lord our God who hath allways ordered things for the good of his poore churches here, directe us in this arighte, and dispose it to a good issue. I am sorie we put you to so much trouble about this gentleman, espetialy at this time of great imploymente, but I know not how to avoyed it. I must againe intreate you, to let me know what charge and troble any of your ' people have been at aboute him, that it may be recompenced. So with the true affection of a frind, desiring all happines to yoin- self e and yours, and to all my worthy friends with you (whom I love in the Lord) , I comende you to his grace and good providence, and rest Your most assured friend, Boston, May 5. 1631. -^^^^ Winthrop. By occation wherof I will take a litle libertie to declaire what fell out by this mans means and maUce, compljdng with others. And though I doubt not but it will be more fully done by my honourd friends, whom it did more directly concerne, and have more perticuler knowledg of the matter, yet I will here give a hinte of the same, and Gods providenc ein pre- venting the hurts, thatjnight have come by the sa me. Th e intelligence I had by a letter from rnylnuch hon*^ aiid beloved freind, Mr. John Winthrop, Gov"^ of the Massachusets. Sr: Upon a petition exhibited by Sr. Christo: Gardner, Sr. Ferd: Gorges, Captaine Masson, etc., against you and us, the cause was heard before the lords of the Privie Counsell, and after reported to the king, the sucsess wherof maks it evident to all, that the Lord hath care of his people hear. The passages are admirable, and too long to write. I hartily wish an opportunitie to imparte them unto you, being many sheets of paper. But the conclusion was (against all mens expectation) an order for our ' That is, in the original manuscript. 1631] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 289 incouragmente, and much blame and disgrace upon the adversaries, which calls for much thankfuUnes from us all, which we purpose (the Lord willing) to express in a day of thanks-giving to our mercifuU God, (I doubt not but you will consider, if it be not fitt for you to joyne in it,) who, as he hath humbled us by his late correction, so he hath lifted us up, by an abundante rejoysing, in our deliverance out of so desperate a danger; so as that which our enemies builte their hopes upon to ruine us by, He hath mercifully disposed to our great advantage, as I shall further aquainte you, when occasion shall serve. The coppy of the order follows. At the courte at Whit-hall the 19. Jan: 1632.* Present Sigillum Lord Privie Scale Lord Cottinton Ea: of Dorsett Mr. Tre' Lo: Vi: Falkland Mr. Vic Chamb' Lo: Bp: of London Mr. Sec: Cooke Maister Sec: Windebanck Wheras his Ma*'® hath latly been informed of great distraction and much disorder in that plantation in the parts of America called New- England, which, if they be true, and suffered to rune on, would tende to the great dishonour of this kingdome, and utter ruine of that plantation. For prevention wherof, and for the orderly settling of goverment, accord- ing to the intention of those patents which have been granted by his Ma"^ and from his late royall father king James, it hath pleased his Ma''® that the lords and others of his most honourable Privie Counsell, should take the same into consideration. Their lordships in the first place thought fitt to make a comitie of this bord, to take examination of the matters informed; which comitties having called diverse of the principall adventurers in that plantation, and heard those that are complanants against them, most of the things informed being deneyed, and resting to be proved by parties that must be called from that place, which required a long expence of time; and at presente their lordships finding the ad- venturers were upon dispatch of men, victles, and marchandice for that place, all which would be at a stand, if the adventurers should have dis- couragmente, or take suspition that the state hear had no good opinion of that plantation; their lordships, not laying the faulte or fancies (if any be) of some perticuler men upon the generall govermente, or principall adventurers, (which in due time is further to be inquired into,) have thought fitt in the meane time to declare, that the appearences were so ' I. e., 1633 of new style.- 290 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1632 faire, and hopes so greate, that the countrie would prove both beneficiall to this kingdom, and profitable to the perticuler adventurers, as that the adventurers had cause to goe on cherf ally with their undertakings, and rest assured, if things were carried as was pretended when the patents were granted, and accordingly as by the patentes it is appointed, his Majestie would not only maintaine the liberties and privileges heretofore granted, but supply any thing further that might tend to the good govermente, prosperitie, and comforte of his people ther of that place, etc. William Trumball. Anno Dom: 1632. Me. Allerton, returning for England, litle regarded his bound of a lOOOZi. to performe covenants ; for wheras he was bound by the same to bring the ship to London, and to pay 30K. per month for her hire, he did neither of boath, for he carried her to Bristoll againe, from whence he intended to sett her out againe, and so did the 3. time, into these parts (as after will appear) ; and though she had been 10. months upon the former viage, at SOU. p^ month, yet he never payed peney for hire. It should seeme he knew well enough how to deale with Mr. Sherley. And Mr. Sherley, though he would needs tye her and her accoimte upon the generall, yet he would dispose of her as him selfe pleased; for though Mr. Winslow had in their names protested against the receiving her on that accounte, or if ever they should hope to preveile in shuch a thing, yet never to suffer Mr. Allerton to have any more to doe in her, yet he the last year let her wholy imto him, and injoyned them to send all their supplye in her to their prejudice, as is before noted. And now, though he broke his bonds, kepte no cove- nante, paid no hire, nor was ever hke to keep covenants, yet now he goes and sells him all, both ship, and all her accounts, from first to last (and in effecte he might as well have given him the same) ; and not only this, but he doth as good as pro- vide a sanctuary for him, for he gives him one years time to prepare his accounte, and then to give up the same to them here; and then another year for him to make paymente of 1632] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 291 what should be due upon that accounte. And in the mean time writs ernestly to them not to interupte or hinder him from his bussines, or stay him aboute clearing accounts, etc. ; so as he in the mean time gathers up all monies due for fraighte, and any other debtes belonging either to her, or the Frind- ship's accounts, as his owne perticuler; and after, sells ship, and ordnans, fish, and what he had raised, in Spaine, according to the first designe, in effecte; and who had, or what became of the money, he best knows. In the mean time their hands were bound, and could doe nothing but looke on, till he had made all away into other mens hands (save a few catle and a litle land and some small maters he had here at PHmoth), and so in the end removed, as he had allready his person, so all his from hence. This will better appere by Mr. Sherley's leter. Sr: These few lines are further to give you to understand, that seeing you and we, that never differed yet but aboute the White-Angell, which somewhat troubleth us, as I perceive it doth you. And now Mr. Allerton beeing here, we have had some eonfferanee with him about her, and find him very willing to give you and us all contente that possiblie he can, though he burthen him selfe. He is contente to take the White-Angell wholy on him selfe, notwithstanding he mett with pirates nere the coast of lerland, which tooke away his best sayles and other provissions from her; so as verily if we should now sell her, she would yeeld but a small price, besids her ordnance. And to set her forth againe with fresh money we would not, she being now at BristoU. Wherfore we thought it best, both for you and us, Mr. Allerton being willing to take her, to accepte of his bond of tow thousand pounds, to give you a true and perfecte ac- counte, and take the whole charge of the Whit-Angell wholy to him selfe, from the first to the last. The accounte he is to make and perfecte within 12. months from the date of this letter, and then to pay you at 6. and 6. months after, what soever shall be due unto you and us upon the foote of that accounte. And verily, notwithstanding all the disasters he hath had, I am perswaded he hath enough to pay all men here and ther. Only they must have patience till he can gather in what is due to him ther. I doe not write this slightly, but upon some ground of what I have seen (and perhaps you know not of) under the hands and seals of some, etc. I rest Yoiu- assured friend, Des: 6. 1632. James Sheelet. 292 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1632 But heres not a word of the breach of former bonds and covenants, or paimente of the ships hire; this is passt by as if no such thing had been ; besids what bonds or obUgments so ever they had of him, ther never came any into the hands or sight of the partners here. And for this that Mr. Sherley seems to intimate (as a secrete) of his abiUtie, under the hands and seals of some, it was but a trick, having gathered up an accounte of what was owing from such base fellows as he had made traders for him, and other debts; and then got Mr. Mahue, and some others, to affirme under their hand and seale, that they had seen shuch accounts that were due to him. Mr. Hatherley came over againe this year, but upon his owne occasions, and begane to make preparation to plant and dwell in the countrie. He with his former dealings had woimd in what money he had in the patnership into his owne hands, and so gave off all partnership (excepte in name), as was found in the issue of things ; neither did he medle, or take any care aboute the same; only he was troubled about his ingagmente aboute the Friendship, as will after appeare. And now partly aboute that accounte, in some reconings betweene Mr. AUerton and him, and some debts that Mr. Allerton other- wise owed him upon dealing between them in perticuler, he drue up an accoimte of above 2000K., and would faine have ingaged the partners here with it, because Mr. Allerton had been their agent. But they tould him they had been fool'd longe enough with such things, and shewed him that it no way belonged to them; but tould him he must looke to make good his ingagment for the Freindship, which caused some trouble betweene Mr. Allerton and him. Mr. WilUam Peirce did the like, Mr. Allerton being wound into his debte also upon particuler dealings; as if they had been bound to make good all mens debts. But they easily shooke off these things. But Mr. Allerton herby rane into much trouble and vexation, as well as he had troubled others, for Mr. Denison sued him for the money he had disbursed for 1632] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR the 6. part of the WMt-Angell, and recovered the si damages. Thaugh_ the partners were thus plunged into g reat in gar- ments, aiid^presfidjsadtkjm just debts, yet the Lord prospered theLLksdin£i_that they made yearly large retumes, SMTiad' soone wound them selves out of all, if yet they had otherwise been well delt with all ; as will more appear here after. Also the-pgopl£_ofjth e plantation beg ane_to_grow in their owtward estats, by rea[son] of the flowing of many people into the cuntrie, espetially into the Bay of the Massachusets ; by which means come and catle rose to a great prise, by which many were much inriched, and commodities grue plentifuU; and yet in other regards this benefite turned to their hurte, and this accession of strength to their weaknes. For now as their stocks increased, and the increse vendible, ther was no longer any holding them togeather, but now they must of necessitie goe to their great lots;' they could not other wise keep their katle; and having oxen growne, they must have land for plowing and tillage. And no man now thought he could live, except he had catle and a great deale of groimd to keep them; all striving to increase their stocks. By which means they were scatered all over the bay, quickly, and the towne, in which they lived compactly till now, was left very thine, and in a short time allmost desolate. AB.dif this had been all, it had been les s, thoug t xx-jattebf-bti Lthe chiircK must^-^ojje de^de3,,aBd,th.osejthatiiad lived so longjiogeailierin Christian and._eomfortable fellowship must now part and suffer many divissions. jFirstT those that Uvgd'On their lots oiTtEe' other side of the bay (called Duxberie) they could not long bring their wives and children to the publick worship and church meetings here, but with such burthen, as, growing to some competente number, they sued to be dismissed and become a ' The landed property assigned to each family in Plymouth consisted of a small home lot in the village, sufficient for house and garden, and of larger lots at a greater distance. 294 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1632 body of them selves; and so they were dismiste (about this time), though very imwiUingly, But to touch this sadd matter, and handle things together that fell out after ward. To prevent any further scatering from this place, and weakning of the same, it was thought best to give out some good farms to spetiall persons, that would promise to live at Phmoth, and lickly to be helpfull to the church or comonewelth, and so tye the lands to Plimoth as farmes for the same; and ther they might keepe their catle and tillage by some servants, and re- taine their dwellings here. And so some spetiall lands were granted at a place generall, called Greens Harbor,* wher no allotments had been in the former divission, a plase very weell meadowed, and fitt to keep and rear catle, good store. But alass! this remedy proved worse then the disease; for within a few years those that had thus gott footing ther rente them selves away, partly by force, and partly wearing the rest with importunitie and-^eas.^necessitie, so as they must either suf- fer them to goe, or live in continuall opposition and contention. And others still, as they conceived them selves straitened, or to want accommodation, break awa y-iiQder.o ne pretence or other, thinking their jowne conceived necessities and the example of others, a warrente sufficente for them. /And this, I fear, will be the ruine of New-England, at least oi the churches of God ther, and will provock the Lords displeasure against thern^ This year, Mr. WilUam Perce came into the cimtry, and brought goods and passengers, in a ship caled the Lyon, which belonged cheefly to Mr. Sherley, and the rest of the London partners, but these hear had nothing to doe with her. In this ship (besides beaver which they had sent home before) they sent upwards of SOOli. in her, and some otter skines ; and also the coppies of Mr. Allertons accounts, desiring that they would also peruse and examene them, and rectifie shuch things as they should find amise in them; and rather because they were ' Green's Harbor was incorporated March 2, 1640, under the name of Rex- ham, but the name was later changed to Marshfield. 1632J WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 295 better acquaynted with the goods bought ther, and the dis- bursments made, then they could bee here ; yea, a great part were done by them selves, though Mr. AUerton brougt in the accounte, and sundry things seemed to them obscure and had need of clearing. Also they sente a booke of exceptions against his accounts, in such things as they could manifest, and doubted not but they might adde more therimto. And also shewed them how much Mr. AUerton was debtor to the accounte; and desired, seeing they had now put the ship White- Angell, and all, wholy into his power, and tyed their hands here, that they could not call him to accounte for any thinge, till the time was expired which they had given him, and by that time other men would get their debts of him, (as sume had done already by suing him,) and he would make all away here quickly out of their reach; and therfore prayed them to looke to things, and gett paymente of him ther, as it was all the reason they should, seeing they keept all the bonds and covenants they made with him in their owne hands ; and here they could doe nothing by the course they had taken, nor had any thing to show if they should goe aboute it. But it pleased God, this ship, being first to goe to Verginia before she wente home was cast away on that coast, not farr from Virginia, and their beaver was all lost (which was the first loss they sustained in that kind) ; but Mr. Peirce and the men saved their lives, and also their leters, and gott into Virginia, and so safly home. The accounts were now sent from hence againe to them. And thus much of the passages of this year. A fart of Mr. Peirce his leter from Virginia} It was dated in Des: 25. 1632. and came to their hand the 7. of Aprill, before they heard any thing from England. Dear freinds, etc. The bruit of this fatall stroke that the Lord hath brought both on me and you all will come to your ears before this commeth to your hands, (it is like,) and therfore I shall not need to inlarg in per- 'This letter was written on the reverse of a neighboring folio (192) of the original manuscript, and may properly be inserted here. 296 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1633 ticulers, etc. My whole estate (for the most parte) is taken away; and so yours, in a great measure, by this and your former losses [he means by the French and Mr. AUerton]. It is time to looke aboute us, before the wrath of the Lord breake forth to utter destruction. The good Lord give us all grace to search our harts and trie our ways, and turne unto the Lord, and humble our selves under his mightie hand, and seeke atone- mente, etc. Dear freinds, you may know that all your beaver, and the books of your accounts, are swallowed up in the sea; your letters remaine with me, and shall be delivered, if God bring me home. But what should I more say? Have. we lost our outward estates? yet a hapy loss if our soules may gaine; ther is yet more in the Lord Jehova than ever we had yet in the world. Oh that our foolish harts could yet be wained from the things here below, which are vanity and vexation of spirite; and yet we fooles catch after shadows, that flye away, and are gone in a mo- mente, etc. Thus with my continuall remembrance of you in my poore desires to the throne of grace, beseeching God to renew his love and favoure towards you all, in and through the Lord Jesus Christ, both in spirituall and temporall good things, as may be most to the glory and praise of his name, and your everlasting good. So I rest. Your afflicted brother in Christ, Virginia, Des: 25. 1632. William Peiece. Anno Dom: 1633. This year Mr. Ed: Winslow was chosen Governor. By the first retiirne this year, they had leters from Mr. Sherley of Mr. Allertons further ill success, and the loss by Mr. Peirce, with many sadd complaints; but litle hope of any thinge to be gott of Mr. Allerton, or how their accoimts might be either eased, or any way rectified by them ther; but now saw plainly that the burthen of all would be cast on their backs. The spetiall passages of his letters I shall here inserte, as shall be pertinente to these things ; for though I am weary of this tedious and uncomfortable subjecte^^ aet. for the clearing olthfijruth. I am compelled_to_bejnQre-I arg in the op errmgrtf these matters, upon which-saiouch. troubkJialJa insaedT-aitd-ts©-- many hard censin-es have passed on both sids. I would not be partiall to either, but deliver the -fcmth -in-aill7-a^i^.as-nere as I can, in their owne words and passages, and so leave it to 1633] EDWARD WINSLOW, GOVERNOR 297 the impartiall judgment of any that shall come to read, or veiw these things. His leters are as folow, dated June 24. 1633. Loving friends, my last^ was sente in the Mary and John, by Mr. William Collier/ etc. I then certified you of the great, and uncomfortable, and unseasonable loss you and we had, in the loss of Mr. Peirce his ship, the Lyon; but the Lords holy name be blessed, who gives and taks as it pleaseth him; his will be done. Amen. I then related unto you that f earfull accidente, or rather judgmente, the Lord pleased to lay on London Bridge, by fire,^ and therin gave you a touch of my great loss; the Lord, I hope, will give me patience to bear it, and faith to trust in him, and not in these slipery and uncertaine things of this world. I hope Mr. AUerton is nere upon sayle with you by this; but he had many disasters here before he could gett away; yet the last was a heavie one; his ship, going out of the harbor at Bristoll, by stormie weather was so farr driven on the shore, as it cost him above lOOZz. before shee could be gott off againe. Verily his case was so lamentable as I could not but afford him some help therin (and so did some were strangers to him); besids, your goods were in her, and if he had not been supported, he must have broke off his viage, and so loss could not have been avoyded on all sides. When he first bought her, I thinke he had made a saving match, if he had then sunck her, and never set her forth. I hope he sees the Lords hand against him, and will leave of these viages. I thinke we did well in parting with her; she would have been but a clogge to the accounte from time to time, and now though we shall not gett much by way of satisfaction, yet we shall lose no more. And now, as before I have writte, I pray you finish all the accounts and reconings with him there; for here he hath nothing, but many deb tes that he stands ingaged to many men for. Besids, here is not a man that will spend a day, or scarce an hower, aboute the accounts but my seLfe, and that bussines will require more time and help then I can afford. I shall not need to say any more; I hope you will doe that which shall be best and just, to which adde mercie, and consider his intente, though he failed in many perticulers, which novi^ cannot be helped, etc. To morrow, or next day at furthest, we are to pay 300Zi. and Mr. Beachamp is out of the towne, yet the bussines I must doe. Oh the greefe and trouble that man, Mr. AUerton, hath brought upon you and us! I •"March 22." (Br.) ^ William Collier was one of the London adventurers. ' In 1632 London Bridge, on which at that time many houses and shops were situated, was swept from end to end by fire. 298 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1633 cannot forgett it, and to thinke on it draws many sigh from my harte, and teares from my eyes. And now the Lord hath visited me with an other great loss, yet I can undergoe it with more patience. But this I have f oUishly pulled upon my self e, etc. [And in another, he hath this passage :] By Mr. Allertons faire propositions and large promises, I have over rune my selfe; verily, at this time greefe hinders me to write, and tears will not suffer me to see; wherfore, as you love those that ever loved you, and that plantation, thinke upon us. Oh what shall I say of that man, who hath abused your trust and wronged our loves! but now to complaine is too late, nither can I complaine of your backwardnes, for I am perswaded it lys as heavie on your harts, as it doth on our purses or credites. And had the Lord sent Mr. Peirce safe home, we had eased both you and us of some of those debts ; the Lord I hope will give us patience to bear these crosses; and that great God, whose care and providence is every where, and spetially over all those that desire truly to fear and serve him, direct, guid, prosper, and blesse you so, as that you may be able (as I perswade my selfe you are willing) to discharge and take off this great and heavie burthen which now lyes upon me for your saks ; and I hope in the ende for the good of you, and many thousands more; for had not you and we jo3'ned and continued togeather, New-England might yet have been scarce knowne, I am perswaded, not so replenished and inhabited with honest English people, as it now is. The Lord increase and blesse them, etc. So, with my continuall praiers for you all, I rest Your assured loving friend, June 24. 1633. J^^^^ Sheelet. By this it apperes when Mr. Sherly sould him the ship and all her accounts, it was more for Mr. Allertons advantage then theirs; and if they could get any there, well and good, for they were like to have nothing here. And what cotirse was held to hinder them there, hath allready beene manifested. And though Mr. Sherley became more smsible of his owne condition, by these losses, and therby more sadly and plainly to complaine of Mr. Allerton, yet no course was taken to help them here, but all left imto them selves ; not so much as to examene and rectifie the accounts, by which (it is Uke) some hundereds of pounds might have been taken off. But very probable it is, the more they saw was taken off, the less might come unto them selves. But I leave these maters, and come to other things. 16331 EDWARD WINSLOW, GOVERNOR 299 Mr. Roger Williams * (a man godly and zealous, having many precious parts, but very unsettled in judgmente) came over first to the Massachusets, but upon some discontente left that place, and came hither, (wher he was friendly entertained, according to their poore abilitie,) and exercised his gifts amongst them, and after some time was admitted a member of the church; and his teaching well approoved, for the benefite wherof I still blese God, and am thankfull to him, even for his sharpest admonitions and reproufs, so farr as they agreed with truth. He this year begane to fall into some Strang oppinions, and from opinion to practise ; which caused some controversie betweene the church and him, and in the end some discontente on his parte, by occasion wherof he left them some thing abruptly. Yet after wards sued for his dismission to the church of Salem, which was granted, with some caution to them concerning him, and what care they ought to have of him. But he soone fell into more things ther, both to their and the goverments troble and disturbance. I shall not need to name perticulers, they are too_ well_knowei^''^^^o all, though for a time the church here wente under some hard censure by his occasion, from some that afterwards smarted them selves. But he is to be pitied, and prayed for, and so I shall leave the matter, and desire the Lord to shew him his errors, and reduse him into the way of truth, and give him a setled judgment and constancie in the same; for I hope he belongs to the Lord, and that he will shew him mercie. Having had formerly converse and famharity with the Dutch, (as is before remembred,) they, seeing them seated, here in a barren quarter, tould them of a river called by them the Fresh River, but now is known by the name of Conighte- cute-River, which they often commended unto them for a fine ' Roger Williams is so familiar to readers that it is needless to write a sketch of him here. See the work of Rev. Dr. Henry Martyn Dexter, entitled As to Roger Waiiams and his Banishment (Boston, 1876). He was an assistant of Rev. Ralf Smith in Plymouth from 1631 to 1633, when, owing to the liberality of the Pilgrims in their treatment of members of the established Church, he retired to Salem. 300 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1633 place both for plantation and trade, and wished them to make use of it. But their hands being full otherwise, they let it pass. But afterwards ther coming a company of banishte Indeans into these parts, that were drivene out from thence by the potencie of the Pequents, which usurped upon them, and drive them from thence, they often solhsited them to goe thither, and they should have much trad, espetially if they would keep a house ther. And having now good store of comod- ities, and allso need to looke out wher they could advantage them selves to help them out of their great ingagments, they now begane to send that way to discover the same, and trade with the natives. They found it to be a fine place, but had no great store of trade; but the Indeans excused the same in regard of the season, and the fear the Indans were in of their enemise. So they tried diverce times, not with out profite, but saw the most certainty would be by keeping a house ther, to receive the trad when it came down out of the inland. These Indeans, not seeing them very forward to build ther, solisited them of the Massachusets in hke sorte (for their end was to be restored to their coimtrie againe) ; but they in the Bay being but latly come, were not fitte for the same; but some of their cheefe made a motion to joyne with the partners here, to trad joyntly with them in that river, the which they were willing to imbrace, and so they should have builte, and put in equall stock togeather. A time of meeting was appointed at the Massachusets, and some of the cheefe here was appointed to treat with them, and went accordingly; but they cast many fears of deanger and loss and the like, which was perceived to be the maine obstacles, though they alledged they were not provided of trading goods. But those hear offered at presente to put in sufficiente for both, provided they woiild become ingaged for the halfe, and prepare against the nexte year. They conffessed more could not be offered, but thanked them, and tould them they had no mind to it. They then answered, they hoped it would be no offence unto them, if them sellves 1633] EDWARD WINSLOW, GOVERNOR 301 wente on without them, if they saw it meete. They said ther was no reason they should ; and thus this treaty broake of, and those here tooke conveniente time to make a begining ther; and were the first Enghsh that both discovered that place, and built in the same, though they were litle better then thrust out afterward as may appeare. But the Dutch begane now to repente, and hearing of their purpose and preparation, indevoured to prevente them, and gott in a litle before them, and made a slight forte, and planted 2. peeces of ordnance, thretening to stopp their passage.' But they having made a smale frame of a house ready, and haveing a great new-barke, they stowed their frame in her hold, and bords to cover and finishe it, having nayles and all other provisions fitting for their use. This they did the rather that they might have a presente defence against the Indeans, who weare much offended that they brought home and restored the right Sachem of the place (called Natawanute) ; so as they were to incoimter with a duble danger in this attempte, both the Dutch and the Indeans. When they came up the river, the Dutch demanded what they intended, and whither they would goe; they answered, up the river to trade (now their order was to goe and seat above them). They bid them strike, and stay, or els they would shoote them; and stood by ther ordnance ready fitted. They answered they had commission from the Gov"^ of Plimoth to goe up the river to such a place, and if they did shoote, they must obey their order and proceede ; they would not molest them, but would goe one.^ So they passed along, and though the Dutch threatened them hard, yet they shoot not. Comming to their place, they clapt up their 'In June, 1633, the Dutch bought from the Pequots a tract of land on the "Fresh River" (Connecticut), where Hartford now stands. Here they built Fort Good Hope. The name Dutch Point still survives, matched by Plymouth Meadow in Windsor. ^ "On." The commander of the expedition was Lieut. William Holmes of Plymouth, who next to Standish was the military man of the colony. The place was the site of the present town of Windsor, Connecticut, the time September, 1633. 302 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1633 house quickly, and landed their provissions, and left the com- panie appoynted, and sent the barke home; and afterwards palisadoed their house aboute, and fortified them selves better. The Dutch sent word home to the Monhatas' what was done; and in proces of time, they sent a band of aboute 70. men, in warrlike maner, with collours displayed, to assaulte them; but seeing them strengtened, and that it would cost blood, they came to parley, and returned in peace. And this was their enterance ther, who deserved to have held it, and not by freinds to have been thrust out, as in a sorte they were, as will after appere. They did the Dutch no wrong, for they took not a foote of any land they bought, but went to the place above them, and bought that tracte of land which belonged to these Indeans which they carried with them, and their friends, with whom the Dutch had nothing to doe. But of these matters It pleased the Lor^i^ao visite them this year with an in- fectiousTevSTjJe^of which many fell very sicke, and upward of 20. persons dyed, men and women, besids children, and sundry of them of their anciente friends which had lived in Holand; as Thomas Blossome, Richard Masterson, with sundry others, and in the end (after he had much helped others) Samuell Fuller, who was their surgeon and phisition, and had been a great help and comforte unto them; as in his facultie, so other- wise, being a deacon of the church, a man godly, and forward to doe good, being much missed after his death; and he and the rest of their brethren much lamented by them, and caused much sadnes and mourning amongst them; which caused them to humble them selves, and seeke the Lord; and towards winter it pleased the Lord the sicknes ceased. This disease allso swept away many of the Indeans from all the places near adjoyning; and the spring before, espetially all the month of May, ther was such a quantitie of a great sorte of flies, Uke (for bignes) to wasps, or bumble-bees, which came out of holes ' Manhattan. 1634] THOMAS PRENCE, GOVERNOR 303 in the ground, and replenished all the woods, and eate the green-things, and made such a constante yelling noyes, as made all the woods ring of them, and ready to deafe the hearers/ They have not by the EngUsh been heard or seen before or since. But the Indeans tould them that sicknes would foUowf and so it did in June, July, August, and the cheefe heat o, sommer . ^ -Jt4Sleaaed_±he-Lerd^o mable them this year to send home a great quantity of beaver, besids paing all their charges, and debts at home, which good retume did much incourage their freinds ui England. They sent in beaver SZmii. waight, and much of it coat beaver, which yeeled 20s. p'' poimd, and some of it above; and of otter-skines ' 346. sould also at a good prise. And thus much of the affairs of this year. Anno Dom: 1634. This year Mr. Thomas Prence was chosen Gov''.' Mr. Sherleys letters were very breefe in answer of theirs this year. I will forbear to coppy any part therof, only name a head or 2. therin. First, he desirs they will take nothing ill in what he formerly write, professing his good affection towards them as before, etc. 2'^- For Mr. AUertons accounts, he is perswaded they must suffer, and that in no small simimes; and that they have caiise enough to complaine, but it was now too late. And that he had failed them ther, those here, and him 'These were the seventeen-year locusts. ' "The skin was sold at 14*. and 15. the pound." (Br.) ' Thomas Prence came over in the Fortune in 1621, about twenty-one years of age. He married in 1624 Patience, daughter of William Brewster, who died in 1634. In 1635 he married Mary, daughter of William Collier, and in 1662 Mercy, widow of Samuel Freeman and daughter of Constant Southworth. He died in 1673. He was governor of Plymouth Colony in 1634 and 1638 and, after the death of William Bradford, from 1657 until his death in 1673. While governor in 1638 he lived on the comer of Spring and High Streets, occupying also an outlying tract of farm land of ten acres including a valley which has long been known as Prence's Bottom. In 1640 he removed to Eastham where he lived for some years. On his return he built and occupied a house on a tract of land at Seaside which he had bought in 1632. He always wrote his name Prence. 304 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1634 selfe in his owne aimes. And that now, having thus left them here, he feared God had or would leave him, and it would not be Strang, but a wonder if he fell not into worse things, etc. 3^y. He blesseth God and is thankfuU to them for the good retume made this year. This is the effecte of his letters, other things being of more private nature. I am now to enter upon one of the sadest things that befell them since they came; but before I begine, it will be needfull to premise such parte of their patente as gives them right and priviledge at Kenebeck; as foUoweth:' The said Counsell hath further given, granted, barganed, sold, in- feoffed, alloted, assigned, and sett over, and by these presents doe clearly and absolutly give, grante, ba,rgane, sell, alliene, enffeofe, allote, assigne, and confirme unto the said William Bradford, his heires, associates, and assignes. All that tracte of land or part of New-England in America afforesaid, which lyeth within or betweene, and extendeth it selfe from the utmost limits of Cobiseconte,^ which adjoyneth to the river of Kenebeck, towards the westerne ocean, and a place called the falls of Nequamkick' in America, aforsaid; and the space of 15. English myles on each side of the said river, commonly called Kenebeck River, and all the said river called Kenebeck that lyeth within the said limits and bounds, eastward, westward, northward, and southward, last above mentioned; and all lands, grounds, soyles, rivers, waters, fishing, etc. And by vertue of the authority to us derived by his said late Ma*"^ Lres patents, to take, apprehend, seise, and make prise of all such persons, their ships and goods, as shall attempte to inhabite or trade with the savage people of that countrie within the severall precincts and limits of his and their severall plantations, etc. Now it SO fell out, that one Hocking, belonging to the plantation of Pascataway, wente with a barke and commodities to trade in that river, and would needs press into their Hmites; and not only so, but would needs goe up the river above their house, (towards the falls of the river,) and intercept the trade that should come to them. He that was cheefe of the place ' An extract from the patent from the Council for New England, January 13, 1629/30. See above, pp. 248, 249. ' Cobisecontee was where Gardiner, Maine, now stands. ^ The falls or rapids of Nequamkick lay near the present Winslow, Maine. 1634] THOMAS PRENCE, GOVERNOR 305 forbad them, and prayed him that he would not offer them that injm-ie, nor goe aboute to infring their hberties, which had cost them so dear. But he answered he would goe up and trade ther in dispite of them, and lye ther as longe as he pleased. The other tould him he must then be forced to remove him from thence, or make seasure of him if he could. He bid him doe his worste, and so wente up, and anchored ther. The other tooke a boat and some men and went up to him, when he saw his time, and againe entreated him to departe by what perswasion he could. But all in vaine: he could gett nothing of him but ill words. So he considred that now was the season for trade to come downe, and if he should suffer him to lye, and take it from them, all ther former charge would be lost, and they had better throw up all. So, consulting with his men, (who were wiUing thertoe,) he resolved to put him from his anchores, and let him drive downe the river with the streame; but commanded the men that none should shoote a shote upon any occasion, except he commanded them. He spoake to him againe, but all in vaine; then he sente a cuple ia a canow to cutt his cable, the which one of them performes ; but Hocking taks up a pece which he had layed ready, and as the barke shered by the canow, he shote him close under her side, in the head, (as I take it,) so he fell downe dead instantly. One of his fellows (that loved him well) could not hold, but with a muskett shot Hocking, who fell downe dead and never speake word. This was the truth of the thing. The rest of the men carried home the vessell and the sad tidings of these things. Now the Lord Saye and the Lord Brooks,^ with some other great persons, had a hand in this plantation; they write home to them, as much as they could to exasperate ' Viscount Saye and Sele and another Puritan lord, Lord Brooke, a cousin of Sir Fulke Greville, the first Lord Brooke, mentioned in a former foot-note, are best known in American history as patentees of the Connecticut valley. In 1633 they bought out certain Bristol merchants who were associated with Edward Hilton in the patent for Cocheco (Dover, New Hampshire), and the incident which follows is due to their relation to that patent. 306 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1634 them in the matter, leving out all the circomstances, as if he had been kild without any offenc of his parte, concel- ing that he had kild another first, and the just occasion that he had given in offering such wrong; at which their LordsP^ were much offended, till they were truly informed of the mater. The bruite of this was quickly carried all aboute, (and that in the worst maner,) and came into the Bay to their neighboiu^ their. Their owne barke comming home, and bringing a true relation of the matter, sundry were sadly affected with the thing, as they had cause. It was not long before they had occasion to send their vessell into the Bay of the Massachusetts; but they were so prepossest with this matter, and affected with the same, as they commited Mr. Alden to prison, who was in the bark, and had been at Kenebeck, but was no actore in the bussines, but wente to carie them supply. They dismist the barke aboute her bussines, but kept him for some time. This was thought Strang here, and they sente Capten Standish to give them true information, (togeather with their letters,) and the best satisfaction they could, and to prociue Mr. Alden's release. I shall recite a letter or 2. which will show the pas- sages of these things, as foUoeth. Good Sr: I have received your ires by Captaine Standish, and am unfainedly glad of Gods mercie towards you in the recovery of your health, or some way thertoo. For the bussines you write of, I thought meete to answer a word or 2. to your self e, leaving the answer of your Gov"^' Vre to our courte, to whom the same, together with my selfe is directed. 1 conceive (till I hear new matter to the contrary) that your patente may warrente your resistance of any English from trading at Kenebeck, and that blood of Hocking, and the partie he slue, will be required at his hands. Yet doe I with your selfe and others sorrow for their deaths. I thinke likewise that your generall 4'res will satisfie our courte, and make them cease from any further inter medling in the mater. I have upon the same fee sett Mr. Alden at liberty, and his sureties, and yet, least I should seeme to neglecte the opinion of our court and the frequente speeches of others with us, I have bound Captaine Standish to appeare the 3. of June at our 1634] THOMAS PRENCE, GOVERNOR 307 nexte courte, to make affidavid for the coppie of the patente, and to man- ifest the circumstances of Hockins provocations; both which will tend to the clearing of your innocencie. If any unkindnes hath ben taken from what we have done, let it be further and better considred of, I pray you; and I hope the more you thinke of it, the lesse blame you will impute to us. At least you ought to be just in differencing them, whose opinions concurr with your owne, from others who were opposites; and yet I may truly say, I have spoken with no man in the bussines who taxed you most, but they are such as have many wayes heretofore declared ther good affections towards your plantation. I further referr my selfe to the reporte of Captaine Standish and Mr. AUden; leaving you for this presente to Gods blessing, wishing unto you perf ecte recovery of health, and the long con- tinuance of it. I desire to be lovingly remembred to Mr. Prence, your Gov', Mr. Winslow, Mr. Brewster, whom I would see if I knew how. The Lord keepe you all. Amen. Your very loving freind in our Lord Jesus, Tho: Dudley. New-towne,* the 22. of May, 1634. Another of his about these things as followeth. Sr: I am right sorrie for the news that Captaine Standish and other of your neigbours and my beloved freinds will bring now to Plimoth, wherin I suffer with you, by reason of my opinion^ which differeth from others, who are godly and wise, amongst us here, the reverence of whose judgments causeth me to suspecte myne owne ignorance; yet must I remaine in it untill I be convinced therof . I thought not to have shewed your letter written to me, but to have done my best to have reconciled differences in the best season and maner I could; but Captaine Standish reqmring an answer therof publickly in the courte, I was forced to produce it, and that made the breach soe wide as he can tell you. I propounded to the courte, to answer Mr. Prences ire, your Gov'', but our courte said it required no answer, it selfe being an answer to a former fee of ours. I pray you certifie Mr. Prence so much, and others whom it concerneth, that no neglecte or ill manners be imputed to me theraboute. The late ft-es I received from England wrought in me divere^ fears' of some trials '7. e., Cambridge, Massachusetts. The name was changed from Newtown to Cambridge in 1638, because of the establishment of Harvard College. " Divers. ' "Ther was cause enough of these feares, which arise by the underworking of some enemies to the churches here, by which this Commission following was procured from his Ma*'«." (Br.) See this paper in the appendix, no. ii. 308 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1634 which are shortly like to fall upon us; and this unhappie contention be- tweene you and us, and between you and Pascattaway, will hasten them, if God with an extraordinarie hand doe not help us. To reconcile this for the presente will be very difficulte, but time cooleth distempers, and a comone danger to us boath approaching, will n>.cessitate our uniting againe. I pray you therfore, Sr. set your wisdom and patience a worke, and exhorte others to the same, that things may not proceede from bad to worse, so making our contentions like the barrs of a pallace, but that a way of peace may be kepte open, wherat the God of peace may have enterance in his owne time. If you suffer wrong, it shall be your honor to bear it patiently; but I goe to farr in needles putting you in mind of these things. God hath done great things for you, and I desire his bless- ings may be multiplied upon you more and more. I will commite no more to writing, but comending my selfe to your prayers, doe rest. Your truly loving freind in our Lord Jesus, Tho: Dudley. June 4. 1634. By these things it appars what troubls rise herupon, and how hard they were to be reconciled; for though they hear were hartily sorrie for what was fallen out, yet they conceived they were unjustly injuried, and provoked to what was done; and that their neigboiirs (haveing no jurisdiction over them) did more then was mete, thus to imprison one of theirs, and bind them to their courte. But yet being assured of their Christian love, and perswaded what was done was out of godly zeale, that religion might not suffer, nor sinne any way covered or borne with, espetially the guilte of blood, of which all should be very consciencious in any whom soever, they did indeavore to appease and satisfie them the best they could; first, by informing them the truth in all circomstances aboute the mat- ter; 2^y, in being willing to referr the case to any indifferante and equall hearing and judgmente of the thing hear, and to answere it els wher when they shoiold be duly called therunto; and further they craved Mr. Winthrops, and other of the reve<^ magistrats ther, their advice and direction herein. This did mollifie their minds, and bring things to a good and comfortable issue in the end. 16341 THOMAS PRENCE, GOVERNOR 309 For they had this advice given them by Mr. Winthrop, and others concxirring with him, that from their courte, they should write to the neigboure plantations, and espetially that of the lords, at Pascataway/ and theirs of the Massachusets, to appointe^ some ta give them meeting at some fitt place, to consulte and determine in this matter, so as the parties meeting might have full power to order and bind, etc. And that noth- ing be done to the infringing or prejudice of the hberties of any place. And for the clearing of conscience, the law of God is that the preist Ups must be consulted with, and therfore it was desu-ed that the ministers of every plantation might be presente to give their advice in pointe of conscience. Though this course seemed dangerous to some, yet they were so well as- sured of the justice of their cause, and the equitie of their freinds, as they put them selves upon it, and appointed a time, of which they gave notice to the severaU places a month before hand; viz. Massachusets^ Salem, and Pascataway, or any other that they would give notice too, and disired them to produce any evidence they could in the case. The place for meeting was at Boston. But when the day and time came, none apered, but some of the magistrats and ministers of the Massachusets, and their owne. Seeing none of Passcataway of other places came, (haveing been thus desired, and conveniente time given them for that end,) Mr. Winthrop and the rest said they could doe no more then they had done thus to requeste them, the blame must rest on them. So they fell into a fair debating of things them selves; and after all things had been fully opened and discussed, and the opinione of each one demanded, both magistrats, and ministers, though they all could have wished these things had never been, yet they could not but lay the blame and guilt on Hockins owne head ; and withall gave them such grave and godly exhortations and advice, as they thought meete, both for the presente and future; which they allso ' Meaning the plantation of Lord Saye and Lord Brooke, on the Piscataqua River. 310 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1634 imbraced with love and thankfullnes, promising to indeavor to follow the same. And thus was this matter ended, and ther love and concord renewed; and also Mr. Wmthrop and Mr. Dudley write in their behalfes to the Lord Ssay and other gentl-men that were interesed in that plantation, very effectu- ally, with which, togeather with their owne leters, and Mr. Winslows furder declaration of things unto them, they rested well satisfied. Mr. Winslow was sente by them this year into England, partly to informe and satisfie the Lord Say and others, in the former matter, as also to make answer and their just defence for the same, if any thing should by any be prosecuted against them at Counsell-table, or els wher; but this matter tooke end, without any further trouble, as is before noted. And partly to signifie unto the partners in England, that the terme of their trade with the company here was out, and therfore he was sente to finishe the accounts with them, and to bring them notice how much debtore they should remaine on that accounte, and that they might know what further course would be best to hold./ But.the issue of these things will appear in the next years passages} They now sente over by him a great retume, which was very acceptable unto them; which was in beaver 3738Zi. waight, (a great part of it, being coat-beaver, sould at 20s. p'' pound,) and 234. otter skines; ' which alltogeather rise to a great sume of money. This year (in the foreparte of the same) they sente forth a barke to trad at the Dutch-Plantation; and they mette ther with on Captaine Stone, that had lived in Christophers, one of the West-Ende Ilands,^ and now had been some time in Virginia, and came from thence into these parts. He kept company with the Dutch Gove'', and, I know not in what drunken fitt, he gott leave of the Gov"" to ceaise on their barke, when they were ready to come away, and had done their markett, haveing the valew of 500li. worth of goods abord her; > "And the skin at Us." (Br.) » St. Christopher, in the West Indies. 1634] THOMAS PRENCE, GOVERNOR 311 having no occasion at all, or any coUour of ground for such a thing, but having made the Gov' drunck, so as he could scarce speake a right word; and when he urged him hear aboute, he answered him, ^Zs 't u heleejt} So he gat abord, (the cheefe of their men and marchant being ashore,) and with some of his owne men, made the rest of theirs waigh anchor, sett sayle, and carry her away towards Virginia. But diverse of the Dutch sea-men, which had bene often at Plimoth, and kindly enter- tayned ther, said one to another, Shall we suffer our freinds to be thus abused, and have their goods carried away, before our faces, whilst am Gov"" is drunke? They vowed they would never suffer it; and so gott a vessell or 2. and pursued him, and brought him in againe, and delivered them their barke and goods againe. After wards Stone came into the Massachusets, and they sent and commensed suite against him for this facte ; but by mediation of freinds it was taken up, and the suite lett fall. And in the company of some other gentle-men Stone came afterwards to Plimoth, and had freindly and civill entertain- mente amongst them, with the rest; but revenge boyled within his brest, (though concelled,) for some conceived he had a purpose (at one time) to have stabbed the Gov'', and put his hand to his dagger for that end, but by Gods providence and the vigilance of some was prevented. He afterward returned to Virginia, in a pinass, with one Captaine Norton and some others; and, I know not for what occasion, they would needs goe up Coonigtecutt River; and how they carried themselves I know not, but the Indeans knoct him in the head, as he lay in his cabine, and had thrown the covering over his face (whether out of fear or desperation is uncertaine); this was his end. They likewise killed all the rest, but Captaine Norton defended him selfe a long time against them all in the cooke- roome, till by accidente the gunpowder tooke fire, which (for readynes) he had sett in an open thing before him, which did ■ That is, "As you please." 312 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1634 so burne, and scald him, and blind his eyes, as he could make no longer resistance, but was slaine also by them, though they much comended his vallour. And having killed the men, they made a pray of what they had, and chafered away some of their things to the Dutch that lived their. But it Was not longe before a quarell fell betweene the Dutch and them, and they would have cutt of their bark ; but they slue the cheef sachem with the shott of a murderer/ I am now to relate some Strang and remarkable passages. Ther was a company of people lived in the coimtry, up above in the river of Conigtecut, a great way from their trading house ther,^ and were enimise to those Indeans which hved aboute them, and of whom they stood in some fear (being a stout people). About a thousand of them had inclosed them selves in a forte, which they had strongly palissadoed about. 3. or 4. Dutch men went up in the begining of winter to live with them, to gett their trade, and prevente them for bringing it to the English, or to fall into amitie with them; but at spring to bring all downe to their place. But their enterprise failed, for it pleased God to visite these Indeans with a great sicknes, and such a mortalitie that of a 1000. above 900. and a halfe of them dyed, and many of them did rott above ground for want of buriall, and the Dutch men allmost starved before they could gett away, for ise and snow. But about Feb: they got with much difficultie to their trading house ; whom they kindly releeved, being allmost spente with himger and could. Being thus refreshed by them diverce days, they got to their owne place, and the Dutch were very thankfull for this kindnes. This spring, also, those Indeans that Hved aboute their trading house there fell sick of the small poxe, and dyed most miserably; for a sorer disease cannot befall them; they fear 'The two paragraphs above were written on the reverse of the folios of the original manuscript, under this year. A murderer was a small piece of ordnance. 'I. e., Indians living remote from the trading-house of the Plymouth men. 1634] THOMAS PRENCE, GOVERNOR 313 it more then the plague ; for usualy they that have this disease have them in abvmdance, and for wante of bedding and hnning and other helps, they fall into a lamentable condition, as they lye on their hard matts, the poxe breaking and mattering, and runing one into another, their skin cleaving (by reason therof ) to the matts they lye on ; when they turne them, a whole side will flea of at once, (as it were,) and they will be all of a gore blood, most fearfuU to behold; and then being very sore, what with could and other distempers, they dye like rotten sheep. The condition of this people was so lamentable, and they fell downe so generally of this diseas, as they were (in the end) not able to help on another; no, not to make a fire, nor to fetch a htle water to drinke, nor any to burie the dead; but would strivie as long as they could, and when they could pro- cure no other means to make fire, they would burne the woden trayes and dishes they ate their meate in, and their very bowes and arrowes ; and some would crawle out on all foure to gett a htle water, and some times dye by the way, and not be able to gett in againe. But those of the English house, (though at first they were afraid of the infection,) yet seeing their woefull and sadd condition, and hearing their pitifull cries and lamenta- tions, they had compastion of them, and dayly fetched them wood and water, and made them fires, gott them victualls whilst they lived, and buried them when they dyed. For very few of them escaped,^ notwithstanding they did what they could for them, to the haszard of them selvs. The cheefe Sachem him selfe now dyed, and allmost all his freinds and kmred. But by tlTe _ma,rvelous goodnea ^aBd-.ttfQw4ens of God not cine"of tKe"Eiiglish w as so much^£^r in theieast measure tainted with this disease^ Jihoiightiiegz-dayly-didihesfi for many'weeksjp^ _And..this^£rcie wliT(^trth''y^hpwpd tlipi-n was kku^MaJ^^nrandr-tfaafikfully ac- knowledged of all the Indeans that knew or heard of the same; and their m'^ here did much comend and reward them for the same. 314 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1635 Anno Dom: 1635. Mr. Winslow was very wellcome to them in England, and the more in regard of the large retume he brought with him, which came all safe to their hands, and was well sould. And he was borne in hand, (at least he so apprehended,) that all accounts should be cleared before his returne, and all former differences ther aboute well setled. And so he writ over to them hear, that he hoped to cleare the accotmts, and bring them over with him; and that the accounte of the White Angele would be taken of, and all things fairly ended. But it came to pass that, being occasioned to answer some complaints made against the countrie at Coimsell bord, more cheefly con- cerning their neigbom-s in the Bay then them selves hear, the which he did to good effecte, and further prosecuting such things as might tend to the good of the whole, as well them selves as others, aboute the wrongs and incroachments that the French and other strangers both had and were hke further to doe unto them, if not prevented, he prefered this petition following to their Hon" that were deputed Comissioners for the Plantations. To the right honorable the Lords Comissioners for the Plantations in America. The humble petition of Edw: Winslow, on the behalf e of the planta- tions in New-England, Humbly sheweth unto your Lordships, that wheras your petitioners have planted them selves in New England under his Ma*'' most gratious protection; now so it is, right Hon''', that the French and Dutch doe in- deaouer to devide the land betweene them ; for which purpose the French have, on the east side, entered and seased upon one of our houses, and carried away the goods, slew 2. of the men in another place, and tooke the rest prisoners with their goods. And the Dutch, on the west, have also made entrie upon Conigtecute River, within the limits of his Maj*° Its patent, where they have raised a forte, and threaten to expell your petition- ers thence, who are also planted upon the same river, maintaining posses- sion for his Ma''° to their great charge, and hazard both of lives and goods. In tender consideration hereof your petitioners humbly pray that your Lo^P' will either procure their peace with those foraine states, or 1635] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 315 else to give spetiall warrante unto. your petitioners and the English Col- lonies, to right and defend them selves against all foraigne enimies. And your petitioners shall pray, etc. This petition found good acceptation with most of them, and Mr. Winslow was heard smidry times by them, and ap- pointed further to attend for an answer from their LoPp^, es- petially, having upon conf erance with them laid downe a way how this might be doone without any either charge or trouble to the state ; only by furnishing some of the cheef e of the cuntry hear with authoritie, who would undertake it at their owne charge, and in such a way as should be without any pubhck dis- turbance. But this crossed both Sir Ferdinandos Gorges' and Cap: Masons designe, and the archbishop of Counterberies* by them; for Sr Ferd: Gorges (by the arch-pps favore) was to have been sent over generall Gov"" into the coimtrie, and to have had means from the state for that end, and was now upon dispatch and conclude of the bussines. And the arch-bishops purposs and intente was, by his means, and some he should send with him, (to be furnished with Episcopall power,) to disturbe the peace of the churches here, and to overthrow their proceedings and fiirther growth, which was the thing he aimed at. But it so fell out (by Gods providence) that though he in the end crost this petition from taking any further effecte in this kind, yet by this as a cheefe means the plotte and whole bussines of his and Sr Ferdinandos fell to the groimd, and came to nothmg. When Mr. Winslow should have had his suit granted, (as indeed upon the pointe it was,) and should have been confirmed, the arch-bishop put a stop upon it, and Mr. Winslow, thinking to gett it freed, went to the bord againe; but the bishop, Sr Ferd: and Captine Masson, had, as it seemes, procured Morton (of whom mention is made before, ' The archbishop of Canterbury, William Laud. Captain John Mason had been associated with Sir Ferdinando Gorges, as patentees, under the Council for New England, of the region between the Merrimac and the Kennebec, 1622, and later had separate patents, 1629 and 1635, for that between the Merrimac and the Piscataqua (New Hampshire). 316 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1635 and his base carriage) to complaine; to whose^complaints Mr. Winslow made answer to the good satisfaction of the horde, who checked Morton and rebuked him, sharply, and allso blamed Sr Fer*^ Gorges, and Masson, for countenancing him. But the bish: had a further end and use of his presence, for he now begane to question Mr. Wmslow of many things; as of teaching in the church pubhckly, of which Morton accused him, and gave evidence that he had seen and heard him doe it; to which Mr. Wmslow answered, that some time (wanting a minster) he did exercise his gifte to help the edification of his breethren, when they wanted better ' means, which was not often. Then aboute mariage, the which he also confessed, that, haveing been called to place of magistrate, he had somer times maried some. And further tould their lord^^ that mariage was a civille thinge, and he found no wher in the word of God that it was tyed to ministrie. Again, they were necessitated so to doe, having for a long time togeather at first no minister; besids, it was no new-thing, for he had been so maried him selfe in Holand, by the magistrats in their Statt- house. But in the end (to be short), for these things, the. bishop, by vemente importunity, gott the bord at last to consente to his comittemente ; so he was comited to the Fleete, and lay ther 17. weeks, or ther aboute, before he could gett to be released. And this was the end of this petition, and this bussines; only the others designe was also frustrated hereby, with other things concurring, which was no smalle blessing to the people here. But the charge fell heavie on them hear, not only in Mr. Winslows expences, (which could not be smale,) but by the hinderance of their bussines both ther and hear, by his personall imploymente. For though this was as much or more for others then for them hear, and by them cheefly he was put on this bussines, (for the plantation knewe nothing of it till they heard of his imprisonmente,) yet the whole charge lay on them. Now for their owne bussines ; whatsoever Mr. Sherleys mind was before, (or Mr. Winslow apprehension of the same,) he 1635] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 317 now declared him selfe plainly, that he wodd neither take of the White-Angell from the accounte, nor give any further ac- coimte, till he had received more into his hands; only a prety good supply of goods were sent over, but of the most, no note of their prises, or so orderly an invoyce as formerly; which Mr. Winslow said he could not help, because of his restrainte. Only now Mr. Sherley and Mr. Beachamp and Mr. Andrews sent over a letter of atturney under their hands and seals, to recovere what they could of Mr. Allerton for the Angells accounte; but sent them neither the bonds, nor covenants, or such other evidence or accounts, as they had aboute these matters. I shall here inserte a few passages out of Mr. Sherleys letters aboute these things. Your leter of the 22. of July, 1634, by your trustie and our loving friend Mr. Winslow, I have received, and your larg parcell of beaver and otter skines. Blessed be our God, both he and it came safly to us, and we have sould it in tow parcells; the skin at 145. li. and some at 16. ; the coate at 20*. the pound. The accounts I have not sent you them this year, I will referr you to Mr. Winslow to tell you the reason of it; yet be assured that none of you shall suffer by the not having of them, if God spare me life. And wheras you say the 6. years are expired that the peopl put the trad into your and our hands for, for the discharge of that great debte which Mr. Allerton needlesly and unadvisedly ran you and us into; yet 'it was promised it should continue till our disbursments and ingagements were satisfied. You conceive it is done; we feele and know other wise, etc. I doubt not but we shall lovingly agree, notwithstanding all that hath been writen, on boath sids, aboute the Whit-Angell. We have now sent you a letter of atturney, therby giving you power in our names (and to shadow it the more we say for our uses) to obtaine what may be of Mr. Allerton towards the satisfing of that great charge of the White Angell. And sure he hath bound him selfe, (though at present I cannot find it,) but he hath often affirmed, with great protestations, that neither you nor we should lose a peny by him, and I hope you shall find enough to discharg it, so as we shall have no more contesting aboute it. Yet, notwithstanding his unnaturall and unkind dealing with you, in the midest of justice remember mercie, and doe not all you may doe, etc. Set us out of debte, and then let us recone and reason togeither, etc. Mr. Winslow hath undergone an unkind imprisonment, but I am per- 318 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1635 swaded it will turne much to all your good. I leave him to relate per- ticuleres, etc. -.^^ , • r • j Your loving iremd, London, Sep: 7. 1635. James Sherley. This year they sustained an other great loss from the French. Monsier de Aulnay* coming into the harbore of Penobscote, and having before gott some of the cheefe that belonged to the house abord his vessell, by sutlty coming upon them in their shalop, he gott them to pilote him in ; and after getting the rest into his power, he tooke possession of the house in the name of the king of France; and partly by threatening, and other wise, made Mr. Willett (their agente ther) to approve of the sale of the goods their unto him, of which he sett the price him selfe in effecte, and made an in- ventory therof, (yett leaving out sundry things,) but made no paymente for them; but tould them in convenient time he would doe it if they came for it. For the house and fortifica- tion, etc. he would not alow, nor accounte any thing, saing that they which build on another mans groimd doe forfite the same. So thus turning them out of all, (with a great deale of com- plemente, and many fine words,) he let them have their shalop and some victualls to bring them home. Coming home and relating all the passages, they here were much troubled at it, and haveing had this house robbed by the French once before, and lost then above 500K. (as is before remembred), and now to loose house and all, did much move them. So as they re- solved to consulte with their freinds in the Bay, and if they approved of it, (ther being now many ships ther,) they intended to hire a ship of force, and seeke to beat out the Frenche, and recover it againe. Ther course was well approved on, if them selves could bear the charge ; so they hired a fair ship of above ' After the treaty of St. Germain, 1632, the Chevalier de Razilly was ap- pointed by Louis XIII. governor of Acadia. He appointed Charles de la Tour his lieutenant for the portion east of the St. Croix, and Charles de Menou, Sieur d'Aulney-Charnisg, his lieutenant for the part extending thence westward. Aul- ney was commissioned by Razilly in 1635 to drive out all English settlers east of Pemaquid. 1635] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 319 300. time, well fitted with ordnance, and agreed with the m'' (one Girling) to this effect: that he and his company should deUver them the house, (after they had driven out, or surprised the French,) and give them peacable possession therof, and of all such trading comodities as should ther be foimd; and give the French fair quarter and usage, if they would yeeld. In consideration wherof he was to have 700li. of beaver, to be deUvered him ther, when he had done the thing; but if he did not accompUsh it, he was to loose his labour, and have nothing. With him they also sent their owne bark, and about 20. men, with Captaine Standish, to aide him (if neede weer), and to order things, if the house was regained; and then to pay him the beaver, which they keept abord their owne barke. So they with their bark piloted him thither, and brought him safe into the harbor. But he was so rash and heady as he would take no advice, nor would suffer Captaine Standish to have time to summone them, (who had commission and order so to doe,) neither would doe it him selfe ; the which, it was like, if it had been done, and they come to affaire parley, seeing their force, they would have yeelded. Neither would he have patience to bring his ship wher she might doe execution, but begane to shoot at distance like a madd man, and did them no hurte at all; the which when those of the plantation saw, they were much greeved, and went to him and tould him he would doe no good if he did not lay his ship beter to pass (for she might lye within pistoU shott of the house). At last, when he saw his owne folly, he was perswaded, and layed her well, and bestowed a few shott to good purposs. But now, when he was in a way to doe some good, his powder was goone; for though he had . .' peece of ordnance, it did now appeare he had but a barrell of powder, and a peece; so he could doe no good, but was faine to draw of againe; by which means the enterprise was made frustrate, and the French incouraged; for all the while that he shot so tinadvisedly, they lay close ' Blank in the original. 320 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1635 lander a worke of earth, and let him consume him selfe. He advised with the Captaine how he might be supplyed with powder, for he had not to carie him home; so he tould him he would goe to the next plantation, and doe his indeour to pro- cxire him some, and so did; but understanding, by intelligence, that he intended to ceiase on the barke, and surprise the beaver, he sent him the powder, and brought the barke and beaver home. But Girling never assaulted the place more, (seeing him selfe disapoyented,) but went his way; and this was the end of this bussines. Upon the ill success of this bussines, the Gov"" and Assistants here by their leters certified their freinds in the Bay, how by this ship they had been abused and disapoynted, and that the French partly had, and were now likly to fortifie them selves more strongly, and Ukly to become ill neigbours to the Enghsh. Upon this they thus writ to them as foUoeth: — Worthy Srs: Upon the reading of your leters, and consideration of the waightines of the cause therin mentioned, the courte hath joyntly expressed their willingnes to assist you with men and munition, for the accomplishing of your desires upon the French. But because here are none of yours that have authority to conclude of any thing herein, nothing can be done by us for the presente. We desire, therfore, that you would with all conveniente speed send some man of trust, furnished with in- structions from your selves, to make such agreemente with us about this bussines as may be usefull for you, and equall for us. So in hast we commite you to God, and remaine Your assured loving freinds, John Haynes, Gov'. Ri: Bellingham, Dep. Jo: WiNTHROP. Tho: Dudley. Jo: HUMFKAY. Wm: Coddington. Wm: Pinchon. Atherton Houghe. Increas Nowell. Ric: Dumer. New-towne, Octo' 9. 1635. Simon Beadstrete, 1635] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 321 Upon the receite of the above mentioned, they presently- deputed 2. of theirs to treate with them, giving them full power to conclude, according to the instructions they gave them, being to this purposs: that if they would afford such assistance as, togeather with their owne, was like to effecte the thing, and allso bear a considerable parte of the charge, they would goe on; if not, they (having lost so much allready) should not be able, but must desiste, and waite further opport\mitie as God should give, to help them selves. But this came to nothing, for when it came to the issue, they would be at no charge, but sente them this letter, and referd them more at large to their owne messengers. Sr: Having, upon the consideration of your letter, with the message you sente, had some serious consultations aboute the great importance of your bussines with the French, we gave our answer to those whom you deputed to conferr with us aboute the viage to Penobscote. We shewed our willingnes to help, but withall we declared our presente condition, and in what state we were, for our abilitie to help; which we for our parts shall be willing to improve, to procure you sufficiente supply of men and munition. But for matter of moneys we have no authority at all to prom- ise, and if we should, we should rather disapoynte you, then incourage you by that help, which we are not able to perf orme. We likewise thought it fitt to take the help of other Esterne plantations ; but those things we leave to your owne wisdomes. And for other things we refer you to your owne committies,^ who are able to relate all the passages more at large. We salute you, and wish you all good success in the Lord. Your faithfull and loving friend, Ri: Bellingham, Dep: In the name of the rest of the Comities. Boston, Octob"' 16. 1635. This thing did not only thus breake of, but some^oLihei]: merchaats-AoiAl xafter sent to jra^ith LheiSTj^Uianished. them4>0th-^witJijBi2yissions^_^and~p6w have continued to doe till this day, as they have seen oppor- tunitie for their profite. So as in truth the English them ' In the language of the seVerfteenWcentui^committee meant a person'Tb" whom a thing was committed. 322 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1635 selves have been the cheeiesir supporters of these F^'glK^rfJot^. besids these, the plantation at Pemaquid (which lyes near unto them) doth not only supply them with what they wante, but gives them continuall intelligence of all things that passes among the EngUsh, (espetially some of them,) so as it is no marvell though they still grow, and incroach more and more upon the Enghsh, and fill the Indeans with gunes and munish- tion, to the great deanger of the English, who lye open and unfortified, living upon husbandrie; and the other closed up in their forts, well fortified, and five upon trade, in good se- curitie. If these things be not looked too, and remeady pro- vided in time, it may easily be conjectured what they may come toe; but I leave them. This year, the 14. or 15. of August (being Saturday) was such a mighty storme of wind and raine, as none living in these parts, either English or Indeans, ever saw. Being like (for the time it continued) to those Hauricanes and Tuffons' that writers make mention of in the Indeas. It began in the morn- ing, a litle before day, and grue not by degrees, but came with violence in the begining, to the great amasmente of many. It blew downe simdry houses, and uncovered others; diverce vessells were lost at sea, and many more in extreme danger. It caused the sea to swell (to the southward of this place) above 20. foote, right up and downe, and made many of the Indeans to chme into trees for their saftie; it tooke of the horded roofe of a house which belonged to the plantation at Manamet, and floted it to another place, the posts still stand- ing in the ground; and if it had continued long without the shifting of the wind, it is hke it would have drouned some parte of the cuntrie. It blew downe many hundered thowsands of trees, turning up the stronger by the roots, and breaking the hiegher pine trees of in the midle, and the tall yonge oaks and walnut trees of good biggnes were wound hke a withe, very Strang and fearfull to behould. It begane in the southeast, ' Hurricanes and typhoons. 1635] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 323 and parted toward the south and east, and vered sundry ways; but the greatest force of it here was from the former quarters. It continued not (in the extremitie) above 5. or 6. houers, but the violence begane to abate. The signes and marks of it will remaine this 100. years in these parts wher it was sorest. The moone suffered a great eclips the 2. night after it. Some of their neighbours in the Bay, hereing of the fame of Conightecute River, had a hankering mind after it, (as was before noted,) and now understanding that the Indeans were swepte away with the late great mortahtie, the fear of whom was an obstacle tmto them before, which being now taken away, they begane now to prosecute it with great egernes. The greatest differances fell betweene those of Dorchester plantation and them hear; for they set their minde on that place, which they had not only pm-chased of the Indeans, but wher they had builte; intending only (if they could not remove them) that they should have but a smale moyety left to the house, as to a single family;* whose doings and proceedings were conceived to be very injurious, to attempte not only to intrude them selves into the rights and possessions of others, but in effect to thrust them out of all. Many were the leters and passages that went betweene them hear aboute, which would be to long here to relate. I shall here first inserte a few lines that was write by their own agente from thence. Sr: etc. The Masschuset men are coming almost dayly, some by water, and some by land, who are not yet determined wher to setle, though some have a great mind to the place we are upon, and which was last bought. Many of them look at that which this river will not afford, excepte it be at this place which we have, namly, to be a great towne, and have comodious dwellings for many togeather. So as what they will doe 'The pronoims require explanation. The meaning is, "between those of Dorchester plantation and those of Plymouth; for the former set their mind on that place, which the Plymouth men had purchased and built on; intending, if they could not remove the Plymouth men, to allow them only a small piece of land around their trading-house, such as would ordinarily be assigned to a single family." 324 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1635 I cannot yet resolve you; for this place ther is none of them say any thing to me, but what I hear from their servants (by whom I perceive their minds). I shall doe what I can to withstand them. I hope they will hear reason; as that we were here first, and entred with much difficulty and danger, both in regard of the Dutch and Indeans, and bought the land, (to your great charge, allready disbursed,) and have since held here a chargable possession, and kept the Dutch from further incroaching, which would els long before this day have possessed all, and kept out all others, etc. I hope these and such like arguments will stoppe them. It was your will we should use their persons and messengers kindly, and so we have done, and doe dayly, to your great charge; for the first company had well nie starved had it not been for this house, for want of victuals; I being forced to supply 12. men for 9. days'togeather; and those which came last, I entertained the best we could, helping both them (and the other) with canows, and guids. They gott me to goe with them to the Dutch, to see if I could procure some of them to have quiet setling nere them; but they did peremtorily withstand them. But this later company did not once speak therof, etc. Also I gave their goods house roome according to their ernest request, and Mr. Pinchons ' letter in their be- half e (which I thought good to send you, here inclosed). And what trouble and charge I shall be further at I know not; for they are comming dayly, and I expecte these back againe from below, whither they are gone to veiw the countrie. All which trouble and charg we under goe for their occasion, may give us just cause (in the judgmente of all wise and under- standing men) to hold and keep that we are setled upon. Thus with my duty remembred, etc. I rest Yours to be comanded Matianuck,^ July 6. 1635. Johnnathan Bkewstee.^ Amongst the many agitations that pased betweene them, I shal note a few out of their last letters, and for the present omitte the rest, except upon other occasion I may have fitter opportunity. After their thorrow veiw of the place, they ' William Pynchon was one of the patentees of the Massachusetts charter and one of the court of assistants in that government. In 1636 he led a body of settlers to Agawam, afterward named Springfield from the name of his birth- place in England. This settlement was at first supposed to be in the juris- diction of Connecticut, but was afterward found to be in Massachusetts. = Jonathan Brewster, the oldest son of William Brewster, came over in the Fortune in 1621, and after living in Duxbury for a time removed to New London, Connecticut. a Matianuck was Windsor, Connecticut. 1635] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 325 began to pitch them selves upon their land and near their' house; which occasioned much expostulation betweene them. Some of which are such as follow. Brethren, having latly sent 2. of our body unto you, to agitate and bring to an issue some maters in difference betweene us, about some lands at Conightecutt, unto which you lay challeng; upon which God by his providence cast us, and as we conceive in a faire way of providence ten- dered it to us, as a meete place to receive our body, now upon removal!. Wc shall not need to answer all the passages of your larg letter, etc. But wheras you say God in his providence cast you, etc., we tould you before, and (upon this occasion) must now tell you still, that our mind is other wise, and that you cast rather a partiall, if not a covetous eye, upon that which is your neigbours, and not yours ; and in so doing, your way could not be faire unto it. Looke that you abuse not Gods providence in such allegations. TheuB. Nowallbeite weat first judged the place so free that we might with Gods good leave take and use it, without just offence to any man, it being the Lords wast, and for the presente altogeather voyd of inhabitants, that indeede minded the imploymente therof , to the right ends for which land was created, Gen: 1. 28. and for future intentions of any, and uncertaine possibilities of this or that to be done by any, we judging them (in such a case as ours es- petialy) not meete to be equalled with presente-actions (such as ours was) much less worthy to be pref ered before them ; and therf ore did we make some weake beginings in that good worke, in the place afforesaid. Ans: Their ^ answer was to this effecte. That if it was the Lords wast, it was them selves' that found it so, and not they; and have since bought it of the right oweners, and maintained a chargable ppssession upon it al this while, as them selves could not but know. And because of present ingagments and other hinderances which lay at presente upon them, must it therfore be lawfuU for them to goe and take it from them? It was well known that they* are upon a barren place, wher they were by necessitie cast; and neither they nor theirs could ' The PljTnouth men's. Of the three following paragraphs, the first and third are from letters of the Massachusetts authorities, the second from a letter of Plymouth. =■ The Plymouth men's. ' The Plymouth men. ' The Plymouth settlers. 326 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1635 longe continue upon the same; and why should they' (because they were more ready, and more able at presente) goe and deprive them of that which they had with charg and hazard provided, and intended to remove to, as soone as they could and were able? They^ had another passage in their letter; they had rather have to doe with the lords in England, to whom (as they heard it reported) some of them^ should say that they had rather give up their right to them, (if they must part with it,) then to the church of Dorchester, etc. And that they should be less fearfuU to offend the lords, then they were them. Ans: Their* answer was, that what soever they had heard, (more then was true,) yet the case was not so with them that they had need to give away their rights and adventurs, either to the lords, or them; yet, if they might measure their fear of offence by their practise, they had rather (in that poynte) they should deal with the lords, who were beter able to bear it, or help them selves, then they were. But least I should be teadious, I will forbear other things, and come to the conclusion that was made in the endd. To make any forcible resistance was farr from their thoughts, (they had enough of that about Kenebeck,) and to Hve in continuall contention with their freinds and brethren would be imcomfortable, and too heavie a burden to bear. Therfore for peace sake (though they conceived they suffered much in this thing) they thought it better to let them have it upon as good termes as they could gett; and so they fell to treaty. The first thing that (because they had made so many and long dis- puts aboute it) they would have them to grante was, that they had right too it, or ells they would never treat aboute it. The which being acknowledged, and yeelded unto by them, this was the conclusion they came unto in the end after much adoe: that they should retaine their house, and have the 16. parte ' Those of Massachusetts. ' Massachusetts. ' Plymouth, * Plymouth's, 1636] EDWARD WINSLOW, GOVERNOR 327 of all they had bought of the Indeans; and the other should have all the rest of the land; leavemg such a moyety to those of New-towne, as they reserved for them. This 16. part was to be taken ui too places; one towards the house, the other towards New-townes proporrtion. Also they were to pay according to proportion, what had been disbursed to the Indeans for the purchass. Thus was the controversie ended, but the unkindnes not so soone forgotten. They of New- towne delt more fairly, desireing only what they could con- veniently spare, from a competancie reserved for a plantation, for them selves; which made them the more carfuU to prociore a moyety for them, in this agreement and distribution. Amongst the other bussinesses that Mr. Winslow had to doe in England, he had order from the church to provid and bring over some able and fitt man for to be their minister. And accordingly he hadj pTSglired. a, godly and a worthy man, one Mr. Glovei(rbut it pleasedj3oa when he was prepared for the viage, he fellsickTsfarteaver and dyed. Afterwards, when he was ready to come away, he became acquainted with Mr. Norton, who was willing to come over, but would not ingage him selfe to this place, otherwise then he should see occasion when he came hear; and if he liked better else wher, to repay the charge laid out for him, (which came to aboute 70li.) and to be at his liberty. He stayed aboute a year with them, after he came over, and was well liked of them, and much desired by them; but he was invited to Ipswich, wher were many rich and able men, and sundry of his aquaintance; so he wente to them, and is their minister. Aboute half of the charg was re- payed, the rest he had for the pains he tooke amongst them. Anno Dom: 1636. Mr. Ed: Winslow was chosen Gov'' this year. In the former year, because they perceived by Mr. Winslows later letters that no accounts would be sente, they resolved to keep the beaver, and send no more, till they had them, or 328 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1636 came to some fmiiher agreemente. At least they would forbear till Mr. Winslow came over, that by more full conferance with him they might better understand what was meete to be done. But when he came, though he brought no accounts, yet he perswaded them to send the beaver, and was confident upon the receite of that beaver, and his letters, they should have accounts the nexte year; and though they thought his grounds but weake, that gave him this hope, and made him so confi- dente, yet by his importunitie they yeelded, and sente the same, ther being a ship at the latter end of year, by whom they sente 1150li. waight of beaver, and 200. otter skms, besids simdrie small furrs, as 55. minks, 2. black foxe skins, etc. And this year, in the spring, came in a Dutch man, who thought to have traded at the Dutch-forte; but they would not suffer him. He, having good store of trading goods, came to this place, and tendred them to sell ; of whom they bought a good quantitie, they being very good and fitte for their tume, as Dutch roll, ketles, etc., which goods amounted to the valew of 500K., for the paymente of which they passed bills to Mr. Sherley in England, having before sente the forementioned parcell of beaver. And now this year (by another ship) sente an other good round parcell that might come to his hands, and be sould before any of these bills should be due. The quantity of beaver now sent was 1809K. waight, and of otters 10. skins, and shortly after (the same year) was sent by another ship (Mr. Langnmie maister), in beaver 0719li. waight, and of otter skins 199. concerning which Mr. Sherley thus writs. Your leters I have received, with 8. hoggsheads of beaver by Ed: Wilkinson, m'' of the Falcon. Blessed be God for the safe coming of it. I have also seen and acceped 3. bills of exchainge, etc. But I must now acquaints you how the Lords heavie hand is upon this kingdom in many places, but cheefly in this cittie, with his judgmente of the plague. The last weeks bill ' was 1200. and odd, I fear this will be more; and it is much feared it will be a winter sicknes. By reason wherof it is incredible the number of people that are gone into the cuntry and left the citie. I am ' Bill of mortality. 1636] EDWARD WINSLOW, GOVERNOR 329 perswaded many more then went out the last sicknes; so as here is no trading, carriors from most places put downe; nor no receiving of any money, though long due. Mr. Hall ows us more then would pay these bills, but he, his wife, and all, are in the cuntrie, 60. miles from London. I write to him, he came up, but could not pay us. I am perswaded if I should offer to sell the beaver at 8s. p'' pound, it would not yeeld money; but when the Lord shall please to cease his hand, I hope we shall have better and quicker markets; so it shall lye by. Before I accepted the bills, I acquainted Mr. Beachamp and Mr. Andrews with them, and how ther could be no money made nor received; and that it wOuld be a great discredite to you, which never yet had any turned back, and a shame to us, haveing ISOOli. of beaver lying by us, and more oweing then the bills come too, etc. But all was nothing; neither of them both will put too their finger to help. I offered to supply my 3. parte, but they gave me their answer they neither would nor could, etc. How ever, your bils shall be satisfied to the parties good contente; but I would not have thought they would have left either you or me at this time, etc. You will and may expect I should write more, and answer your leters, but I am not a day in the weeke at home at towne, but carry my books and all to Clapham;' for here is the miserablest time that I thinke hath been known in many ages. I have known 3. great sickneses, but none like this. And that which should be a means to pacific the Lord, and help us, that is taken away, preaching put downe in many places, not a sermone in Westminster on the saboth, nor in many townes aboute us; the Lord in mercie looke uppon us. In the begining of the year was a great drought, and no raine for many weeks togeather, so as all was burnte up, haye at 5li. a load; and now all raine, so as much sommer corne and later haye is spoyled. Thus the Lord sends judgmente after judgmente, and yet we cannot see, nor hiunble our selves; and therfore may justly fear heavier judgments, unless we speedyly repente, and returne unto him, which the Lord give us grace to doe, if it be his blessed will. Thus desiring you to remember us in your prayers, I ever rest Your loving friend, Sep*: 14. 1636. James Sherlet. This was all the answer they had from Mr. Sherley, by which Mr. Winslow saw his hops failed him. So they now resoloved to send no more beaver in that way which they had done, till they came to some issue or other aboute these things. ' Clapham is in Surrey, near London. 330 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1636 But now came over letters from Mr. Andrews and Mr. Bea- champ full of complaints, that they marveled that nothing was sent over, by which any of their moneys should be payed in; for it did appear by the accounte sente in An° 1631. that they were each of them out, aboute a leven hundered pounds a peece, and all this while had not received one penie towards the same. But now Mr. Sherley sought to draw more money from them, and was offended because they deneyed him; and blamed them hear very much that all was sent to Mr. Sherley, and nothing to them. They marvelled much at this, for they conceived that much of their moneis had been paid in, and that yearly each of them had received a proportionable quantity out of the larg retumes sent home. For they had sente home since that accoimte was received in An° 1631. (in which all and more then all their debts, with that years supply, was charged upon them) these sumes following. NovbnS An° 1631. By Mr. Peirce 04Wli. waight of beaver, and otters 20. July 13 An" 1632. By Mr. Griffin 1348fe'. beaver, and otters . 147. An° 1633. By Mr. Graves 3366Zi. bever, and otters . 346. An° 1634. By Mr. Andrews 3738Zi. beaver, and otters . 234. An° 1635. By Mr. Babb 1150/i. beaver, and otters . 200. June 24. An° 1636. By Mr. Willkinson 1809^1. beaver, and otters . 010. Ibidem. By Mr. Langrume 0719K. beaver, and otters . 199. 12150K.' 1166. All these sumes were safly rceived and well sould, as appears by leters. The coat beaver usualy at 20s. p"" pound, and some at 24s. ; the skin at 15. and sometimes 16. I doe not remem- ber any imder 14. It may be the last year might be something lower, so also ther were some small furrs that are not recconed in this accounte, and some black beaver at higer rates, to make up the defects. It was conceived that the former parcells of beaver came to litle less then lOOOOK. sterling, and the otter skins would pay all the charge, and they with other furrs make up besids if any thing wanted of the former sume. When the former accounte was passed, all their debts (those of White- > Not correctly added; the sum should be 12530/i. 1636] EDWARD WINSLOW, GOVERNOR 331 Angdle and FrendsMp included) came but to 4770K. And they could not estimate that all the supphes since sent them, and bills payed for them, could come to above 2000Zi. so as they conceived their debts had been payed, with advantage or intrest. But it may be objected, how comes it that they could notasjwelL ig n. ct l y nott do w no theirf e ealsf^a1i^■ lJ tW-^tiL ^ I ^nes, but thus estimate it. I a nswer, 2^- things, wero-fefl-BaMae-of it ; the first and£rmeipaILj^a£^-Jiyai,^hfijie^^ which they1ii"EIhgland would needs ppesse- upon them, did whtfly fai^;jiiemi_JnijiQiild.-«eiz£r_giy^^ trusting to his memorie, and lose papers, let things rune into such confusion, that neither he, nor any with him, could bring things to rights. But being often called upon to perfecte his accounts, he desired to have such a time, and such a time of leasure, and he would doe it. In_the intriniehei&LUHrfeo'iargreat pip.lfnqs, anrl jn nnn p.ln si qd. it fell Qut iTTejao3Jd!mak&jiQ.accQmite at aiL__IIis--beeks-JBZBr£_aiter_aJit^^ beginingleft_alto- geather unperfect; and his papers, some were los^aiid others so confused, as he knew not what to make of them him selfe, when they came to be searched and examined. This was not unknowne to Mr. Sherley; and they came to smarte for it to purposs, (though it was not their faulte,) both thus in England, and also here; for they conceived they lost some hundred of pounds for goods"'tlTtstedj(mt4n,.,the-plaee7-'wffi^^ei^^ walrtTof-elearaccounts to calLthem hii.. Another reason of this mischeefe was, that after Mr. Winslow was sente into England to demand accounts, and to excepte against the Whit-Angell, they never had any price sent with their goods, nor any certaine invoyce of them; but all things stood in confusion, and they were faine to guesse at the prises of them. They write back to Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beachamp, and tould them they marveled they should write they had sent nothing home since the last accounts; for they had sente a great deale; and it might rather be marveled how they could be able to send so much, besids defraying all charg at home. HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1636 . what they had lost by the French, and so much cast away sea, when Mr. Peirce lost his ship on the coast of Virginia. What they had sente was to them all, and to them selves as well as Mr. Sherley, and if they did not looke after it, it was their owne falts; they must referr them to Mr. Sherley, who had received it, to demand it of him. They allso write to Mr. Sherley to the same purposs, and what the others com- plaints were. This year 2. shallops going to Coonigtecutt with goods from the Massachusetts of such as removed theither to plante, were in an easterly storme cast away in coming into this harbore in the night ; the boats men were lost, and the goods were driven all alonge the shore, and strowed up and downe at highwater marke. But the Gov'' caused them to be gathered up, and drawn togeather, and appointed some to take an inventory of them, and others to wash and drie such things as had neede therof ; by which means most of the goods were saved, and restored to the owners. Afterwards anotheir boate of theirs (going thither likwise) was cast away near unto Manoan- scusett,^ and such goods as came a shore were preserved for them. Su£h_crosses they mette within their beginings; which ^sonie imputed as a correction from God for theirintrution (to the wrong of others) into that place. , J5utTSaE§.notJbe bould with Gods judgments in this kind, i In the year 1634, the Pequents (a-stoute and warhke people), who had made warrs with sundry of their neigbours, and puft up with many victories, grue now at varience with the Nari- gansets, a great people bordering upon them. These Narigan- sets held correspondance and termes of freindship with the English of the Massachusetts. Now the Pequents, being con- scious of the guilte of Captain-Stones death, whom they knew to be an-Enghsh man, as also those that were with him, and ' Manoanscussett was what was formerly the northern part of Sandwich, Massachusetts, which was for many years known as Scussett. It is now the town of Bourne, between Sandwich and Plymouth. 1636] EDWARD WINSLOW, GOVERNOR 333 being fallen out with the Dutch, least they should have over many enemies at once, sought to make freindship with the EngUsh of the Massachiisetts; and for that end sent both messengers and gifts imto them, as appears by some letters sent from the Gov"" hither. Dear and worthy Sr: etc. To let you know somwhat of our affairs, you may understand that the Pequents have sent some of theirs to us, to desire our freindship, and offered much wampum and beaver, etc. The first messengers were dismissed without answer; with the next we had diverce dayes conferance, and taking the advice of some of our ministers, and seeking the Lord in it, we concluded a peace and freindship with them, upon these conditions: that they should deliver up to us those men who were guilty of Stones death, etc. And if we desired to plant in Conighte- cute, they should give up their right to us, and so we would send to trade with them as our freinds (which was the cheefe thing we aimed at, being now in warr with the Dutch and the rest of their neigbours). To this they readily agreed; and that we should meadiate a peace betweene them and the Narigansetts; for which end they were contente we should give the Narigansets parte of that presente, they would bestow on us (for they stood so much on their honour, as they would not be seen to give any thing of them selves). As for Captein Stone, they tould us ther were but 2. left of those who had any hand in his death; and that they killed him in a just quarell, for (say they) he surprised 2. of our men, and bound them, to make them by force to shew him the way up the river ;^ and he with 2. other coming on shore, 9. Indeans watched him, and when they were a sleepe in the night, they kiled them, to deliver their owne men; and some of them going afterwards to the pinass, it was suddainly blowne up. We are now preparing to send a pinass unto them, etc. In an other of his, dated the 12. of the first month, he hath this. Our pinass is latly returned from the Pequents; they put of but lide comoditie, and found them a very false people, so as they mean to have no more to doe with them. I have diverce other things to write unto you, etc. Yours ever assured, Jo: WiNTHKOP. Boston, 12. of the 1. month, 1634.^ ' "Ther is litle trust to be given to their relations in these things." (Br.) '^/.e., March 12, 1634/5. 334 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1636 After these things, and, as I take, this year, John Oldom, (of whom much is spoken before,) being now an inhabitant of the Massachusetts, went with a small vessell, and slenderly mand, a trading into these south parts, and upon a quarell betweene him and the Indeans was cutt of by them (as hath been before noted) at an iland called by the Indeans Mimisses, but since by the EngUsh Block Iland.^ This, with the former about the death of Stone, and the baffoyling^ of the Pequents with the English of the Massachusetts, moved them to set out some to take revenge, and require satisfaction for these wrongs; but it was done so superfitially, and without their acquaintmg of those of Conightecute and other neighbours with the same, as they did litle good. But their neigbours had more hurt done, for some of the murderers of Oldome fled to the Pequents, and though the English went to the Pequents, and had some parley with them, yet they did but delude them, and the EngUsh re- turned without doing any thing to purpose, being frustrate of their oppertunitie by the others deceite. After the English were returned, the Pequents tooke their time and oppertunitie to cut of some of the English as they passed in boats, and went on fouhng, and assaulted them the next spring at their habyta- tions, as will appear in its place. I doe but touch these things, because I make no question they wifl be more fully and dis- tinctly handled by them selves, who had more exacte knowledg of them, and whom they did more properly concerne.' This year Mr. Smith layed downe his place of ministrie, partly by his owne wilUngnes, as thinking it too heavie a burthen, and partly at the desire, and by the perswasion, of others; and the church sought out for some other, having often been disappointed in their hops and desires heretofore. And ' This island was named after Adrian Block, to whom its discovery has been by many attributed, as occurring in 1614. There can be little doubt that Verrazano discovered it in 1524 and named it Claudia after the mother of Francis I. It bears this name on Lock's map of 1582. See Winsor's Narrative and Critical History, III. 40. ' Baffling, in the sense of shuffling. ' Mason's, Lyon Gardiner's, and Underhill's accounts of the Pequot War all have some claim to be regarded as official. 1637] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 335 it pleased the Lord to send them an able and a godly man/ and of a meeke and humble spirits, sound in the truth, and every way vinreproveable in his hfe and conversation ; whom, after some time of triall, they chose for their teacher, the fruits of whose labours they injoyed many years with much comforte, in peace, and good agreemente. Anno Dom: 1637. In the fore parte of this year, the Pequents fell openly upon the English at Conightecute, in the lower parts of the river, and slew sundry of them, (as they were at work in the feilds,) both men and women, to the great terrour of the rest ; and wente away in great prid and triimiph, with many high threats. They allso assalted a fort at the rivers mouth, though strong and well defended; and though they did not their prevaile, yet it struk them with much fear and astonishmente to see their bould attempts in the face of danger; which made them in all places to stand upon their gard, and to prepare for re- sistance, and emestly to solissite their freinds and confederats in the Bay of Massachusets to send them speedy aide, for they looked for more forcible assaults. Mr. Vane,^ being then Gov"^, write from their Generall Courte to them hear, to joyne with them in this warr; to which they were cordially willing, but tooke opportunitie to write to them aboute some former things, as well as presente, considerable hereaboute. The wliich will best appear in the Gov' answer which he returned to the same, which I shall here inserte. Sr: The Lord having so disposed, as that your letters to our late Gov' is fallen to my lott to make answer unto, I could have wished I might have been at more freedome of time and thoughts also, that I might have done it more to your and my owne satisfaction. But what shall be ' "Mr. John Reiner." (Br.) He graduated at Magdalen College, Cam- bridge. Charles Chauncy was associated with him in the Plymouth ministry from 1638 to 1641. After he left Plymouth in 1654 he was settled in Dover, New Hampshire, where he remained until his death. 'Afterward Sir Henry Vane. He was elected governor of Massachusetts in the spring of 1636. 336 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1637 wanting now may be supplyed hereafter. For the matters which from your selfe and counsell were propounded and objected to us, we thought not fitte to make them so publicke as the cognizance of our Generall Courte. But as they have been considered by those of our counsell, this answer we thinke fitt to returne unto you. (1.) Wereas you signifie your willingnes to joyne with us in this warr against the Pequents, though you cannot ingage your selves without the consente of your Generall Courte, we acknowledg your good affection towards us, (which we never had cause to doubt of,) and are willing to attend your full resolution, when it may most seasonably be ripened. (2*^.) Wheras you make this warr to be our peopls, and not to conceirne your selves, otherwise then by conse- quence, we do in parte consente to you therin; yet we suppose, that, in case of perill, you will not stand upon such terms, as we hope we should not doe towards you; and withall we conceive that you looke at the Pe- quents, and all other Indeans, as a commone enimie, who, though he may take occasion of the begining of his rage, from some one parte of the English, yet if he prevaile, will surly pursue his advantage, to the rooting out of the whole nation. Therfore when we desired your help, we did it not without respecte to your owne saftie, as ours. (3'^.) Wheras you desire we should be ingaged to aide you, upon all like occasions; we are perswaded you doe not doubte of it; yet as we now deale with you as a free people, and at libertie, so as we cannot draw you into this warr with us, otherwise then as reason may guid and provock you; so we desire we may be at the like freedome, when any occasion may call for help from us. And wheras it is objected to us, that we refused to aide you against the French; we conceive the case was not alicke; yet we cannot wholy excuse our failing in that matter. (4'^.) Weras you objecte that we began the warr without your privitie, and managed it contrary to your advise; the truth is, that our first intentions being only against Block Hand, and the interprice seeming of small difficultie, we did not so much as consider of taking advice, or looking out for aide abroad. And when we had resolved upon the Pequents, we sent presently, or not long after, to you aboute it; but the answer received, it was not seasonable for us to chaing our counsells, excepte we had seen and waighed your grounds, which might have out wayed our owne. (5*^.) For our peoples trading at Kenebeck, we assure you (to our knowledge) it hath not been by any allowance from us ; and what we have pro- vided in this and like cases, at our last Courte, Mr. E. W. can certifie you. And (6''') ; wheras you objecte to us that we should hold trade and correspondancie with the French, your enemise; we answer, you are mis- informed, for, besids some letters which hath passed betweene our late 1637] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 337 Gov^' and them, to which we were privie, we have neither sente nor incouraged ours to trade with them; only one vessell or tow, for the better conveance of our letters, had licens from our Gov' to sayle thither.^ Divorce other things have been privatly objected to us, by our worthy freind, wherunto he received some answer; but most of them concerning the apprehention of perticuler discurteseis, or injueries from some per- ticuler persons amongst us. It concernes us not to give any other answer to them then this; that, if the offenders shall be brought forth in a right way, we shall be ready to doe justice as the case shall require. In the meane time, we desire you to rest assured, that such things are without our privity, and not a litle greeveous to us. Now for the joyning with us in this warr, which indeed concerns us no other wise then it may your selves, viz. : the releeving of our f reinds and Christian breethren, who are now first in the danger; though you may thinke us able to make it good without you, (as, if the Lord please to be with us, we may,) yet 3. things we offer to your consideration, which (we conceive) may have some waight with you. (First) that if we should sinck under this burden, your opportunitie of seasonable help would be lost in 3. respects. 1. You cannot recover us, or secure your selves ther, with 3. times the charge and hazard which now ye may. 2'^. The sor- rowes which we should lye under (if through your neglect) would much abate of the acceptablenes of your help afterwards. 3'''. Those of yours, who are now full of courage and forwardnes, would be much damped, and so less able to undergoe so great a burden. The (2.) thing is this, that it concernes us much to hasten this warr to an end before the end of this sonimer, otherwise the newes of it will discourage both your and our freinds from coming to us next year; with what further hazard and losse it may expose us unto, your selves may judge. The (3.) thing is this, that if the Lord shall please to blesse our en- deaours, so as we end the warr, or put it in a hopefuU way without you, it may breed such ill thoughts in our people towards yours, as will be hard to entertaine such opinione of your good will towards us, as were fitt to be nurished among such neigbours and brethren as we are. And what ill consequences may follow, on both sids, wise men may fear, and would rather prevente then hope to redress. So with my harty salutations to you selfe, and all your counsell, and other our good freinds with you, I rest Yours most assured in the Lord, Boston, the 20. of the 3. month, 1637.^ Jo: Winthrop. 'Vane. ""But by this means they did furnish them, and have still continued to doe." (Br.) ^ /. e., May 20, 1637. 338 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1637 In the mean time, the Pequents, espetially in the winter be- fore, sought to make peace with the Narigansets, and used very pernicious arguments to move them therunto : as that the Eng- Hsh were stranegers and begane to overspred their countrie, and would deprive them therof in time, if they were suffered to grow and increse; and if the Narigansets did assist the English to sub- due them, they did but make way for their owne overthrow, for if they were rooted out, the EngUsh would soone take occasion to subjugate them ; and if they would harken to them, they should not neede to fear the strength of the Enghsh ; for they would not come to open battle with them, but fire their houses, kill their katle, and lye in ambush for them as they went abroad upon their occasions ; and all this they might easily doe without any or litle danger to them selves. The which course being held, they well saw the English could not long subsiste,but they would either be starved with himger, or be forced to forsake the coun- trie; with many the like things; insomuch that the Narigansets were once wavering, and were halfe minded to have made peace with them, and joyned against the Enghsh. But againe when they considered, how much wrong they had received from the Pequents, and what an oppertimitie they now had by the help of the English to right them selves, revenge was so sweete unto them, as it prevailed above all the rest; so as they resolved to joyne with the English against them, and did. The Court here agreed forwith to send 50. men at their owne charg; and with as much speed as posiblie they could, gott them armed, and had made them ready under sufficiente leaders, and pro- vided a barke tocarrie them provisions and tend upon them for all occasions ; but when they were ready to march (with a sup- ply from the Bay) they had word to stay, for the enimy was as good as vanquished, and their would be no neede. I shall not take upon me exactly to describe their proceed- ings in these things, because I expecte it will be fully done by them selves, who best know the carrage and circumstances of things; I shall therfore but touch them in generall. From 1637] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 339 Connightecute (who were most sencible of the hurt sustained, and the present danger), they sett out a partie of men, and an other partie mett them from the Bay, at the Narigansets, who were to joyne with them. The Narigansets were emest to be gone before the English were well rested and refreshte, espetial- ly some of them which came last. It should seeme their desire was to come upon the enemie sudenly, and imdiscovered. Ther was a barke of this place, newly put in ther, which was come from Conightecutte, who did incom-age them to lay hold of the Indeans forwardnes, and to shew as great forwardnes as they, for it would incorage them, and expedition might prove to their great advantage. So they went on, and so ordered their march, as the Indeans brought them to a forte of the enimies (in which most of their cheefe men were) before day. They approached the same with great silence, and surrounded it both with EngUsh and Indeans, that they might not breake out; and so assualted them with great courage, shooting amongst them, and entered the forte with all speed ; and those that first entered found sharp resistance from the enimie, who both shott at and grapled with them; others rane into their howses, and brought out fire, and sett them on fire, which scone tooke in their matts, and, standing close togeather, with the wind, all was quickly on a flame, and therby more were bumte to death then was otherwise slain; it burnte their bowstrings, and made them imservisable. Those that scaped the fire were slaine with the sword; some hewed to peeces, others rime throw with their rapiers, so as they were quickly dispatchte, and very few escaped. It was conceived they thus destroyed about 400. at this time. It was a fearfull sight to see them thus frying in the fyer, and the streams of blood quenching the same, and horrible was the stinck and sente ther of; but-iha ^ctory seemed a sweete sac rjfijcey and they .,gaxeJihe_j}iagg_.ti ierof to God ^_jg^had wrovght„.§a. wpnderfuly io]:„thero, thus to inclose their enimise in their hands, and give them sospeeSy^a, victory'over so proud and 340 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1637 insulting an enimie. The Narigansett Indeans, all this while, stood round aboute, but aloofe from all danger, and left the whole execution to the Enghsh, exept it were the stoping of any that broke away, insulting over their enimies in this their ruine and miserie, when they saw them dancing in the flames, calling them by a word in their owne language, signifing, brave Pequents! which they used famiherly among them selves in their own prayes, in songs of triumph after their victories. After this servis was thus happily accompHshed, they marcht to the water side, wher they mett with some of their vesells, by which they had refreishing with victualls and other necessaries. But in their march the rest of the Pequents drew into a body, and acoasted them, thinking to have some ad- vantage against them by reason of a neck of land; but when they saw the EngUsh prepare for them, they kept a loofe, so as they neither did hurt, nor could receive any. After their refreish- ing and repair to geather for further coimsell and directions, they resolved to pursue their victory, and follow the warr against the rest, but the Narigansett Indeans most of them f orsooke them, and such of them as they had with them for guids, or otherwise, they found them very could and backward in the bussines, ether out of en vie, or that they saw the English would make more profite of the victorie then they were willing they should, or els deprive them of such advantage as them selves desired by hav- ing them become tributaries imto them, or the like. For the rest of this bussines, I shall only relate the same as it is in a leter which came from Mr. Winthrop to the Gov'' hear, as foUoweth. Worthy Sr : I received your loving letter, and am much provocked to express my affections towards you, but straitnes of time forbids me; for my desi re is to acguainte-yau- with 4he-fcords-fflTate"tBer«^sJa wards us, in our prevailing against iis. and pur enimi^; thatrou may rejoyce and praise his name with us. About 80. of our men, haveing costed along towards the Dutch plantation, (some times by water, but most by land,) mett hear and ther with some Pequents, whom they slew or tooke prisoners. 2. sachems they tooke, and beheaded; and not hearing of Sassacous, (the 1637] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 341 cheefe sachem,) they gave a prisoner his Ufe, to goe and find him out. He wente and brought them word where he was, but Sassacouse, suspect- ing him to be a spie, after he was gone, fled away with some 20. more to the Mowakes, so our men missed of him. Yet, deviding them selves, and ranging up and downe, as the providence of God guided them (for the Indeans were all gone, save 3. or 4. and they knew not whither to guide them, or els would not), upon the 13. of this month, they light upon a great company of them, viz. 80. strong men, and 200. women and children, in a small Indean towne, fast by a hideous swamp,' which they all slipped into before our men could gett to them. Our captains were not then come togeither, but ther was Mr. Ludlow and Captaine Masson, with some 10. of their men, and Captaine Patrick with some 20. or more of his, who, shooting at the Indeans, Captaine Trask with 50. more came soone in at the noyse. Then they gave order to surround the swampe, it being aboute a mile aboute; but Levetenante Davenporte and some 12. more, not hear- ing that command, fell into the swampe among the Indeans. The swampe was so thicke with shrub-woode, and so boggie with all, that some of them stuck fast, and received many shott. Levetenant Daven- port was dangerously wounded aboute his armehole, and another shott in the head, so as, fainting, they were in great danger to have been taken by the Indeans. But Sargante Rigges, and Jeffery, and 2. or 3. more, rescued them, and slew diverse of the Indeans with their swords. After they were drawne out, the Indeans desired parley, and were offered (by Thomas Stanton, our interpretour) that, if they would come out, and yeeld them selves, they should have their lives, all that had not their hands in the English blood. Wherupon the sachem of the place came forth, and an old man or 2. and their wives and children, and after that some other women and children, and so they spake 2. howers, till it was night. Then Thomas Stanton was sente into them againe, to call them forth ; but they said they would selle their lives their, and so shott at him so thicke as, if he had not cried out, and been presently rescued, they had slaine him. Then our men cutt of a place of the swampe with their swords, and cooped the Indeans into so narrow a compass, as they could easier kill them throw the thickets. So they continued all the night, standing aboute 12. foote one from an other, and the Indeans, coming close up to our men, shot their arrows so thicke, as they pierced their hatte brimes, and their sleeves, and stockins, and other parts of their cloaths, yet so miraculously did the Lord preserve them as not one of them was wounded, save those 3. who rashly went into the swampe. When it was nere day, it grue very darke, so as those of them which were left dropt away betweene our men, though » Within the present town of Fairfield, Connecticut. 342 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1637 they stood but 12. or 14. foote assunder; but were presenly discovered, and some killed in the pursute. Upon searching of the swampe, the next morning, they found 9. slaine, and some they pulled up, whom the Indeans had buried in the mire, so as they doe thinke that, of all this company, not 20. did escape, for they after found some who dyed in their flight of their wounds received. The prisoners were devided, some to those of the river, and the rest to us. Of these we send the male children to Bermuda,' by Mr. William Peirce, and the women and maid children are disposed aboute in the townes. Ther have been now slaine and taken, in all, aboute 700. The rest are dispersed, and the Indeans in all quarters so terrified as all their friends are affraid to receive them. 2. of the sachems of Long Hand came to Mr. Stoughton and tendered them selves to be tributaries under our protection. And 2. of the Neepnett ^ sachems have been with me to seeke our frendship. Amonge the prisoners we have the wife and children of Mononotto, a womon of a very modest countenance and be- haviour. It was by her mediation that the 2. English maids were spared from death, and were kindly used by her; so that I have taken charge of her. One of her first requests was, that the English would not abuse her body, and that her children might not be taken from her. Those which were wounded were fetched of soone by John Galopp, who came with his shalop in a happie houre, to bring them victuals, and to carrie their wounded men to the pinnass, wher our cheefe surgeon was, with Mr. Willson, being aboute 8. leagues off. Our people are all in health, (the Lord be praised,) and allthough they had marched in their armes all the day, and had been in fight all the night, yet they professed they found them selves so fresh as they could willingly have gone to such another bussines. This is the substance of that which I received, though I am forced to omite many considerable circomstances. So, being in much straitnes of time, (the ships being to departe within this 4. days, and in them the Lord Lee ' and Mr. Vane,) I hear breake of, and with harty saluts to, etc., I rest Yours assured. The 28. of the 5. month, 1637. Jo: Wintheop. The captains reporte we have slaine 13. sachems; but Sassacouse and Monotto are yet living. ' "But they were carried to the West-Indeas." (Br.) ' Neepnett was in Connecticut. ' James, Lord Ley, to whose sister. Lady Margaret Ley, Milton addressed one of his most famous sonnets. He was the eldest son and heir of the Earl of Marlborough, and came to New England in June, 1637, to see the country. Vane, disappointed at not being re-elected governor, returned to England with him. The date below is July 28, 1637. 1637] WILLIAM BRADPORD, GOVERNOR 343 That I may make an end of this matter: this Sassacouse (the Pequents cheefe sachem) being fled to the Mowhakes, they cutt of his head, with some other of the cheefe of them, whether to satisfie the English, or rather the Narigansets, (who, as I have since heard, hired them to doe it,) or for their owne advantage, I well know not; but thus this warr tooke end. The rest of the Pequents were wholy driven from their place, and some of them submitted them selves to the Narigan- sets, and lived under them; others of them betooke themselves to the Monhiggs, imder Uncass, their sachem, with the appro- bation of the EngUsh of Conightecutt, xmder whose protection Uncass lived, and he and his men had been faithful to them in this warr, and done them very good service. But this did so vexe the Narrigansetts, that they had not the whole sweay over them, as they have never ceased plotting and contriving how to bring them xmder, and because they cannot attaine their ends, because of the Enghsh who have protected them, they have sought to raise a generall conspiracie against the English, as will appear in an other place. They had now letters againe out of England from Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beachamp, that Mr. Sherley neither had nor would pay them any money, or give them any accounte, and so with much discontent desired them hear to send them some, much blaming them still, that they had sent all to Mr. Sher- ley, and none to them selves. Now, though they might have justly referred them to their former answer, and insisted ther upon, and some wise men counselled them so to doe, yet because they beleeved that they were realy out round sumes of money, (espetialy Mr. Andrews,) and they had some in their hands, they resloved to send them what bever they had.' Mr. Sherleys letters were to this purpose: that, as they had left him hi the paiment of the former bills, so he had tould them he would leave them in this, and beleeve it, they should find it true. And he was as good as his word, for they could never ' "But staid it till the next year." (Br.) 344 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1638 gett peney from him, nor bring him to any accounte, though Mr. Beachamp sued him in the Chancerie. But they all of them turned their complaints against them here, wher ther was least cause, and who had suffered most unjustly; first from Mr. Allerton and them, in being charged with so much of that which they never had, nor drimke for; and now in paying all, and more then all (as they conceived), and yet still thus more demanded, and that with many heavie charges. 'JThey now dischargedJ\Ir;_Sherley Jrom his agencie, and forbad ~him:~to buy or send over any more goods' forHhem, and prest him to come to some end about these things. Armo Dom: 1638. This year Mr. Thomas Prence was chosen Gov.' Amongst other enormities that fell out amongst them, this year 3. men were (after due triall) executed for robery and murder which they had committed; their names were these, Arthur Peach, Thomas Jackson, and Richard Stinnings; ther was a 4., Daniel Grose, who was also guilty, but he escaped away, and could not be found. This Arthur Peach was the cheefe of them, and the ring leader of all the rest. He was a lustie and a desperate yonge man, and had been one of the souldiers in the Pequente warr, and had done as good servise as the most ther, and one of the forwardest in any attempte. And being now out of means, and loath to worke, and falling to idle courses and company, he intended to goe to the Dutch plantation; and had alured these 3., being other mens servants and apprentices, to goe with him. But another cause ther was allso of his secret going away in this maner; he was not only rime into debte, but he had gott a maid with child, (which was not known till after his death,) a mans servante in the towne, and fear of pimishmente made him gett away. The other 3. complotting with him, ranne away from their maisters in the night, and could not be heard of, for they went not the ordinarie 1638] THOMAS PRENCE, GOVERNOR 345 way, but shaped such a course as they thought to avoyd the pursute of any. But falling into the way that lyeth betweene the Bay of Massachusetts and the Narrigansets, and being dis- posed to rest them selves, struck fire, and took tobaco, a Utle out of the way, by the way side. At length ther came a Narigansett Indean by, who had been in the Bay a trading, and had both cloth and beads aboute him. (They had meett him the day before, and he was now returning.) Peach called him to drinke tobaco with them, and he came and sate downe with them. Peach tould the other he would kill him, and take what he had from him. But they were some thing afraid; but he said, Hang him, rougue, he had killed many of them. So they let him alone to doe as he would; and when he saw his time, he tooke a rapier and rane him through the body once or twise, and tooke from him 5. fathume of wampam, and 3. coats of cloath, and wente their way, leaving him for dead. But he scrabled away, when they were gone, and made shift to gett home,) but dyed within a few days after,) by which means they were discovered; and by subtilty the Indeans tooke them. For they desiring a canow to sett them over a water, (not thinking their facte had been known,) by the sachems command they were carried to Aquidnett Hand, and ther accused of the murder, and were examend and comitted upon it by the English ther. The Indeans sent for Mr. Wilhams,' and made a greeveous complainte; his freinds and kinred were ready to rise in armes, and provock the rest therunto, some conceiving they should now find the Pequents words trew: that the Enghsh would fall upon them. But Mr. Williams pacified them, and tould them they should see justice done upon the offenders; and wente to the man, and tooke Mr. James, a phisition, with him. The man tould him who did it, and in what maner it was done ; but the phisition found his wounds mortall, and that he could not live, (as he after testified upon othe, before the jurie in oppen courte,) and so ' Roger Williams » always trusted by the Narragansetts. 346 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1638 he dyed shortly after, as both Mr. Williams, Mr. James, and some Indeans testified in courte. The Gov'^ in the Bay were aquented with it, but refferrd it hither, because it was done in this jurisdiction;* but pressed by all means that justice might be done in it; or els the coimtrie must rise and see justice done, otherwise it would raise a warr. Yet some of the rude and ignorante sorte murmured that any Enghsh should be put to death for the Indeans. So at last they of the iland brought them hither, and being often examened, and the evidence pro- dused, they all in the end freely confessed in effect all that the Indean accused them of, and that they had done it, in the maner afforesaid; and so, upon the forementioned evidence, were cast by the jurie, and condemned, and executed for the same. And some of the Narigansett Indeans, and of the parties freinds, were presente when it was done, which gave them and all the countrie good satisfaction.^ But it was la matter of much sadnes to them hear, and was the 2. exe- cution which they had since they came; being both for wil- fuU murder, as hath bene before related. Thus much of 'this mater. They received this year more letters from England full of reneued complaints, on the one side, that they could gett no money nor accoxmte from Mr. Sherley ; and he againe, that he was pressed therto, saying he was to accoxmte with those hear, and not with them, etc. So, as was before resolved, if nothing came of their last letters, they would now send them what they could, as supposing, when some good parte was payed them, that Mr. Sherley and they would more easily agree aboute the remainder. So they sent to Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beachamp, by Mr. Joseph Yonge, in the Mary and Anne, 1325K. waight of beaver, devided betweene them. Mr. Beachamp returned an accounte ' "And yet afterwards they laid claime to those parts in the controversie about Seacunk." (Br.) 'The execution probably took place on the hill between Murdock's PQad and Samoset Street, which was at an early date called Gallows Hill, 1638] THOMAS PRENCE, GOVERNOR 347 of his moyety, that he made AOOli. starhng of it, fraight and all charges paid. But Mr. Andrews, though he had the more and beter parte, yet he made not so much of his, through his owne indiscretion; and yet turned the loss* upon them hear, but without cause. They sent them more by bills and other paimente, which was received and acknowledged by them, in money ^ and the like; which was for katle sould of Mr. Allertons, and the price of a bark sold, which belonged to the stock, and made over to them in money, 434K. sterling. The whole siune was 1234K. sterling, save what Mr. Andrews lost in the beaver, which was otherwise made good. But yet this did not stay their clamors, as will apeare here after more at large. Itplease d God, in these times, so to blesse the cuntry with such access and confluance of people into it, as it was therby much inriched, and catle of all kinds stood at a high rate for diverce years together. Kine were sould at 20li. and some at 25li. a peece, yea, some times at 28li. A cow-calfe usually at lOli. A milch goate at Bli. and some at 4K. And femall kids at 30s. and often at 40s. a peece. By which means the anciente planters which had any stock begane to grow in their estats. Come also wente at a round rate, viz. 6s. a bushell. So as other trading begane to be neglected; and the old partners (having now forbidded Mr. Sherley to send them any more goods) broke of their trade at Kenebeck, and, as things stood, would follow it no longer. But some of them, (with other they joyned with,) beuig loath it should be lost by dis- continuance, agreed with the company for it, and gave them aboute the 6. parte of their gaines for it; with the first fruits of which they builte a house for a prison;' and the trade ther hath been since continued, to the great benefite of the place; for some well fore-sawe that these high prises of corne and ' "Being about 40li." (Br.) ' "And devided betweene them." (Br.) ^ This prison was built in Summer Street, where the brook long called Prison Brook crosses the street. 348 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1638 catle would not long continue, and that then the commodities ther raised would be much missed. This year, aboute the 1. or 2. of June, was a great and fearfuU earthquake; it was in this place heard before it was felte. It came with a rumbling noyse, or low murmure, Uke unto remoate thunder; it came from the norward, and pased southward. As the noyse aproched nerer, they earth begane to shake, and came at length with that violence as caused platters, dishes, and such like things as stoode upon shelves, to clatter and fall downe ; yea, persons were afraid of the houses themselves. It so fell oute that at the same time diverse of the cheefe of this towne Js^ereXmett together at one house, conferring with some of^tKeif^ ireinds that were upon their jcepovall from the place,; ((as if the Lord^wquldjierby^shewthe- si^nes of his displeasure. . in ^eir_^aking a peeces and re- moyalls one from an other.) How ever it was very terrible for the time, and as the men were set talking in the house, some women and others were without the dores, and the earth shooke with that violence as they could not stand without catching hould of the posts and pails that stood next them; but the violence lasted not long. And about halfe an hower, or less, came an other noyse and shaking, but nether so loud nor strong as the former, but quickly passed over; and so it ceased. It was not only on the sea coast, but the Indeans felt it within land; and some ships that were upon the coast were shaken by it. So po werfull is the mighty hand of the Lord, as to make both the earth and s^a%r sli^ke, and Ifa e- mountain es to tremble before him, when he pleas^; and who can stay his hand? It was observed -that the somniers-,--forTliveTs years togeather after this earthquake, were not so hotte and season- able for the ripning of corne and other fruits as formerly; but more could and moyst, and subjecte to'erly and untimly frosts, by which, many times, much Indean come came not to maturi- tie; but whether this was any cause, I leave it to naturallists Ito judge. 1639-1640] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 349 Anno Dom: 1639. and Anno Dom: 1640. These 2. yeajs_Ijfl3ais_togeather, because in them fell not lynbhin gs more then the or dinary commqne affaires, -whii^ arejaQjj3££ai[un to beloucKgd: — Those of this plantation having at sundrie times~granted lands for severall townships, and amongst the rest to the inhabitants of Sityate,^ some wherof issewed from them selves, and allso a large tracte of land was given to their 4. London partners in that place, viz. Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beacham, Mr. Andrews, and Mr. Hatherley. At Mr. Hatherley's request and choys it was by him taken for him selfe and them in that place; for the other 3. had invested him with power and trust to chose for them. And this tracte of land extended, to their utmoste limets that way, and bordered on their neigbours of the Massa- chusets, who had some years after seated a towne (called Hingam) on their lands next to these parts. So as now ther grue great differance betweene these 2. townships, about their bounds, and some meadow grownds that lay betweene them. They of Hingam presumed to alotte parte of them to their people, and measure and stack them out. The other pulled up their stacks, and threw them. So it grew to a controversie betweene the 2. goverments, and many letters and passages were betweene them aboute it ; and it hunge some 2. years in suspense. The Courte of Massachusets appointed some to range their Hne according to the bounds of their patente, and (as they wente to worke) they made it to take in all Sityate, and I know not how much more. Againe, on the other hand, according to the line of the patente of this place,^ it would take in Hingame and much more within their bounds. In the end boath Courts agreed to chose 2. comissioners of each side, and to give them full and absolute power to agree and setle the bounds betwene them; and what they should doe ' Scituate, Mass. ' The Plymouth patent of January 13, 1629/30. 350 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1639-1640 in the case should stand irrevocably. One meeting they had at Hingam, but could not conclude; for their comissioners stoode stiffly on a clawes in their graunte, That from Charles-river, or any branch or parte therof, they were to extend then- hmits, and 3. myles further to the southward; or from the most southward parte of the Massachusets Bay, and 3. mile further.' But they chose to stand on the former termes, for they had found a smale river, or brooke rather, that a great way with in land trended southward, and issued into some part of that river taken to be Charles-river, and from the most southerly part of this, and 3. mile more southward of the same, they would rune a hue east to the sea, aboute 20. mile; which will (say they) take in a part of Phmoth itselfe. Now it is to be knowne that though this patente and plantation were much the an- cienter, yet this inlargemente of the same (in which Sityate stood) was granted after theirs, and so theirs were first to take place, before this mlargmente. Now their answer was, first, that, however according to their owne plan, they could noway come upon any part of their ancieante grante. 2^^. They could never prove that to be a parte of Charles-river, for they knew not which was Charles-river, but as the people of this place, which came first, imposed such a name upon that river, upon which, since, Charles-towne is builte (supposing that was it, which Captaine Smith in his mapp so named) .^ Now they that first named it have best reason to know it, and to explaine which is it. But they only tooke it to be Charles river, as fare as it was by them navigated, and that was as farr as a boate could goe. But that every runlett or small brooke, that should, farr within land, come into it, or mixe their stremes with it, and were by the natives called by other and differente names from it, should now by them be made Charles-river, ' The Massachusetts patent defined the southern boundary of that colony as "three English myles on the south part of the saide river called Charles river, or of any or every parte thereof," and three south of "the southermost parte of the said baye called Massachusettes bay." ' See the reproduction of the map, in this volume. 1639-1640] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 351 or parts of it, they saw no reason for it. And gave instance in Huinber, in Old England, which had the Trente, Ouse, and many others of lesser note fell into it, and yet were not counted parts of it; and many smaler rivers and broks fell into the Trente, and Ouse, and no parts of them, but had nams aparte, and divisions and nominations of them selves. Againe, it was pleaded that they had no east line in their patente, but were to begine at the sea, and goe west by a line, etc. At this meet- ing no conclution was made, but things discussed and well prepared for an issue. The next year the same commissioners had their power continued or renewed, and mett at Sityate, and concluded the mater, as foUoweth. The agreemente of the bounds beiivixte Plimoih and Massachusetts. Wheras ther were tow comissiones granted by the 2. jurisdictions, the one of Massachsets Govermente, granted unto John Endecott, gent: and Israeli Stoughton, gent: the other of New-Plimoth Govennente, to William Bradford, Gov^ and Edward Winslow, gent: and both these for the setting out, setling, and determining of the bounds and limitts of the lands betweene the said jurisdictions, wherby not only this presente age, but the posteritie to come may live peaceably and quietly in that be- halfe. And for as much as the said comissioners on both sids have full power so to doe, as appeareth by the records of both jurisdictions; we therfore, the said comissioners above named, doe hearby with one consente and agreemente conclude, detirmine, and by these presents declare, that all the marshes at Conahasett that lye of the one side of the river next to Hingam, shall belong to the jurisdition of Massachusetts Plantation; and all the marshes that lye on the other side of the river next to Sityate, shall be long to the jurisdiction of New-Plimoth; excepting 60. acers of marsh at the mouth of the river, on Sityate side next to the sea, which we doe herby agree, conclude, and detirmine shall belong to the jurisdition of Massachusetts. And further, we doe hearby agree, determine, and conclude, that the bounds of the limites betweene both the said jurisditions are as followeth, viz. from the mouth of the brook that runeth into Chonahasett marches (which we call by the name of Bound-brooke) with a stright and directe line to the midle of a great ponde, that lyeth on the right hand of the uper path, or commone way, that leadeth betweene Waimoth and Plimoth, close to the path as we goe alonge, which was 352 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1639-1640 formerly named (and still we desire may be caled) Accord pond/ lying aboute five or 6. myles from Weimoth southerley; and from thence with a straight line to the souther-most part of Charles-river, and 3. miles southerly, inward into the countrie, according as is expresed in the patente granted by his Ma*'® to the Company of the Massachusetts Plan- tation. Provided allways and never the less concluded and determined by mutuall agreemente betweene the said comissioners, that if it fall out that the said line from Accord-pond to the sothermost parte of Charles- river, and 3. myles southerly as is before expresed, straiten or hinder any parte of any plantation begune by the Gove"^ of New-Plimoth, or here- after to be begune within 10. years after the date of these ps"*^, that then, notwithstanding the said line, it shall be lawfull for the said Gov^ of New-Plimoth to assume on the northerly side of the said line, wher it shall so intrench as afforesaid, so much land as will make up the quantity of eight miles square, to belong to every shuch plantation begune, or to [be] begune as afforesaid; which we agree, determine, and conclude to appertaine and belong to the said Gov"^ of New-Plimoth. And wheras the said line, from the said brooke which runeth into Choahassett salt- marshes, called by us Bound-brooke, and the pond called Accord-pond, lyeth nere the lands belonging to the tounships of Sityate and Hingam, we doe therfore hereby determine and conclude, that if any devissions allready made and recorded, by either the said townships, doe crose the said line, that then it shall stand, and be of force according to the former intents and purposes of the said townes granting them (the marshes formerly agreed on exepted). And that no towne in either jurisdiction shall hereafter exceede, but containe them selves within the said hnes expressed. In witnes wherof we, the comissioners of both jurisdictions, doe by these presents indented set our hands and scales the ninth day of the 4. month in 16. year of our soveraine lord, king Charles; and in the year of our Lord, 1640. William Beadford, Gov''. Jo: Endecott. Ed: Winslow. Iseaell Stoughton. Wheras the patente ^ was taken in the name of William Bradford, (as in trust,) and rane in these termes: To him, ' Accord Pond, three-quarters of a mile long, lies in the towns of Hingham, Rockland and Norwell, and derives its name from a treaty made before 1640 between the Indians and the settlers, the parties meeting in the winter on the frozen pond to make it. ' Meaning the patent of January 13, 1629/30, from the Council for New England. 1639-1640] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 353 his heires, and associates and assignes; and now the noumber of free-men being much increased, and diverce tounships es- tablished and setled in several! quarters of the govermente, as Phmoth, Duxberie, Sityate, Tanton, Sandwich, Yarmouth, Barnstable, Marchfeeld, and not longe after, Seacunke (called afterward, at the desire of the inhabitants, Rehoboth) and Nawsett, it was by the Courte desired that William Bradford should make a surrender of the same into their hands. The which he willingly did, in this maner following. Wheras William Bradford, and diverce others the first instruments of God in the beginning of this great work of plantation, togeather with such as the allordering hand of God in his providence soone added unto them, have been at very great charges to procure the lands, priviledges, and freedoms from all intanglments, as may appeare by diverse and sundrie deeds, inlargments of grants, purchases, and payments of debts, etc., by reason wherof the title to the day of these presents remaineth in the said William Bradford, his heires, associats, and assignes: now, for the better setling of the estate of the said lands (contained in the grant or pattente), the said William Bradford, and those first instruments termed and called in sondry orders upon publick recorde. The Purchasers, or Old comers; witnes 2. in spetiall, the one bearing date the 3. of March, 1639. the other in Des: the 1. An° 1640. wherunto these presents have spetiall relation and agreemente, and wherby they are distinguished from other the freemen and inhabitants of the said corporation. Be it knowne unto all men, therfore, by these presents, that the said William Bradford, for him selfe, his heires, together with the said purchasers, doe only re- serve unto them selves, their heires, and assignes those 3. tractes of land mentioned in the said resolution, order, and agreemente, bearing date the first of Des: 1640. viz. first, from the bounds of Yarmouth, 3. miles to the eastward of Naemschatet,' and from sea to sea, crose the neck of land. The 2. of a place called Acoughcouss, which lyeth in the botome of the bay adjoyning to the west-side of Pointe Perill, and 2. myles to the westerne ' Naemschatet is the same as Naumskachett, referred to in the note on page 220; the reserved tract No. 1, in which it is mentioned, included the present townships of Eastham, Orleans, Brewster and probably Harwich and Chatham. The second reserved tracty in which Acoughcouss, Acushente and Nacata are mentioned, included the modern towns of Acushnet, New Bedford and Dart- mouth. The third reserved tract, in which Sowansett and Cawsumsett are mentioned, included Swansea and Rehoboth, Massachusetts, and Barrington, Rhode Island. 354 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1639-1640 side of the said river, to an other place called Acushente river, which entereth at the westerne end of Nacata, and 2. miles to the eastward therof, and to extend 8. myles up into the eountrie. The 3. place, from Sowansett river to Patucket river, (with Cawsumsett neck,) which is the cheefe habitation of the Indeans, and reserved for them to dwell upon,) extending into the land 8. myles through the whole breadth therof. To- geather with such other small parcells of lands as they or any of them are personally possessed of or intressed in, by vertue of any former titles or grante whatsoever. And the said William Bradford doth, by the free and full consente, approbation, and agreemente of the said old-planters, or purchasers, together with the liking, approbation, and acceptation of the other parte of the said corporation, surrender into the hands of the whole courte, consisting of the free-men of this corporation of New- Plimoth, all that other right and title, power, authority, priviledges, immu- nities, and freedomes granted in the said letters patents by the said right Honb'® Counsell for New-England; reserveing his and their personall right of freemen, together with the said old planters afforesaid, excepte the said lands before excepted, declaring the freemen of this corporation, togeather with all such as shal be legally admitted into the same, his associats. And the said William Bradford, for him, his heiers, and as- signes, doe hereby further promise and grant to doe and performe what- soever further thing or things, acte or actes, which in him lyeth, which shall be needfull and expediente for the better confirming and establishing the said premises, as by counsel lerned in the lawes shall be reasonably advised and devised, when he shall be ther unto required. In witness wherof, the said William Bradford hath in publick courte surrendered the said letters patents actually into the hands and power of the said courte, binding him selfe, his heires, executors, administrators, and assignes to deliver up whatsoever spetialties are in his hands that doe or may concerne the same. In these 2. years they had siindry letters out of England to send one over to end the bmssines ajid_aii£Qiial£_JBsdthr-Mii__ Sherley j^ ho now p rofgssedjhie couMnot_ make up his aTO mnits- -withSut the help of sonaejrom hence, e spetialy Mr. Winslows.^ ^ Thejr had serrous'tEoughts of it, and the most parte of the partners hear thought it best to send; but they had formerly written such bitter and threatening letters as Mr. Winslow was neither willing to goe, nor that any other of the partners should; for he was perswaded, if any of them wente, they 1639-1640] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 355 should be arested, and an action of such a summe layed upon them as they should not procure baele, but must lye in prison, and then they would bring them to what they liste ; or other wise they might be brought into trouble by the arch-bishops means, as the times then stood. But, notwithstanding, they wear much mcUned to send, and Captaine Standish was willing to goe, but they resolved, seeing they could not all agree in this thing, and that it was waighty, and the consequence might prove dangerous, to take Mr. Winthrops advise in the thing, and the rather, because Mr. Andrews had by many letters acquaynted him with the differences betweene them, and ap- poynted him for his assigne to receive his parte of the debte. (And though they deneyed to pay him any as a debte, till the controversie was ended, yet they had deposited llOli. in money in his hands for Mr. Andrews, to pay to him in parte as soone as he would come to any agreement with the rest.) But Mr. Winthrop was of Mr. Winslows minde, and disswaded them from sending ; so they broak of their resolution from sending, and returned this answer: that the times were dangerous as things stood with them, for they knew how Mr. Winslow had suffered f ormerley, and for a small matter was clapte up in the Fleete, and it was long before he could gett out, to both his and their great loss and damage; and times were not better, but worse, in that respecte. Yet, that their equall and honest minds might appeare to all men, they made them this tender: to refferr the case to some gentle-men and marchants in the Bay of the Massachusetts, such as they should chuse, and were well knowne unto them selves, (as they perceived their wer many of then- aquaintance and freinds ther, better knowne to them then the partners hear,) and let them be informed in the case by both sids, and have all the evidence that could be prodused, in writing, or other wise; and they would be bound to stand to their determination, and make good their award, though it should cost them all they had in the world. But this did not please them, feut they were offended at it, without any great 356 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1639-1640 reasone for ought I know, (seeing nether side could give in clear accountes, the partners here could not, by reason they (to their smarte) were failed by the accountante they sent them, and Mr. Sherley pretened he could not allso,) save as they con- ceived it a disparagmente to yeeld to their inferiours in re- specte of the place and other concurring circomstances. So this came to nothing; and afterward Mr. Sherley write, that if Mr. Winslow would mett him in France, the Low-Countries, or Scotland, let the place be knowne, and he come to him ther. But in regard of the troubles that now begane to arise in our owne nation, and other reasons, this did not come to any effecte. That which made them so desirous to bring things to an end was partly to stope the clamours and aspertions raised and cast upon them hereaboute ; though they conceived them selves to sustaine the greatest wrong, and had most cause of complainte; and partly because they feared the fall of catle, in which most parte of their estats lay. And this was not a vaine feare; for they fell indeede before they came to a con- clusion, and that so souddanly, as a cowe that but a month before was worth 20li., and would so have passed in any paymente, fell now to 5li. and would yeeld no more; and a goate that wente at Sli. or 50s. would now yeeld but 8. or 10s. at most. All men feared a fall of catle, but it was thought it would be by degrees; and not to be from the highest pitch at once to the lowest, as it did, which was greatly to the damage of many, and the undoing of some. An other reason was, they many of them grew aged, (and indeed a rare thing it was that so many partners should all hve together so many years as these did,) and saw many changes were like to befall; so as they were loath to leave these intanglments upon their children and posteritie, who might be driven to remove places, as they had done ; yea, them selves might doe it yet before they dyed. But this bussines must yet rest; the next year gave it more ripnes, though it rendred them'lesTaftte Lu pay, for the reasons ^TformHT""^ •■ 1641] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 357 Anno Dom: 1641. Mr. Sheroiy being weary of this controversie, and de- sirous of an end, (as well as them selves,) write to Mr. John Atwode and Mr. William Collier, 2. of the inhabitants of this place, and of his speatiall aquaintance, and desired them to be a means to bring this bussines to an end, by advis- ing and counselling the partners hear, by some way to bring it to a composition, by mutuall agreemente. And he write to them selves allso to that end, as by his letter may apear; so much therof as concemse the same I shall hear relate. Sr. My love remembered, etc. I have writte so much concerning the ending of accounts betweexte us, as I profess I know not what more to write, etc. If you desire an end, as you seeme to doe, ther is (as I conceive) but 2. waise; that is, to parfecte all accounts, from the first to the last, etc. Now if ,we Jnd.thi,s__difficulte, and tedious, haveing not been so stri.cte-and_caxe£ii]l_as ,;sye, ghoul d. and eught£to_hav£^don£,jaa^ owne parte I doe confess I have been somewhat to remisse, and doe verily thinke^gojaEevou, etcn fear yotTcafi "liever make a perfecte ac- counte of all your pety viages, out, and home too and againe, etc.^ So then the second way must be, by biding, or compounding; and this way, first or last, we must fall upon, etc. If we must warr at law for it, doe not you expecte from me, nether will I from you, but to cleave the heare, and then I dare say the lawyers will be most gainers, etc. Thus let us set to the worke, one way or other, and end, that I may not allways suffer in my name and estate. And you are not free; nay, the gospell suffers by your delaying, and causeth the professors of it to be hardly spoken of, that you, being many, and now able, should combine and joyne togeather to oppress and burden me, etc. Fear not to make a faire and reasonable offer; beleeve me, I will never take any advantage to plead it against you, or to wrong you; or else let Mr. Winslow come over, and let him have such full power and authority as we may ende by compounding; or else, the accounts so well and fully made up, as we may end by reconing. Now, blesed be God, the times be much changed here, I hope to see many of you returne to your native countrie againe, and have such freedome ' "This was but to pretend advantage, for it could not be done, neither did it need." (Br.) - 358 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1641 and libertie as the word of God prescribs. Our bishops were never so near a downfall as now;' God hath miraculously confounded them, and turned all their popish and Machavillian plots and projects on their owne heads, etc. Thus you see what is fitt to be done concerning our per- ticulere greevances. I pray you take it seriously into consideration; let each give way a litle that we may meete, etc. Be you and all yours kindly saluted, etc. So I ever rest, Your loving friend, James Sherlet. Clapham, May 18. 1641. Being thus by this leter, and allso by Mr. Atwodes and Mr. Colliers mediation urged to bring things to an end, (and the continuall clamors from the rest,) and by none more urged then by their own desires, they tooke this course (because many scandals had been raised upon them). They apoynted these 2. men before mentioned to meet on a certaine day, and called some other freinds on both sids, and Mr. Free-man, brother in law to Mr. Beachamp, and having drawne up a collection of all the remains of the stock, in what soever it was, as housing, boats, bark, and all implements belonging to the same, as they were used in the time of the trad, were they better or worce, with the remaines of all commodities, as beads, knives, hatchetts, cloth, or any thing els, as well the refuse as the more vendible, with all debts, as well those that were desperate as others more hopefull; and having spent diverce days to bring this to pass, having the helpe of all bookes and papers, which either any of them selves had, or Josias Winslow, who was their accountante; and they found the sume in all to arise (as the things were valued) to aboute 1400K. And they all of them tooke a voluntary but a soUem oath, in the presence one of an other, and of all their frends, the persons abovesaid that were now presente, that this was all that any of them knew of, or could remember; and Josias Winslow did the hke for his parte. ' Strafford had been beheaded on May 12; a bill for the complete abolition of episcopacy was read in the Commons on May 27; the act abolishing the Court of High Commission was signed in July. I V 1641] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 359 But the truth is they wronged them selves much in the valua- tion, for they reconed some catle as they were taken of Mr. Allerton, as for instance a cowe in the hands of one cost 25li. and so she was valued in this accounte; but when she came to be past away in parte of paymente, after the agreemente, she would be accepted but at 4J,i. 15s. Also, being tender of their oaths, they brought in all they knew owing to the stock; but they had not made the Uke diligente search what the stocke might owe to any, so as many scattering debts fell upon after- | \ wards more then now they knew of. Upon this they drew certaine articles of agreemente be- tweene Mr Atwode, on Mr. Sherleys behalfe, and them selves. The effecte is as foUoeth. Articles of agreemente made and concluded upon the 15. day of October, 1641. etc. ImO; Wheras ther was a partnership for diverce years agreed upon betweene James Sherley, John Beacham, and Richard Andrews, of Lon- don, marehants, and William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John Aldon, and John Howland, with Isaack Allerton, in a trade of beaver skines and other furrs arising in New-England; the terme of which said partnership being expired, and diverse summes of money in goods adventured into New- England by the said James Sherley, John Beachamp, and Richard Andrews, and many large retumes made from New-England by the said William Bradford, Ed: Winslow, etc.; and differance arising aboute the charge of 2. ships, the one called the White Angele, of Bristow, and the other the Frindship, of Barnstable, and a viage intended in her, etc.; which said ships and their viages, the said William Bradford, Ed: W. etc. conceive doe not at all appertaine to their accounts of partnership; and weras the accounts of the said partnership are found to be confused, and cannot orderley appeare (through the defaulte of Josias Winslow, the booke keeper); and weras the said W. B. etc. have received all their goods for the said trade from the foresaid James Sherley, and have made most of their retumes to him, by consente of the said John Beachamp and Richard Andrews; and wheras also the said James Sherley hath given power and authoritie to Mr. John Atwode, with the advice and consente of William Collier, of Duxborow, for and on his behalfe, to put such an 360 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1641 absolute end to the said partnership, with all and every accounts, recon- ings, dues, claimes, demands, whatsoever, to the said James Sherley, John Beaeham, and Richard Andrews, from the said W. B. etc. for and concerning the said beaver trade, and also the charge the said 2. ships, and their viages made or pretended, whether just or unjuste, from the worlds begining to this presente, as also for the paimente of a purchas of ISOOli. made by Isaack Allerton, for and on the behalfe of the said W. B., Ed: W., etc., and of the joynt stock, shares, lands, and adventurs, what soever in New-England aforesaid, as apeareth by a deede bearing date the 6. Nov'"'. 1627; and also for and from such sume and sumes of money or goods as are received by William Bradford, Tho: Prence, and Myles Standish, for the recovery of dues, by accounts betwexte them, the said James Sherly, John Beachamp, and Richard Andrews, and Isaack Allerton, for the ship caled the White Angell. Now the said John Att- wode, with advice and counsell of the said William Collier, having had much comunieation and spente diverse days in agitation of all the said diflerances and accounts with the said W. B., E. W., etc; and the said W. B., E. W., etc. have also, with the said book-keeper spente much time in collecting and gathering togeither the remainder of the stock of partner- ship for the said trade, and what soever hath beene received, or is due by the said attorneyship before expresed, and all, and all manner of goods, debts, and dues therunto belonging, as well those debts that are weake and doubtful! and desperate, as those that are more secure, which in all doe amounte to the sume of 1400/i. or ther aboute; and for more full satisfaction of the said James Sherley, John Beachamp, and Richard Andrews, the said W. B. and all the rest of the abovesaid partners, to- geither with Josias Winslow the booke keeper, have taken a voluntarie oath, that within the said sume of 1400Zi. or theraboute, is contained whatsoever they knew, to the utmost of their rememberance. In consideration of all which matters and things before expressed, and to the end that a full, absolute, and finall end may be now made, and all suits in law may be avoyded, and love and peace continued, it is therfore agreed and concluded betweene the said John Attwode, with the advice and consent of the said William Colier, for and on the behalfe of the said James Sherley, to and with the said W. B., etc. in maner and forme fol- lowing : viz. that the said John Attwode shall procure a sufficiente release and discharge, under the hands and seals of the said James Sherley, John Beachamp, and Richard Andrews, to be delivered fayer and unconcealed unto the said William Bradford, etc., at or before the last day of August, next insuing the date hereof, whereby the said William Bradford etc., their heires, executors, and administrators, and every of them shall be 1641] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 361 fully and absolutely aquited and discharged of all actions, suits, reconings, accounts, claimes, and demands whatsoever concerning the generall stock of beaver trade, paymente of the said 1800/i. for the purchass, and all demands, reckonings, and accounts, just or unjuste, concerning the tow ships White-Angell and Frendship aforesaid, togeather with whatsoever hath been received by the said William Bradford, of the goods or estate of Isaack Allerton, for satisfaction of the accounts of the said ship called the Whit Angele, by vertue of a ire of attourney to him, Thomas Prence, and Myles Standish, directed from the said James Sherley, John Beachamp, and Richard Andrews, for that purpose as afforesaid. It is also agreed and concluded upon betweene the said parties to these presents, that the said W. B., E. W., etc. shall now be bound in 2400/i. for paymente of 1200^i. in full satisfaction of all demands as afforesaid; to be payed in maner and forme following; that is to say, iOOli. within 2. months next after the receite of the aforesaid releases and discharges, one hundred and ten pounds wherof is allready in the hands of John Winthrop senior of Boston, Esquire, by the means of Mr. Richard Andrews affore- said, and soli, waight of beaver now deposited into the hands of the said John Attwode, to be both in part of paimente of the said 4:00li. and the other SOO^t. to be payed by 200li. p"" annume, to such assignes as shall be appointed, inhabiting either in Plimoth or Massachusetts Bay, in such goods and comodities, and at such rates, as the countrie shall afford at the time of delivery and paymente; and in the mean time the said bond of 2400^1. to be deposited into the hands of the said John Attwode. And it is agreed upon by and betweene the said parties to these presents, that if the said John Attwode shall not or cannot procure such said releases and discharges as afforesaid from the said James Sherley, JohnBachamp, and Richard Andrews, at or before the last day of August next insuing the date hear of, that then the said John Attwode shall, at the said day pre- cisely, redeliver, or cause to be delivered unto the said W. B., E. W., etc. their said bond of 2400Zi. and the said SOU. waight of beaver, or the due valew therof, without any fraud or further delay; and for performance of all and singuler the covenants and agreements hearin contained and ex- pressed, which on the one parte and behalfe of the said James Sherley are to be observed and performed, shall become bound in the summe of 2400Zi. to them, the said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and John Rowland. And it is lastly agreed upon betweene the said parties, that these presents shall be left in trust, to be kepte for boath parties, in the hands of Mr. John Reanour, teacher of Plimoth. In witnes wherof, all the said parties 362 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1641 have hereunto severally sett their hands, the day and year first above writen. John Atwode, William Beadfokd, Edwaed Winslow, etc. In the presence of Edmond Freeman, William Thomas, William Pady, Nathaniell Souther. The nexte year this long and tedious bussines came to some issue, as will then appeare, though not to a finall ende with all the parties ; but this much for the presente. I had forgoten to inserte in its place how the church here had invited and sent for Mr. Charles Chansey/ a reverend, godly, and very lamed man, intending upon triall to chose him pastor of the chiu-ch hear, for the more comfortable per- formance of the ministrie with Mr. John Reinor, the teacher of the same. But ther fell out some differance aboute baptis- ing, he holding it ought only to be by diping, and putting the whole body under water, and that sprinkling was unlawfuU. The church yeelded that immersion, or dipping, was lawfull, but in this could countrie not so conveniente. But they could not nor durst not yeeld to him in this, that sprinkling (which all the churches of Christ doe for the most parte use at this day) was unlawfull, and an hmnane invention, as the same was prest; but they were wilhng to yeeld to him as far as they could, and to the utmost; and were contented to suffer him to practise as he was perswaded ; and when he came to minister that ordnance, he might so doe it to any that did desire it in that way, provided he could peacably suffer Mr. Reinor, and such as desired to have theirs otherwise baptised by him, by sprinkling or powering on of water upon them ; so as ther might '"Mr. Chancey came to them in the year 1638. and staid till the later part of this year 1641." (Br.) Rev. Charles Chauncy was born in Yardley, Eng- land, in 1592, was educated at Westminster School, and took his degree at Cam- bridge in 1613. He was vicar of Ware from 1627 to 1634, was deprived of his living by Archbishop Laud, and in 1637 came to New England. Settled in Plymouth in 1638, he remained there until 1641, when he was settled in Scituate. In 1654 he was chosen president of Harvard College and continued in office until his death in 1672. 1642] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 363 be no disturbance in the church hereaboute. But he said he could not yeeld herunto. Upon which the church procured some other ministers to dispute the pointe with him pubhkly ; as Mr. Ralfe Partrich, of Duxberie, who did it simdrie times, very ablie and sufScently, as allso some other ministers within this govermente. But he was not satisfied; so the church sent to many other churches to crave their help and advise in this mater, and, with his will and consente, sent them his arguments writen imder his owne hand. They sente them to the church at Boston in the Bay of Massachusets, to be comu- nicated with other churches ther. Also they sent the same to the churches of Conightecutt and New-Haven, with sundrie others; and received very able and sufficient answers, as they conceived, from them and their larned ministers, who all con- cluded against him. But him selfe was not satisfied therwith. Their answers are too large hear to relate. They conceived the church had done what was meete in the thing, so Mr. Chansey, having been the most parte of 3. years here, removed him selfe to Sityate, wher he now remaines a minister to the church ther. Also about these times, now that catle and other things begane greatly to fall from their former rates, and persons begane to fall into more straits, and many being alheady gone from them, (as is noted before,) both to Duxberie, Marshfeeld, and other places, and those of the cheefe sorte, as Mr. Winslow, Captaine Standish, Mr. Allden, and many other, and stille some dropping away daly, and some at this time, and many more xmsetled, it did greatly weaken the place, and by reason of the straitnes and barrennes of the place, it sett the thoughts of many upon removeall; as will appere more hereafter. Anno Dom: 1642. Maevilous it rnay be to see and consider jiow som ekjnd- of wi^dnes did^EQwlajBjbre^ wher ~"niieiajmej¥±n£sy^ so narrowly looked^ unto, and severly punished when it was knowne; as in no place 364 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1642 moje^F-se-muehrthaJLl-havalmovm OT of; insomuch as they have been somewhat censured, even bymoderate^aSS"" good men, for their severitie in pimishments. -Aii:d.~yet__an this couW not_sugprgsfi,±he JDxeakiag., out of snndrie nntnrimis sins, (as this year, besids other, gives us too many sad presidents and instances,) espfit,ial1y-dr-H-rh]^nfteR---im4--UJi cla,innes : n nt only incontinencie betweene persons iinmaried, for which man y both men and womert have been punished sharplv enough, bu t some maried persons allso. __,But that which is worse, even Sodonue and bugerie, (things fp.arfn11 in nainp,) hayP brnaV , forth jn this land, oftener then once. I say it may justly be marveled at, and cause us to fear and tremble at the considera- tion of our corrupte natures, which are so hardly bridled, sub- dued, and mortified; nay, cannot by any other means but the powerfuU worke and grace of Gods spirite. But (besids this) on£j:eason_may_be;_that th^ Dive ll may carrie a greatCTspite against .the-&h*ifches- of Chgist-aad-4he-fies^eH-bea£j iy how much the more they indeaour to preserve holynesancLguritie amongst them, and strictly pimisheth the contrary when it ariseth either in church or comone wealth; that Tie might^ st a blemishe and staine upon them in the eyes of [the] JW-erld, who use to be rash in judgmente. I would rather thinke thus, then that Satane hath more power in these heathen lands, as som have thought, then in more Christian nations, espetiaUy over Gods servants in them. 2. An other reason m ay be, that it may be in this case as it is with waters whentheir streames jjest oppeg~or _dainme3~ up, when they gett passageThey flow with more violence, and make more iioys and disturbance, then ^Hen_.lJieyLaniJiu£fered to rune quietly in their owne chanels. .Bo wikednes being here more stopped by strict laws,' and the same more nerly looked imto, so as it cannot rune in a comone road of hberty as it would, and is inclined, it searches every wher, and at last breaks out wher it getts vente. 3. A third reason may be, hear (as I am verily perswaded) 1642] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 365 is_.not^more evills in this kind, nor nothing nere so many by proportion j as in other places; but they are here more dis- coverd and~seen7 and inade^ pubhck~by^ue~sCT"cK71riquisrEion, aria"^ue:pm5tsbEglltJ_for^he chilfch^-toDke-TKnTowl-jrtatheir members, and the magistrats over all, more strictly then in other places. Besid Sj here the ^ people are but few in com- parison of otherjglace§,jHdu£lxaxa]^I3^^ lye hid, as it were, in a wood or ^ ic kett, and many horrible evill s by that means are never seen nor knowne ; wheras hear, they are7~aS'itl^ra^brougHTnto"the iigEtran3"'set in the'plaine feeld, or rather on a hill, made conspicuous to the veiw of all. But to proceede; ther came a letter from the Gov'' in the Bay to them here, touching matters of the forementioned nature, which because it may be usefull I shall hear relate it, and the passages ther aboute. Sr: Having an opportunitie to signifie the desires of our Generall Court in toow things of spetiall importance, I willingly take this occasion to imparte them to you, that you may imparte them to the rest of your magistrats, and also to your Elders, for counsell; and give us your advise in them. The first is concerning heinous offences in point of uncleannes; the perticuler cases, with the circomstances, and the questions ther upon, you have hear inclosed. The 2. thing is concerning the Ilanders at Aquid- nett;' that seeing the cheefest of them are gone from us, in offences, either to churches, or commone welth, or both; others are dependants on them, and the best sorte are such as close with them in all their rejections of us. Neither is it only in a faction that they are devided from us, but in very deed they rend them selves from all the true chiu-ches of Christ, and, many of them, from all the powers of majestracie. We have had some experi- ence hereof by some of their underworkers, or emissaries, who have latly come amongst us, and have made publick defiance against magistracie, ministrie, churches, and church covenants, etc. as antichristian; secretly also sowing the seeds of Familisme,^ and Anabaptistrie to the infection of some, and danger of others; so that we are not willing to joyne with • The settlers on the island of Rhode Island. ' The Familists were a sect existing in Holland and England in the six- teenth century, called the Family of Love, because of the love they professed for all human beings, however wicked. They and the Anabaptists were re- garded with great horror by the orthodox Puritans. 366 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1642 them in any league or confederacie at all, but rather that you would con- sider and advise with us how we may avoyd them, and keep ours from being infected by them. Another thing I should mention to you, for the maintenance of the trad of beaver; if ther be not a company to order it in every jurisdition among the English, which companies should agree in generall of their way in trade, I supose that the trade will be overthrowne, and the Indeans will abuse us. For this cause we have latly put it into order amongst us, hoping of incouragmente from you (as we have had) that we may continue the same. Thus not further to trouble you, I rest, with my loving remembrance to your selfe, etc. Your loving friend, T, „^ ,, X .„.« Ri: Bellingham.' Boston, 28. (1.) 1642. The note inclosed follows on the other side.^ Worthy and beloved Sr: Yotir letter (with the questions inclosed) I have comunicated with our Assistants, and we have refered the answer of them to such Reve"*^ Elders as are amongst us, some of whose answers thertoo we have here sent you inclosed, under their owne hands; from the rest we have not yet received any. Our farr distance hath bene the reason of this long delay, as also that they could not conf err their counsells togeather. For our selves, (you know our breedings and abillities,) we rather desire light from your selves, and others, whom God hath better inabled, then to presume to give our judgments in cases so difficulte and of so high a nature. Yet under correction, and submission to better judgments, we propose this one thing to your prudent considerations. As it seems to us, in the case even of willf ull murder, that though a man did smite or wound an other, with a full pourpose or desire to kill him, (which is murder in a high degree, before God,) yet if he did not dye, the magistrate was not to take away the others life.' So by proportion in other, grosse and foule sines, though high attempts and nere approaches to the same be made, and such as in the sight and account of God may be as ill as the accomplish- mente of the foulest acts of that sine, yet we doute whether it may be safe for the magistrate to proceed to death ; we thinke, upon the former grounds, rather he may not. . . . Yet we confess foulnes of circomstances, and 'Bellingham had been elected governor of Massachusetts June 2, 1641, and was governor one year. The date of this letter may be presumed to be March 28, 1642. ^ A leaf is here wanting in the original manuscript, it having been cut out before Prince's time, as is shown by a note in his handwriting. » "Exod: 21. 22. Deu: 19. 11. Num: 35. 16. 18." (Br.) 1642] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 367 frequencie in the same, doth make us remaine in the darke, and desire further light from you, or any, as God shall give. As for the 2. thing, concerning the Ilanders ? we have no conversing with them, nor desire to have, furder then necessitie or humanity may require. And as for trade? we have as farr as we could ever therin held an orderly course, and have been sory to see the spoyle therof by others, and fear it will hardly be recovered. But in these, or any other things which may concerne the commone good, we shall be willing to advise and concure with you in what we may. Thus with my love remembered to your selfe, and the rest of our worthy friends, your Assistants, I take leave, and rest. Your loving friend, Plim: 17. 3. month, 1642. ^- ^^ But it may be demanded how came it to pass that so many wicke3~pefscms and^profane "pE^^^ so quitMy come over into this land^ and" mixe them selves" amongst "them? seeing it was. religiouB men tfiat begane ^ the work, and they came for reUgions sake. 1 ce^e^Jh^Jcaai^J^ej^ry^ed at, at least in time to come, when the reasons therof shouldnoFBe kSowne ; _and_ the more because here was so many hardships and wants mett withall. I shall therfore indeavor to give some answer hereunto. And first, according to that in the gospell, it is ever to be remembred that wher the Lord begins to sow good seed, ther the envious man will endeavore to sow tares. 2. Men being to come over into a wildernes, in which much labour and servise was to be done aboute building and planting, etc., such as wanted help in that respecte, when they could not have such as they would, were glad to take such as they could; and so, many imtoward servants, sundry of them proved, that were thus brought over, both men and women kind; who, when their times were expired, became famiUes of them selves, which gave increase hereimto. 3. An other and a maine reason hearof was, that men, finding so many godly • Here follow clerical opinions, of Reynor, Partridge and Chauncy, which it has been deemed proper to omit, together with a page or two ensuing. 368 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1642 disposed persons willing to come into these parts, some begane to make a trade of it, to transeport passengers and their goods, and hired ships for that end; and then, to make up their fraight and advance their profite, cared not who the persons were, so they had money to pay them. And by this means the cimtrie became pestered with many imworthy persons, who, being come over, crept into one place or other. 4. Againe, the Lords blesing usually following his people, as well in out- ward as spirituall things, (though afflictions be mixed withall,) doe make many to adhear to the people of God, as many fol- lowed Christ, for the loaves" sake, John 6. 26. and a mixed multitud came into the willdernes with the people of God out of Eagipte of old, Exod. 12. 38; so allso ther were sente by their freinds some under hope that they would be made better; others that they might be eased of such burthens, and they kept from shame at home that would necessarily follow their dissolute courses. And thus, by one means or other, in 20. years time, it is a question whether the greater part be not growne the worser. I am now come to the conclusion of that long and tedious bussines betweene the partners hear, and them in England, the which I shall manifest by their owne letters as foUoweth, in such parts of them as are pertinente to the same. Mr. Sherleys to Mr. Attwood. Mr. Attwood, my approved loving freind: Your letter of the 18. of October last I have received, wherin I find you have taken a great deall of paines and care aboute that troublesome bussines betwixte our Plimoth partners and freinds, and us hear, and have deeply ingaged your self e, for which complements and words are no reall satisfaction, etc. For the agreemente you have made with Mr. Bradford, Mr. Winslow, and the rest of the partners ther, considering how honestly and justly I am per- swaded they have brought in an accounte of the remaining stock, for my owne parte I am well satisfied, and so I thinlie is Mr. Andrewes, and I supose will be Mr. Beachampe, if most of it might acrew to him, to whom the least is due, etc. And now for peace sake, and to conclude as we began, lovingly and f reindly, and to pass by all failings of all, the con- 1642] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 369 elude is accepted of; I say this agreemente that you have made is conde- sended unto, and Mr. Andrews hath sent his release to Mr. Winthrop, with such directions as he conceives fitt; and I have made bould to trouble you with mine, and we have both sealed in the presence of Mr. Weld, and Mr. Peeters, and some others, and I have also sente you an other, for the partners ther, to scale to me; for you must not deliver mine to them, excepte they scale and deliver one to me; this is fitt and equall, etc. Yours to command in what I may or can, , ,. ,..- James Sheelet. June 14. 1642. His to the partners as folhweth. Loving freinds, Mr. Bradford, Mr. Winslow, Mr. Prence, Captaine Standish, Mr. Brewster, Mr. Alden, and Mr. Rowland, give me leave to joyne you all in one letter, concerning the finall end and conclude of that tedious and troublsome bussines, and I thinke I may truly say uncomf urtable and un- profitable to all, etc. It hath pleased God now to put us upon a way to sease all suits, and disquieting of our spirites, and to conclude with peace and love, as we began. I am contented to yeeld and make good what Mr. Attwood and you have agreed upon; and for that end have sente to my loving freind, Mr. Attwood, an absolute and generall release unto you all, and if ther wante any thing to make it more full, write it your selves, and it shall be done, provided that all you, either joyntly or severally, scale the like discharge to me. And for that end I have drawne one joyntly, and sent it to Mr. Attwood, with that I have sealed to you. Mr. Andrews hath sealed an aquitance also, and sent it to Mr. Winthrop, whith such directions as he conceived fitt, and, as I hear, hath given his debte, which he maks 544ii. unto the gentlemen of the Bay. Indeed, Mr. Welld, Mr. Peters, and Mr. Hibbens have taken a great deale of paines with Mr. Andrews, Mr. Beachamp, and my selfe, to bring us to agree, and to that end we have had many meetings and spent much time aboute it. But as they are very religious and honest gentle-men, yet they had an end that they drove at and laboured to accomplish (I meane not any private end, but for the generall good of their patente) . It had been very well you had sent one over. Mr. Andrew wished you might have one 3. parte of the 1200/i. and the Bay 2. thirds; but then we 3. must have agreed togeather, which were a hard mater now. But Mr. Weld, Mr. Peters, and Mr. Hibbens, and I, have agreed, they giving you bond, so to compose with Mr. Beachamp, as to procure his generall release, and free you from all trouble and charge that he may put you too; which indeed is nothing, for 370 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1642 I am perswaded Mr. Weld will in time gaine him to give them all that is dew to him, which in some sorte is granted allready; for though his de- mands be great, yet Mr. Andrewes hath taken some paines in it, and makes it appear to be less then I thinke he will consente to give them for so good an use; so you neede not fear, that for taking bond ther to save you harmles you be safe and well. Now our accord is, that you must pay to the gentle-men of the Bay QOOli. ; they are to bear all chargs that may any way arise concerning the free and absolute clearing of you from us three. And you to have the other 300li. etc. Upon the receiving of my release from you, I will send you your bonds for the purchass money. I would have sent them now, but I would have Mr. Beachamp release as well as I, because you are bound to him in them. Now I know if a man be bound to 12. men, if one release, it is as if all re- leased, and my discharge doth cutt them of; wherfore doubte you not but you shall have them, and your commission, or any thing els that is fitt. Now you know ther is tow years of the purchass money, that I would not owne, for I have formerley certified you that I would but pay 7. years; but now you are discharged of all, etc. Your loving and kind friend in what I may or can, June 14. 1642. '^^'^^ Sheeu:t. The coppy of his release is as foUoweth. Wheras diverce questions, differences, and demands have arisen and depended betweene William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Mylest Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and John Howland, gent: now or latly inhabitants or resident at New-Plimoth, in New-Eng- land, on the one party, and James Sherley of London, marchante, and others, in th' other parte, for and concerning a stocke and partable trade of beaver and other comodities, and fraighting of ships, as the White Angell, Frindship, or others,, and the goods of Isaack Allerton which were seazed upon by vertue of a leter of atturney made by the said James Sherley and John Beachamp and Richard Andrews, or any other maters concerning the said trade, either hear in Old-England or ther in New-England or elsewher, all which differences are since by mediation of freinds composed compremissed, and all the said parties agreed. Now know all men by these presents, that I, the said James Sherley, in performance of the said compremise and agreemente, have remised, released, and quite clauned, and doe by these presents remise, release, and for me, myne heires, execu- tors, and Administrators, and for every of us, for ever quite claime unto the said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles 1642] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 371 Standish, William Brewster, John AUden, and John Rowland, and every of them, their and every of their heires, executors, and administrators, all and all maner of actions, suits, debts, accounts, rekonings, comissions, bonds, bills, specialties, judgments, executions, claimes, challinges, differ- ences, and demands whatsoever, with or against the said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and John Rowland, or any of them, ever I had, now have, or in time to come can, shall, or may have, for any mater, cause, or thing whatsoever from the begining of the world untill the day of the date of these presents. In witnes wherof I have hereunto put my hand and seale, given the second day of June, 1642, and in the eighteenth year of the raigne of our soveraigne lord, king Charles, etc. Sealed and delivered ^^^^ Sheeley. in the presence of Thomas Weld, Hugh Peters, William Hibbins. Aethuk Tierey, Scr. Tho: Stuegs, his servante. Mr. Andrews* his discharg was to the same effecte; he was by agreemente to have SOOZi. of the money, the which he gave to them in the Bay, who brought his discharge and demanded the money. And they tooke in his release and paid the money according to agreemente, viz. one third of the 500K. they paid downe in hand, and the rest in 4. equall payments, to be paid yearly, for which they gave their bonds . And wheras 44K. was more demanded, they conceived they could take it of with Mr. Andrews, and therfore it was not in the bonde. But Mr. Beachamp would not parte with any of his, but de- manded 400li. of the partners here, and sent a release to a friend, to deliver it to them upon the receite of the money. But his relese was not perfecte, for he had left out some of the partners names, with some other defects; and besids, the other gave them to understand he had not near so much due. So n© end was made with him till 4. years after; of which in it[s] plase. And in that regard, that them selves did not agree, I ' Richard Andrews, it will be remembered, was one of the merchant ad- venturers, as was also John Beauchamp, mentioned below. 372 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1643 ghall inserte some part of Mr. Andrews letter, by which he conceives the partners here were wronged, as followeth. This leter of his was write to Mr. Edmond Freeman,* brother in law to Mr. Beachamp. Mr. Freeman, My love remembred unto you, etc. I then certified the partners how I found Mr. Beachamp and Mr. Sherley, in their perticuler demands, which was according to mens principles, of getting what they could; ail- though the one will not shew any accounte, and the other a very unfaire and unjust one; and both of them discouraged me from sending the partners my accounte, Mr. Beachamp espetially. Their reason, I have cause to conceive, was, that allthough I doe not, nor ever intended to, wrong the partners or the bussines, yet, if I gave no accounte, I might be esteemed as guiltie as they, in some degree at least; and they might seeme to be the more free from taxation in not delivering their accounts, who have both of them charged the accounte with much intrest they have payed forth, and one of them would likwise for much intrest he hath not paid forth, as appeareth by his accounte, etc. And seeing the partners have now made it appear that ther is 1200^i. remaining due between us all, and that it may appear by my accounte I have not charged the bussines with any intrest, but doe forgive it unto the partners, above 200li. if Mr. Sherley and Mr. Beachamp, who have betweene them wronged the bussi- nes so many lOOZi. both in principall and intrest likwise, and have therin wronged me as well and as much as any of the partners ; yet if they will not make and deliver faire and true accounts of the same, nor be contente to take what by computation is more then can be justly due to either, that is, to Mr. Beachamp 150li. as by Mr. AUertons accounte, and Mr. Sherleys accounte, on oath in chancerie; and though ther might be nothing due to Mr. Sherley, yet he requirs lOOli. etc. I conceive, seing the partners have delivered on their oaths the summe remaining in their hands, that they may justly detaine the 650H. which may remaine in their hands, after I am satisfied, untill Mr. Sherley and Mr. Beachamp will be more fair and just in their ending, etc. And as I intend, if the partners fayrly end with me, in satisfing in parte and ingaging them selves for the rest of my said 544Zi. to returne back for the poore my parte of the land at Sityate, so likwise I intend to relinquish my right and intrest in their dear patente, on which much of our money was laid forth, and also my right and intrest ' Edmund Freeman came over in the 'Abigail in October, 1635, and settled in Sandwich. Two sons, Edmund and John, married daughters of Governor Prence. 1643] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 373 in their cheap purchass, the which may have cost me first and last 350li} But I doubte whether other men have not charged or taken on accounte what they have disbursed in the hke case, which I have not charged, neither did I conceive any other durst so doe, untill I saw the accounte of the one and heard the words of the other; the which gives me just cause to suspecte both their accounts to be unfaire; for it seemeth they consulted one with another aboute some perticulers therin. Therfore I conceive the partners ought the rather to require just accounts from each of them before they parte with any money to either of them. For marchants understand how to give an acounte; if they mean fairley, they will not deney to give an accounte, for they keep memorialls to helpe them to give exacte acounts in all perticulers, and memoriall cannot forget his charge, if the man will remember. I desire not to wrong Mr. Beachamp or Mr. Sherley, nor may be silente in such apparente probabilities of their wrong- ing the partners, and me likwise, either in deneying to deliver or shew any accounte, or in delivering one very unjuste in some perticulers, and very suspitious in many more; either of which, being from understanding marchants, cannot be from weaknes or simplisitie, and therfore the more unfaire. So comending you and yours, and all the Lord's people, unto the gratious protection and blessing of the Lord, and rest your loving friend, Aprill 7. 1643. Richard Andeewes. This leter was write the year after the agreement, as doth appear; and what his judgmente was herein, the contents doth manifest, and so I leave it to the equall judgmente of any to consider, as they see cause. Only I shall adde what Mr. Sherley ftirder write in a leter of his, about the same time, and so leave this bussines. His is as foUoweth on the other side.^ Loving freinds, Mr. Bradford, Mr. Winslow, Cap: Standish, Mr. Prence, and the rest of the partners with you; I shall write this generall leter to you all, hoping it will be a good conclude of a generall, but a costly and tedious bussines I thinke to all, I am sure to me, etc. I received from Mr. Winslow a letter of the 28. of Sept: last, and so much as concernes the generall bussines I shall answer in this, not know- ing whether I shall have opportunitie to write perticuler letters, etc. I ' "This he means of the first adventures, all which were lost, as hath before been shown; and what he here writs is probable at least." (Br.) ' Of the page of the manuscript. 374 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1643 expected more letters from you all, as some perticuler writs/ but it seem- eth no fitt opportunity was offered. And now, though the bussines for the maine may stand, yet some perticulers is alltered; I say my former agree- mente with Mr. Weld and Mr. Peters, before the[y] could conclude orgett any grante of Mr. Andrews, they sought to have my release; and ther upon they sealed me a bond for a llO^i. So I sente my acquittance, for they said without mine ther would be no end made (and ther was good reason for it). Now they hoped, if they ended with me, to gaine Mr. Andrews parte, as they did holy, to a pound, (at which I should wonder, but that I observe some passages,) and they also hoped to have gotten Mr. Beachamp part, and I did thinke he would have given it them. But if he did well understand him selfe, and that acounte, he would give it; for his demands make a great sound.^ But it seemeth he would not parte with it, supposing it too great a sume, and that he might easily gaine it from you. Once he would have given them 40Zz. but now they say he will not doe that, or rather I suppose they will not take it; for if they doe, and have Mr. Andrewses, then they must pay me their bond of 110/i. 3 months hence. Now it will fall out farr better for you, that they deal not with Mr. Bea- champ, and also for me, if you be as kind to me as I have been and will be to you; and that thus, if 'you pay Mr. Andrews, or the Bay men, by his order, 544K. which is his full demande; but if looked into, perhaps might be less. The man is honest, and in my conscience would not wittingly doe wronge, yett he may f orgett as well as other men; and Mr. Winslow may call to minde wherin he forgetts; (but some times it is good to buy peace.) The gentlemen of the Bay may abate lOOli. and so both sids have more right and justice then if they exacte all, etc. Now if you send me a 150/i. then say Mr. Andrews full sume, and this, it is nere 700li. Mr. Beachamp he demands 400li. and we all know that, if a man demands money, he must shew wherfore, and make proof e of his debte; which I know he can never make good proafe of one hunderd pound dew unto him as principall money; so till he can, you have good reason to keep the 500li. etc. This I proteste I write not in malice against Mr. Beachamp, for it is a reall truth. You may partly see it by Mr. Andrews making up his accounte, and I think you are all perswaded I can say more then Mr. Andrews concerning that accounte. I wish I could make up my owne as plaine and easily, but because of former discontents, I will be sparing till I be called; and you may injoye the 500li. quietly till he begine; for let him take his course hear or ther, it shall be all one, 1 will doe him no • Perhaps write, for lurote. ' "This was a misterie to them, for they heard nothing hereof from any side the last year, till now the conclution was past, and bonds given." (Br.) 1643] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 375 wronge; and if he have not on peney more, he is less loser then either Mr. Andrews or I. This I conceive to be just and honest; the having or not having of his release matters not; let him make such proafe of his debte as you cannot disprove, and according to your first agreemente you will pay it, etc. Your truly affectioned freind, London, ApriU 27. 1643. -^^^^^ Sheeley. Anno Dom: 1643. I AM to begine this year whith that which was a mater of great saddnes and mourning unto them all. Aboute the 18. of Aprill dyed their Reve'^ Elder, and my dear and loving friend, Mr. William Brewster; a man that had done and suf- fered much for the Lord Jesus and the gospells sake, and had bore his parte in well and woe with this poore persecuted church above 36. years in England, Holand, and in this wilder- nes, and done the Lord and them faithfull service in his place and calMng. And notwithstanding, the many troubls and sor- rows he passed tlirOWy 4ha_Lord upheld hiin to a great .age. He was nere fourskor§ years of age (if not all out) when he dyed. He h ad this blesing added by the Lord_to all the rest, to iiy e_in his bed, in peace, am ongst the mids of his freinds, who mcafl««d-a«d-'wepte- over liim7an3"^ii5isteT5d~wfert help and comforte they could vtnto him, and he"agaih"e recdmfofted them whilst he could. His sicknes was not long, and till the last day therof he did not wholy keepe his bed. His speech continued till somewhat more then halfe a day, and then failed him; and aboute 9. or 10. a clock that evning he dyed, without any pangs at all. A few howers before, he drew his breath shorte, and some few minuts before his last, he drew his breath long, as a man falen into a sound slepe, without any pangs or gaspings, and so sweetly departed this Hfe unto a better. I would now demand of any, what he was the worse for any former suffermgs? WhaLdoa Imj^wssmL. Nay, .smehe was the better, and they now added to his honour. It is a mani- 376 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1643 jest token (saith the Apostle, 2. Thes: 1. 5, 6, 7.) oj the righ[t]eous judgmente of God that ye may be counted worthy of the kingdome of God, for which ye allso suffer; seing it is a righteous thing with God to recompence tribulation to them that trouble you: and to you who are troubled, rest with us, when the Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven, with his mighty angels. 1. Pet. 4. 14. If you be reproached for the name of Christ, hapy are ye, for the fpirite of glory and of God resteth upon you. What though he wanted the riches and pleasurs of the world in this hfe, and pompous monuments at his funurall? yet the memoriall of the just shall be blessed, when the name of the wicked shall rott (with their marble monuments). Pro: 10. 7. I should say something of his hfe, if to say a litle were not worse then to be silent. But I cannot wholy forbear, though hapily more may be done hereafter. After he had attained some learning, viz. the knowledg of the Latine tongue, and some insight in the Greeke, and spent some small time at Cambridge, and then being first seasoned with the seeds of grace and vertue, he went to the Courte, and served that rehgious and godly gentlman, Mr. Davison, diverce years, when he was Secretary of State; who found him so discreete and faithfull as he trusted him above all other that were aboute him, and only imployed him in all matters of greatest trust and secrecie. He esteemed him rather as a sonne then a servante, and for his wisdom and godhnes (in private) he would converse with him more like a freind and familier then a maister. He attended his m"" when he was sente in am- bassage by the Queene into the Low-Countries, in the Earle of Leicesters time,' as for other waighty affaires of state, so to receive possession of the cautionary townes, and in token and signe therof the keyes of Flushing being dehvered to him, in her ma*'^ name, he kepte them some time, and committed them to this his servante, who kept them imder his pilow, on ' December, 1584r-February, 1586. The story is told fully in the first volume of Motley's History of the United Netherlands. 1643] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 377 which he slepte the first night. And, at his retiome, the States' honoured him with a govld chaine, and his maister committed it to him, and commanded him to wear it when they arrived m England, as they ridd thorrow the country, till they came to the Com-te. He afterwards remained with him till his troubles, that he was put from his place aboute the death of the Queene of Scots ;^ and some good time after, doeing him manie faithfuU offices of servise in the time of his troubles. Afterwards he wente and Hved in the country, in good esteeme amongst his freinds and the gentle-men of those parts, espetially the godly and religious. He did much good in the countrie wher he Hved, in promoting and furthering religion, not only by his practiss and example, and provocking and incouraging of others, but by procuring of good preachers to the places theraboute, and drawing on of others to assiste and help forward in such a worke; he him selfe most comonly deepest in the charge, and some times above his abilhtie. And in this state he continued many years, doeing the best good he could, and walking according to the light he saw, till the Lord revelled further tinto him. And in the end, by the tirrany of the bishops against godly preachers and people, in silenceing the one and persecuting the other, he and many more of those times begane to looke further into things, and to see into the unlawfullnes of their callings, and the burthen of many anti-christian corruptions, which both he and they endeavored to cast of; as they allso did, as in the begining of this treatis is to be seene. After they were joyned togither in comunion, he was a spetiall stay and help unto them. They ordinarily mett at his house on the Lords day, (which was a manor of the bishops,) ' and with great love he enter- ' I. e., the States General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands. ^ Mary Queen of Scots was beheaded February 8, 1586/7. The warrant for her execution was placed in the hands of William Davison, as one of EHzabeth's secretaries of state. EHzabeth endeavored to placate the feeling against the execution by asserting that she had ordered Davison not to have the warrant executed without further orders, and sent him to the Tower. * Scrooby Manor House, belonging to the archbishop of York. 378 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1643 tained them when they came, making provission for them to his great charge. He was the cheefe of those that were taken at Boston, and suffered the greatest loss; and of the seven that were kept longst in prison, and after bound over to the assises. Affter he came into Holland he suffered much hardship, after he had spente the most of his means, haveing a great charge, and many children ; and, in regard of his former breeding and course of hfe, not so fitt for many imployments as others were, espetially such as were toylesume and laborious. But yet he ever bore his condition with much cherfullnes and contenta- tion. Towards the later parte of those 12. years spente in Holland, his outward condition was mended, and he Hved well and plentifully; for he fell into a way (by reason he had the Latine tongue) to teach many students, who had a disire to leme the English tongue, to teach them Enghsh ; and by his method they quickly attained it with great facihtie; for he drew rules to leme it by, after the Latine maner; and many gentlemen, both Danes and Germans, resorted to him, as they had time from other studies, some of them being great mens sonnes. He also had means to set up printing, (by the help of some freinds,) and so had imploymente inoughg, and by reason of many books which would not be alowed to be printed in England, they might have had more then they could doe.* But now removeing into this countrie, all these things were laid aside againe, and a new course of Hving must be framed unto ; in which he was no way unwilling to take his parte, and to bear his burthen with the rest, living many times without bread, or come, many months together, having many times nothing but fish, and often wanting that also; and drunke nothing but water for many years togeather, yea, till within 5. or 6. years of his death. And yet he lived (by the blessing of God) in health till very old age. And besids that, he would labour with his hands in the feilds as long as he was able; yet when the church had no other minister, he taught twise every ' See p. 39, note 1. 1643] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 379 Saboth, and that both powerfully and profitably, to the great contentment of the hearers, and their comfortable edification; yea, many were brought to God by his ministrie. He did more in this behalfe in a year, then many that have their hundreds a year doe in all their lives. For his personall abili- ties, he was quahfied above many; he was wise and discreete and well spoken, having a grave and dehberate utterance, of a very cherfull spirite, very sociable and pleasante amongst his freinds, of an humble and modest mind, of a peaceable disposi- tion, under vallewing him self and his owne abiUties, and some time over valewing others; inoffencive and innocente in his life and conversation, which gained him the love of those without, as well as those within; yet he would tell them plainely of their faults and evills, both pubHckly and privatly, but in such a maner as usually was well taken from him. He was tender harted, and compassionate of such as were in miserie, but espetialy of such as had been of good estate and ranke, and were fallen unto want and poverty, either for goodnes and religions sake, or by the injury and oppression of others; he would say, of all men these deserved to be pitied most. And none did more offend and displease him then such as would hautily and proudly carry and lift up themselves, being rise from nothing, and haveing Utle els in them to comend them but a few fine cloaths, or a Htle riches more then others. In teaching, he was very moving and stirring of affections, also very plaine and distincte in what he taught; by which means he became the more profitable to the hearers. He had a singuler good gift in prayer, both publick and private, in ripping up the hart and conscience before God, in the humble confession of sinne, and begging the mercies of God in Christ for the pardon of the same. He always thought it were better for ministers to pray oftener, and devide their prears, then be longe and tedious in the same (excepte upon soUemne and spetiall occations, as in days of humihation and the like). His reason was, that the harte and spirits 380 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1643 of all, espetialy the weake, could hardly continue and stand bente (as it were) so long towards God, as they ought to doe in that duty, without flagging and falling of. For the govermente of the church, (which was most proper to his office,) he was carfuU to preserve good order in the same, and to preserve puritie, both in the doctrine and comunion of the same; and to supress any errour or contention that might begine to rise up amongst them; and accordingly God gave good success to his indeavors herein all his days, and he saw the fruite of his labours in that behalfe. But I must breake of, having only thus touched a few, as it were, heads of things. . I.cannot but here take occasion, not only to mention, but greatly..±o. admire the marvelous providence of God, t hat not- withstanding the many eha^^^ges and ia-pdsfeip&--^^^F^HTese- people wente throwgh, and the many -eneini^ thfiy Jtad,, a.Ti,fl difficulties they mette „with„all, that sp many of them should live-to very olde age!' It was not only this reve"^ mans con- dition, (for one swallow maks no summer, as they say,) but many more of them did the like, some dying aboute and before this time, and many still li¥iTLg7wh6~attainedrio~'60ryears-'e{---' age, and to 65. diverse. to, 7.0..-and-above,»ajid_aQinejiere^0.^ as he did. more than ordinarie, and above naturall reason, that so it should be; for it is foiincnnr ex- perience, jthat-chaing of aeir, -famine, or unholsbme foode, much drinking of water, sorrows and troubls,_etc?,~aII of them are enimies to health, causes of many diseaces, consuniers of naturall vigoure and the bodys of men, and shortners of Ufe. And yet of all these things they had a large parte, and suffered deeply in the same. They wente from England to- Holandr wher they found both worse air and dyet then that they came from ; from thence (induring a long imprisonmente, as it were, in the ships at sea) into New-England; and how it hath been ' Those of the Mayflower company who survived the first winter Uved an average of thirty-seven years afterwards. 1643] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 381 with them hear hath allready beene showne; and what crosses, troubls, fears, wants, and sorrowes they had been lyable unto, is easie to conjecture; so as in some sorte they may say with the Apostle, 2. Cor: 11. 26, 27. they were in journeyings often, in perils of waters, in perills of rdbers, in perills of their owne nation, in perils among the heathen, in perills in the willdernes, in perills in the sea, in perills among false hreethern; in wearines / and painfullnes, in watching often, in hunger and thirst, in Ju fasting often, in could and nakednes. What was it then that uphdd_theni?_.-It''wasTR53s~vismtatiQii_ tl^ preserved their spiQtS;;__Job^lO. 12. Thou hast given me life and grace, and thy vissitation hath preserved my spirite. He that upheld the Apostle upheld them. They were persecuted, hut not forsaken, cast downe, lut perished not. 2. Cor: 4. 9. As unknowen, and yet knowen; as dying, and behold we live; as chastened, and yett not kiled. 2. Cor: 6. 9. God, it seems, would have all men to behold and observe such mercies and works of his providence as these are towards his people, that they in hke cases might be mcouraged to depend upon God in their trials, and also blese his name when they see his goodnes towards others. Man lives not by bread only, Deut : 8.' 3. It is not by good and dainty fare, by peace, and rest, and harts ease, in injoying the contentments and good things of this world only, that preserves health .and prolongs Uf e. God in such examples would have the world see and behold that he can doe it without them; and if the world will shut ther eyes, and take no notice therof, yet he would have his people to see and consider it. Daniell could be better hkmg with pulse then others were with the kings dainties. Jaacob, though he wente from one nation to another people, an3rpag5ed4liQi3a3£Ja;^ne^_fe ^j.and many afflictions, yet JieJiyedrTilToia" age, and dyedlweetly, and rested in the Lord, as^infinite others of Gods servants have done, and still shall doe, (through Gods goodnes,) notwith- standing all the mahce of their enemies; when the branch of the wicked shall be cut of before his day. Job. 15. 32. and the 382 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1643 hloody and decdtfull men shall not live out halfe their days. Psa: 55. 23. By reason of the plottings of the Narigansets, (ever since the Pequents warr,) the Indeans were drawne into a general! con- spiracie against the English in all parts, as was in part dis- covered the yeare before; and now made more plaine and evidente by many discoveries and free-conffessions of sundrie Indeans (upon severall occasions) from diverse places, con- curing in one; with such other concuring circomstances as gave them suflissently to understand the trueth therof, and to thinke of means how to prevente the same, and secure them selves. Which made them enter into this more nere union and confederation following. Articles of ConfEederation betweene the Plantations under the Govermente of Massachusets, the Plantations under the Govermente of New- Plimoth, the Plantations under the Govermente of Conightecute, and the Govermente of New-Haven, with the Plantations in com- bination therwith.^ Wheras we all came into these parts of America with one and the same end and aime, namly, to advance the kingdome of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to injoye the liberties of the Gospell in puritie with peace; and wheras in our setling (by a wise providence of God) we are further disperced upon the sea coasts and rivers then was at first intended, so that we cannot, according to our desires, with conveniencie comunicate in one govermente and jurisdiction; and wheras we live encompassed with people of severall nations and Strang languages, which hereafter may prove injurious to us and our posteritie; and for as much as the natives have formerly committed sundrie insolencies and outrages upon severall plantations of the English, and have of late combined them selves against us; and seeing, by reason of those distractions in England (which they have heard of) and by which they know we are hindered from that humble way of seeking advice or reaping those comfurtable fruits of protection which at other times we might well expecte; we therfore doe conceive 1 On the formation and history of the New England Confederation, see Mr. C. C. Smith's article, "Boston and the Neighboring Jurisdictions," in the first volume of Winsor's Memorial History of Boston; and Frothingham's Rise of the Republic, chap. ii. The records of the meetings of the Confederation are printed in the Plymouth Colony Records, vols. IX., X., and in Colonial Records o] Connecticut, vol. III. 1643] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 383 it our bounden dijty, without delay, to enter into a presents consociation amongst our selves, for mutuall help and strength in all our future con- cernments. That as in nation and religion, so in other respects, we be and continue one, according to the tenor and true meaning of the insuing articles. (1) Wherfore it is fully agreed and concluded by and betweene the parties or jurisdictions above named, and they joyntly and severally doe by these presents agree and conclude, that they all be and henceforth be called by the name of The United Colonies of New-England. 2. The said United CoUonies, for them selves and their posterities, doe joyntly and severally hereby enter into a firme and perpetuall league of frendship and amitie, for offence and defence, mutuall advice and succore upon all just occasions, both for preserving and propagating the truth of the Gospell, and for their owne mutuall saftie and wellfare. 3. It is further agreed that the plantations which at presente are or hereafter shall be setled with [in] the limites of the Massachusets shall be for ever under the Massachusets, and shall have peculier jurisdiction amonge them selves in all cases, as an intire body. And that Plimoth, Conightecutt, and New-Haven shall each of them have like peculier jurisdition and govermente within their limites and in refference to the plantations which allready are setled, or shall hereafter be erected, or shall setle within their limites, respectively; provided that no other jurisdition shall hereafter be takeen in, as a distincte head or member of this confederation, nor shall any other plantation or jurisdiction in presente being, and not allready in combination or under the jurisdiction of any of these conf ederats, be received by any of them ; nor shall any tow of the confederats joyne in one jurisdiction, without consente of the rest, which consente to be interpreted as is expreseed in the sixte article en- sewing. 4. It is by these conffederats agreed, that the charge of all just warrs, whether offencive or defencive, upon what parte or member of this confederation soever they fall, shall, both in men, provissions, and all other dbbursments, be borne by all the parts of this confederation, in diflerente proportions, according to their differente abillities, in maner following: namely, that the comissioners for each jurisdiction, from time to time, as ther shall be occasion, bring a true accounte and number of all their males in every plantation, or any way belonging too or under their severall jurisdictions, of what qualitie or condition soever they be, from 16. years old to 60. being inhabitants ther; and that according to the differente niunbers which from tune to tune shall be found in each juris- diction upon a true and just accounte, the service of men and all charges of the warr be borne by the pole; each jurisdiction or plantation being 384 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1643 left to their owne just course and custome of rating them selves and people according to their diflerente estates, with due respects to their qualities and exemptions amongst them selves, though the confederats take no notice of any such priviledg. And that according to their differente charge of each jurisdiction and plantation, the whole advantage of the warr, (if it please God to blesse their indeaours,) whether it be in lands, goods, or persons, shall be proportionably devided amonge the said confederats. 5. It is further agreed, that if these jurisdictions, or any plantation under or in combynacion with them, be invaded by any enemie whomso- ever, upon notice and requeste of any 3. magistrats of that jurisdiction so invaded, the rest of the confederats, without any further meeting or ex- postulation, shall forthwith send ayde to the confederate in danger, but in differente proportion; namely, the Massachusets an hundred men suflScently armed and provided for such a service and journey, and each of the rest forty five so armed and provided, or any lesser number, if less be required according to this proportion. But if such confederate in danger may be supplyed by their nexte confederates, not exeeding the number hereby agreed, they may crave help ther, and seeke no further for the presente; the charge to be borne as in this article is exprest, and at the returne to be victuled and suplyed with powder and shote for their jurney (if ther be need) by that jurisdiction which imployed or sent for them. But none of the jurisdictions to exceede these numbers till, by a meeting of the commissioners for this confederation, a greater aide ap- pear nessessarie. And this proportion to continue till upon knowlege of greater numbers in each jurisdiction, which shall be brought to the nexte meeting, some other proportion be ordered. But in such case of sending men for presente aide, whether before or after such order or alteration, it is agreed that at the meeting of the comissioners for this confederation, the cause of such warr or invasion be duly considered; and if it appeare that the f alte lay in the parties so invaded, that then that jurisdiction or plantation make just satisfaction both to the invaders whom they have injured, and beare all the charges of the warr them selves, without requiring any allowance from the rest of the confederats towards the same. And further, that if any jurisdiction see any danger of any invasion approaching, and ther be time for a meeting, that in such a case 3. magistrats of that jurisdiction may summone a meeting, at such conveniente place as them selves shall thinke meete, to consider and provid against the threatened danger, provided when they are mett, they may remove to what place they please; only, whilst any of these foure confederats have but 3 magistrats in their jurisdiction, their requeste, or summons, from any 2. of them shall be accounted of equall forcQ with the 1643] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 385 3. mentioned in both the clauses of this article, till ther be an increase of majestrats ther. 6. It is also agreed that, for the managing and concluding of all affairs propper, and concerning the whole confederation, tow comis- sioners shall be chosen by and out of each of these 4. jurisdictions; namly, 2. for the Massachusets, 2. for Plimoth, 2. for Conightecutt, and 2. for New-Haven, being all in church fellowship with us, which shall bring full power from their severall Generall Courts respectively to hear, examene, waigh, and detirmine all affairs of warr, or peace, leagues, aids, charges, and numbers of men for warr, divissions of spoyles, and whatsoever is gotten by conquest; receiving of more confederats, or plantations into combination with any of the confederates, and all things of like nature, which are the proper concomitants or consequences of such a confedera- tion, for amitie, offence, and defence; not intermedling with the gover- mente of any of the jurisdictions, which by the 3. article is preserved en- tirely to them selves. But if these 8. comissioners when they meete shall not all agree, yet it concluded that any 6. of the 8. agreeing shall have power to setle and determine the bussines in question. But if 6. doe not agree, that then such propositions, with their reasons, so farr as they have been debated, be sente, and referred to the 4. Generall Courts, viz. the Massachusets, Plimoth, Conightecutt, and New-haven; and if at all the said Generall Courts the bussines so referred be concluded, then to be prosecuted by the confederats, and all their members. It was further agreed that these 8. comissioners shall meete once every year, besids extraordinarie meetings, (according to the fifte article,) to consider, treate, and conclude of aU affaires belonging to this confederation, which meeting shall ever be the first Thursday in September. And that the next meeting after the date of these presents, which shall be accounted the second meeting, shall be at Boston in the Massachusets, the 3. at Hartford, the 4. at New-Haven, the 5. at Plimoth, and so in course successively, if in the meane time some midle place be not found out and agreed on, which may be comodious for all the jurisdictions. 7. It is further agreed, that at each meeting of these 8. comissioners, whether ordinarie, or extraordinary, they all 6. of them agreeing as before, may chuse a presidente out of them selves, whose office and work shall be to take care and directe for order, and a comly carrying on of all pro- ceedings in the present meeting; but he shall be invested with no such power or respecte, as by which he shall hinder the propounding or pro- grese of any bussines, or any way cast the scailes otherwise then in the precedente article is agreed. 8. It is also agreed, that the comissioners for this confederation 386 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1643 hereafter at their meetings, whether ordinary or extraordinarie, as they may have comission or opportunitie, doe indeaover to frame and estabhsh agreements and orders in general! cases of a civill nature, wherin all the plantations are interessed, for the preserving of peace amongst them selves, and preventing as much as may be all occasions of warr or differ- ence vs^ith others; as aboute the free and speedy passage of justice, in every jurisdiction, to all the confederats equally as to their owne; not receiving those that remove from one plantation to another without due certificate; how all the jurisdictions may carry towards the Indeans, that they neither growe insolente, nor be injured without due satisfaction, least warr breake in upon the confederats through such miscarriages. It is also agreed, that if any servante rune away from his maister into another of these confederated jurisdictions, that in such case, upon the certificate of one magistrate in the jurisdiction out of which the said servante fledd, or upon other due proofe, the said servante shall be de- livered, either to his maister, or any other that pursues and brings such certificate or proofe. And that upon the escape of any prisoner what- soever, or fugitive for any criminall cause, whether breaking prison, or getting from the officer, or otherwise escaping, upon the certificate of 2. magistrats of the jurisdiction out of which the escape is made, that he was a prisoner, or such an offender at the time of the escape, they magis- trats, or sume of them of that jurisdiction wher for the presente the said prisoner or fugitive abideth, shall forthwith grante such a warrante as the case will beare,for the apprehending of any such person, and the delivering of him into the hands of theofiicer, or other person who pursues him. And if ther be help required, for the safe returning of any such offender, then it shall be granted to him that craves the same, he paying the charges therof . 9. And for that the justest warrs may be of dangerous consequence, espetially to the smaler plantations in these United Collonies, it is agreed that neither the Massachusets, Plimoth, Conightecutt, nor New-Haven, nor any member of any of them, shall at any time hear after begine, under- take, or ingage them selves, or this confederation, or any parte therof, in any warr whatsoever, (sundry exegents, with the necessary consequents therof excepted, which are also to be moderated as much as the case will permitte,) without the consente and agreemente of the forementioned 8. comissioners, or at the least 6. of them, as in the sixt article is provided. And that no charge be required of any of they confederats, in case of a defensive warr, till the said comissioners have mett, and approved the justice of the warr, and have agreed upon the summe of money to be levied, which smne is then to be paid by the severall confederats in pro- portion according to the fourth article. 1643] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 387 10. That in extraordinary occasions, when meetings are summoned by three magistrates of any jurisdiction, or 2. as in the 5. article, if any of the comissioners come not, due warning being given or sente, it is agreed that 4. of the comissioners shall have power to directe a warr which cannot be delayed, and to send for due proportions of men out of each jurisdiction, as well as 6. might doe if all mett; but not less then 6. shall determine the justice of the warr, or alow the demands or bills of charges, or cause any levies to be made for the same. 11. It is further agreed, that if any of the confederats shall hereafter breake any of these presente articles, or be any other ways injurious to any one of the other jurisdictions, such breach of agreemente or injurie shall be duly considered and' ordered by the comissioners for the other jurisdic- tion; that both peace and this presente confederation may be intirly pre- served without violation. 12. Lastly, this perpetuall confederation, and the severall articles therof being read, and seriously considered, both by the Generall Courte for the Massachusets, and by the comissioners for Plimoth, Conigtecute, and New-Haven, were fully alowed and confirmed by 3. of the forenamed confederats, namly, the Massachusets, Conightecutt, and New-Haven; only the comissioners for Plimoth haveing no commission to conclude, desired respite till they might advise with their Generall Courte; wher upon it was agreed and concluded by the said Courte of the Massachusets, and the comissioners for the other tow confederats, that, if Plimoth consente, then the whole treaty as it stands in these present articls is, and shall continue, firme and stable vdthout alteration. But if Plimoth come not in, yet the other three confederats doe by these presents con- feirme the whole confederation, and the articles therof; only in September nexte, when the second meeting of the commissioners is to be at Boston, new consideration may be taken of the 6. article, which concerns number of comissioners for meeting and concluding the affaires of this con- federation, to the satisfaction of the Courte of the Massachusets, and the comissioners for the other 2. confederats, but the rest to stand unques- tioned. In the testimonie wherof, the Generall Courte of the Massa- chusets, by ther Secretary, and the comissioners for Conightecutt and New-Haven, have subscribed these presente articles this 19. of the third month, comonly called May, Anno Dom : 1643. At a meeting of the comissioners for the confederation held at Boston the 7. of Sept: it appearing that the Generall Courte of New-Plimoth, and the severall towneshipes therof, have read and considered and approved these articles of confederation, as appeareth by commission from their Generall Courte bearing date the 29. of August, 1643. to Mr. Edward 388 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1643 Winslow and Mr. William Collier, to ratifie and confinne the same on their behalfes. We, therfore, the Comissioners for the Massachusets, Coriightecutt, and New Haven, doe also, for our severall goverments, subscribe unto them. John Wintheop, Gov'', of the Massachusest. Tho: Dudley Theoph: Eaton. Geo: Fenwick. Edwa: Hopkins. Thomas Geegson. These were the articles of agreemente in the union and confederation which they now first entered into; and in this their first meeting, held at Boston the day and year above- said, amongst other things they had this matter of great con- sequence to considere on: the Narigansets, after the subduing of the Pequents, thought to have ruled over all the Indeans aboute them; but the EngUsh, espetially those of Conightecutt holding correspondencie and frenship with Uncass, sachem of the Monhigg Indeans which lived nere them, (as the Massa- chusets had done with the Narigansets,) and he had been faithfull to them in the Pequente warr, they were ingaged to supporte him in his just Hberties, and were contented that such of the surviving Pequents as had submited to him should remaine with him and quietly imder his protection. This did much increase his power and augmente his greatnes, which the Narigansets could not indure to see. But Myantinomo, their cheefe sachem, (an ambitious and pohtick man,) sought pri- vatly and by trearchery (according to the Indean maner) to make him away, by hiring some to kill him. Sometime they assayed to poyson him; that not takeing, then in the night time to knock him on the head in his house, or secretly to shoot him, and such like attempts. But none of these taking effecte, he^ made open warr upon him (though it was against the covenants both betweene the English and them, as also betweene them selves, and a plaine breach of the same). He came suddanly upon him with 900. or 1000. men (never de- nouncing any warr before) . The others power at that presents ' Miantonomi. 1643] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 389 was not above halfe so many; but it pleased God to give Uncass the victory, and he slew many of his men, and wounded many more; but the cheefe of all was, he tooke Miantinomo prisoner. And seeing he was a greate man, and the Narigan- sets a potente people and would seeke revenge, he would doe nothing in the case without the advise of the EngUsh; so he (by the help and direction of those of Conightecutt) kept him prisoner till this meeting of the comissioners. The comis- sioners weighed the caxose and passages, as they were clearly represented and sufficently evidenced betwixte Uncass and Myantinomo ; and the things being duly considered, the com- issioners apparently saw that Uncass could not be safe whilst Miantynomo hved, but, either by secrete trechery or open force, his hf e would still be in danger. Wherfore they thought he might justly put such a false and bloud-thirstie enimie to death; but in his owne jurisdiction, not in the Enghsh planta- tions. And they advised, in the maner of his death all mercy and moderation should be showed, contrary to the practise of the Indeans, who exercise torturs and cruelty. And, Uncass having hitherto shewed him selfe a freind to the EngUsh, and in this craving their advise, if the Narigansett Indeans or others shall imjustly assaulte Uncass for this execution, upon notice and request, the Enghsh promise to assiste and protecte him as farr as they may againste such violence. This was the issue of this bussines. The reasons and pas- sages hereof are more at large to be seene in the acts and records of this meeting of the comissioners.' And Uncass fol- lewd this advise, and accordingly executed him, in a very fau-e maner,^ acording as they advised, with due respecte to his honour and greatnes. But what followed on the Narigansets parte will appear hear after. 'The meeting of September, 1643, their second meeting. See Plymouth Colony Records, IX. "At the place of his capture, the place still called Sachem's Plain, near Norwich, Connecticut. 390 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1644 Anno Dom: 1644. Mr. Edward Winslow was chosen Gov' this year. Many having left this place (as is before noted) by reason f the straightnes and barrennes of the same, and their finding f better accommodations elsewher, more sutable to their ends md minds; and sundrie others still upon every occasion de- siring their dismissions, the church begane seriously to thinke whether it were not better joyntly to remove to some other place, then to be thus weakened, and as it were insensibly dis- solved. Many meetings and much consultation was held hear- aboute, and diverse were mens minds and opinions. Some were still for staying togeather in this place, aledging men might hear Uve, if they would be contente with their condition; and that it was not for wante or necessitie so much that they removed, as for the enriching of them selves. Others were resolute upon removall, and so signified that hear they could not stay ; but if the church did not remove, they must ; inso- much as many were swayed, rather then ther should be a dis- solution, to condescend to a removall, if a fitt place could be foimd, that might more conveniently and comfortabhe receive the whole, with such accession of others as might come to them, for their better strength and subsistence; and some such like cautions and limitations. So as, with the afforesaide pro- vissos, the greater parte consented to a removall to a place called Nawsett, which had been superficially veiwed and the good will of the purchassers (to whom it belonged) obtained, with some addition thertoo from the Courte. But now they begane to see their errour, that they had given away already the best and most commodious places to others, and now wanted them selves; for this place was about 50. myles from hence, and at an outside of the coimtrie, remote from all society; also, that it would prove so straite, as it would not be competente to receive the whole body, much less be capable of any addition or increase; so as (at least in a shorte time) they 1644] EDWARD WINSLOW, GOVERNOR 391 should be worse ther then they are now hear. The which, with sundery other hke considerations and inconveniences, made them chaing their resolutions; but such as were before re- solved upon removall tooke advantage of this agreemente, and wente on notwithstanding, neither could the rest hinder them^- they haveing made some beginning. And thus was this poore church left, lik e an aricimte mother, growne"oMe;~arrd"for- sak^ of her children, (thougKTiot in their affect"ions;)~y'ett in regarde of~their Bo3i]7~presence-srtd— persondHiBt^ntt- ness. He r aiiciMte~Tng nrbBrg"i3ein^riK)g-t~^ away" by _ death ; a ndthese of later time being like children translated into other famili^~and she like "a widow left only to trust in God. Thus she that had made many rich became- Eersetfe^ poore. " —- Some things handled, and pacified by the commissioner[s] this year. Wheras, by a wise providence of God, tow of the jurisdictions in the westeme parts, viz. Conightecutt and New-haven, have beene latly exercised by sundrie insolencies and outrages from the Indeans; as, first, an Englishman, runing from his m'' out of the Massachusets, was mur- dered in the woods, in or nere the limites of Conightecute jurisdiction; and aboute 6. weeks after, upon discovery by an Indean, the Indean saga- more in these parts promised to deliver the murderer to the English, bound; and having accordingly brought him within the sight of Uncaway, by their joynte consente, as it is informed, he was ther unbound, and left to shifte for him selfe; wherupon 10. Englishmen forthwith coming to the place, being sente by Mr. Ludlow, at the Indeans desire, to receive the murderer, who seeing him escaped, layed hold of 8. of the Indeans ther presente, amongst whom ther was a sagamore or 2. and kept them in hold 2. days, till 4. sagamors ingaged themselves within one month to deliver the prisoner. And about a weeke after this agreemente, an Indean came presumtuously and with guile, in the day time, and murtherously as- salted an English woman in her house at Stamford, and by 3. wounds, supposed mortall, left her for dead, after he had robbed the house. By which passages the English were provoked, and called to a due considera- tion of their owne saftie; and the Indeans generally in those parts arose in an hostile manner, refused to come to the English to carry on treaties of peace, departed from their wigwames, left their come unweeded, and 392 HISTORY OP PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1644 shewed them selves tumultuously about some of the English plantations, and shott of peeces within hearing of the towne; and some Indeans came to the English and tould them the Indeans would fall upon them. So that most of the English thought it unsafe to travell in those parts by land, and some of the plantations were put upon strong watehs and ward, night and day, and could not attend their private occasions, and yet dis- trusted their owne strength for their defence. Wherupon Hartford and New-Haven were sent unto for aide, and saw cause both to send into the weaker parts of their owne jurisdiction thus in danger, and New-Haven, for conveniencie of situation, sente aide to Uncaway, though belonging to Conightecutt. Of all which passages they presently acquainted the comissioners in the Bay, and had the allowance and approbation from the Generall Courte ther, with directions neither to hasten warr nor to bear such insolencies too longe. Which courses, though ehargable to them selves, yet through Gods blessing they hope fruite is, and will be, sweete and wholsome to all the collonies; the murderers are since delivered to justice, the publick peace preserved for the presente, and probabillitie it may be better secured for the future. Thus this mischeefe was prevented, and the fear of a wan- hereby diverted. But now an other broyle was begune by the Narigansets; though they unjustly had made warr upon Un- cass, (as is before declared,) and had, the winter before this, ernestly presed the Gove' of the Massachusets that they might still make warr upon them to revenge the death of their saga- more, which, being taken prisoner, was by them put to death, (as before was noted,) pretending that they had first received and accepted his ransome, and then put him to death. But the Gove'' refused their presents, and tould them that it was them selves had done the wronge, and broaken the conditions of peace; and he nor the English neither could nor would allow them to make any further warr <«^n him, but if they did, must assiste him, and oppose them; but if if did appeare, upon good proofe, that he had received a ransome for his hfe, before he put him to death, when the comissioners mett, they should have a fair hearing, and they would cause Uncass to retume the same. But notwithstanding, at the spring of the year they gathered a great power, and fell upon Uncass, and 1644] EDWARD WINSLOW, GOVERNOR 393 slue sundrie of his men, and wounded more, and also had some loss them selves. Uncass calld for aide from the Enghsh; they tould him what the Narigansets objected, he deney the same; they tould him it must come to triall, and if he was inocente, if the Narigansets would not desiste, they would aide and assiste him. So at this meeting they sent both to Uncass and the Narrigansets, and required their sagamors to come or send to the comissioners now mete at Hartford, and they should have a faire and inpartiall hearing in all their greev- ances, and would endeavor that all wrongs should be rectified wher they should be found; and they promised that they should safly come and returne without any danger or molesta- tion; and sundry the hke things, as appears more at large in the messengers instructions. Upon which the Nari- gansets sent one sagamore and some other deputies, with fuU power to doe in the case as should be meete. Uncass came in person, accompanyed with some cheefe aboute him. After the agitation of the bussines, the issue was this. The comissioners declared to the Narigansett deputies as fol- loweth. 1. That they did not find any proof e of any ransome agreed on. 2. It appeared not that any wampam had been paied as a ransome, or any parte of a ransome, for Myantinomos life. 3. That if they had in any measure proved their charge against Uncass, the comissioners would have required him to have made answer- able satisfaction. 4. That if hereafter they can make satisfing profe, the English will consider the same, and proceed accordingly. 5. The comissioners did require that neither them selves nor the Nyanticks make any warr or injurious assaulte upon Unquass or any of his company untill they make profe of the ransume charged, and that due satisfaction be deneyed, unless he first assaulte them. 6. That if they assaulte Uncass, the English are engaged to assist him. Hearupon the Narigansette sachim, advising with the other deputies, ingaged him self e in the behalf e of the Narigansets and Nyanticks that no hostile acts should be comitted upon Uncass, or any of his, untill after 394 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1645 the next planting of come; and that after that, before they begine any warr, they will give 30. days warning to the Gove'' of the Massachusets or Conightecutt. The comissioners approving of this offer, and taking their ingagmente under their hands, required Uncass, as he expected the con- tinuance of the favour of the English, to observe the same termes of peace with the Narigansets and theirs. These foregoing conclusions were subscribed by the comissioners, for the severall jurisdictions, the 19. of Sept: 1644. Edwa: Hopkins, Presidente. Simon Beadstreete. Will"^. Hathorne. Edw:- Winslow. John Browne. Geor: Fenwick. Theoph: Eaton. Tho: Gregson. The forenamed Narigansets deputies did further promise, that if, contrary to this agreemente, any of the Nyantick Pequents should make any assaulte upon Uncass, or any of his, they would deliver them up to the English, to be punished according to their demerits; and that they would not use any means to procure the Mowacks * to come against Uncass during this truce. These were their names subscribed with their marks. Weetowish. Chinnough. Pampiamett. Pummunish. Anno Dom: 1645. The comissioners this year were caled to meete togither at Boston, before their ordinarie time; partly in regard of some differances falen betweene the French and the govermente of the Massachusets, about their aiding of Munseire Latore against Miuisseire de Aulney,^ and partly aboute the Indeans, who had broaken the former agreements aboute the peace concluded the last year. This meeting was held at Boston, the 28. of July. Besids some imderhand assualts made on both sids, the » Mohawks. ^ See p. 318, note 1. 1645] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 395 Narigansets gathered a great power, and fell upon Uncass, and slew many of his men, and wounded more, by reason that they farr exseeded him in number, and had gott store of peeces, with which they did him most hurte. And as they did this withoute the knowledg and consente of the Enghsh, (con- trary to former agreemente,) so they were resolved to prose- cute the same, notwithstanding any thing the English said or should doe against them. So, being incouraged by ther late victorie, and promise of assistance from the Mowaks, (being a strong, warlike, and desperate people,) they had allready de- voured Uncass and his, in their hops; and surly they had done it in deed, if the English had not timly sett in for his aide. For those of Conightecute sent him 40. men, who were a gari- son to him, till the comissioners could meete and take further order. Being thus mett, they forthwith sente 3. messengers, viz. Sargent John Davis, Benedicte Arnold,^ and Francis Smith, with full and ample instructions, both to the Narigansets and Uncass; to require them that they should either come in per- son or send sufficiente men fully instructed to deale in the bussines; and if they refused or delayed, to let them know (according to former agreements) that the English are engaged to assiste against these hostile invasions, and that they have sente their men to defend Uncass, and to know of the Nari- gansets whether they will stand to the former peace, or they will assaulte the English also, that they may provid accord- ingly. But the messengers returned, not only with a sleighting, but a threatening answer from the Narigansets (as will more appear hereafter). Also they brought a letter from Mr. Roger Williams, wherin he assures them that the warr would presenly breake forth, and the whole country would be all of a flame. And that the sachems of the Narigansets had concluded a newtrality with the English of Providence and those of Aquid- ' Benedict Arnold was afterward the governor of Rhode Island. 396 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1645 nett Hand. Wherupon the comissioners, considering the great danger and provocations offered, and the necessitie we should be put unto of making warr with the Narigansetts, and being also carfuU, in a matter of so great waight and generall con- cemmente, to see the way cleared, and to give satisfaction to all the colonies, did thinke fitte to advise with such of the magistrats and elders of the Massachusets as were then at hand, and also with some of the cheefe milhtary comanders ther; who being assembled, it was then agreed, — First, that our ingagmente bound us to aide and defend Uncass. 2. That this ayde could not be intended only to defend him and his forte, or habitation, but (according to the comone acceptation of such covenants, or ingagments, con- sidered with the grounds or occasion therof) so to ayde him as he might be preserved in his liberty and estate. 3^^. That this ayde must be speedy, least he might be swalowed up in the mean time, and so come to late. 4'^. The justice of this warr being cleared to our selves and the rest then presente, it was thought meete that the case shoxild be stated, and the reasons and groimds of the warr declared and pubhshed. 5^^. That a day of humilliation should be apoynted, which was the 5. day of the weeke following. 6^^. It was then allso agreed by the comissioners that the whole number of men to be raised in all the colonies should be 300. Wherof from the Massachu- sets a 190. PUmoth, 40. Conightecute, 40. New-Haven, 30. And considering that Uncass was in present danger, 40. men of this number were forthwith sent from the Massachusets for his sucoure; and it was but neede, for the other 40. from Conightecutt had order to stay but a month, and their time being out, they returned; and the Narigansets, hearing therof, tooke the advantage, and came suddanly upon him, and gave him another blow, to his further loss, and were ready to doe the like againe; but these 40. men being arrived, they returned, and did nothing. The declaration which they sett forth I shall not tran- 1645] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 397 scribe, it being very larg, and put forth in printe/ to which I referr those that would see the same, in which all passages are layed open from the first. I shall only note their prowd carriage, and answers to the 3. messengers sent from the comis- sioners. They received them with scome and contempte, and tould them they resolved to have no peace without Uncass his head; also they gave them this further answer: that it mattered not who begane the warr, they were resolved to follow it, and that the English should withdraw their garison from Uncass, or they would procure the Mowakes against them; and withall gave them this threatening answer: that they would lay the English catle on heaps, as high as their houses, and that no English-man should sturr out of his dore to pisse, but he should be kild. And wheras they required guids to pass throw their countrie, to deliver their message to Uncass from the comissioners, they deneyed them, but at length (in way of scome) offered them an old Pequente woman. Besids aUso they conceived them selves in danger, for whilst the interpretour was speakeing with them about the answer he should retume, 3. men came and stood behind him with ther hatchets, according to their murderous maner; but one of his fellows gave him notice of it, so they broak of and came away; with sundry such like affrontes, which made those Indeans they carryed with them to rime away for fear, and leave them to goe home as they could. Thus whilst the comissioners in care of the publick peace sought to quench the fire kindled amongst the Indeans, these children of strife breath out threatenings, provocations, and warr against the Enghsh them selves. So that, unless they should dishonour and provoak God, by violating a jxist in- gagmente, and expose the colonies to contempte and danger ^A Declaration of Former Passages and Proceedings hetwixt the English and the Narrowgansets, tmih their confederates. Wherein the grounds and justice of the ensuing warre are opened and cleared, Published, by order of the commissioners for the united Colonies, At Boston the 11 of the sixth month, 1645, a tract of 7 pages. Its substance is in Plymouth Colony Records, IX. 398 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1645 from the barbarians, they cannot but exerciese force, when no other means will prevaile to reduse the Narigansets and their confederats to a more just and sober temper. So as here upon they went on to hasten the preparations, according to the former agreemente, and sent to Plimoth to send forth their 40. men with all speed, to lye at Seacunke, least any deanger should befalle it, before the rest were ready, it lying next the enemie, and ther to stay till the Massachusetts should joyne with them. AUso Conigtecute and Newhaven forces were to joyne togeather, and march with all speed, and the Indean confederats of those parts with them. All which was done accordingly; and the souldiers of this place were at Seacunk, the place of their rendevouze, 8. or 10. days before the rest were ready; they were well armed all with snaphance peeces,' and went under the camand of Captain Standish. Those from other places were led likwise by able comander[s], asCaptaine Mason for Conigtecute, etc.; and Majore Gibons^ was made generall over the whole, with such comissions and instructions as was meete. Upon the suden dispatch of these souldiears, (the present necessitie requiring it,) the deputies of the Massachusetts Courte (being now assembled immediatly after the setting forth of their 40. men) made a question whether it was legally done, without their comission. It was answered, that how- soever it did properly belong to the authority of the severall jurisdictions (after the warr was agreed upon by the comis- sioners, and the number of men) to provid the men and means to carry on the warr; yet in this presente case, the proceeding of the comissioners and the comission given was as sufficiente as if it had been done by the Generall Courte. First, it was a case of such presente and urgente necessitie, as could ' A snaphance was a firearm discharged by a spring-lock. ^ Major Edward Gibbons was the commander of the Massachusetts troops, Captain John Mason, who had conducted the Pequot expedition of 1636, of those of Connecticut. 1645] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 399 not stay the calling of the Courte or Counsell. 2'^. In the Articles of Confederation, power is given to the comissioners to consult, order, and determine all affaires of warr, etc. And the word determine comprehends all acts of authority belonging therunto. 3'''. The comissioners are the judges of the necessitie of the expe- dition. 4'''. The Generall Courte have made their owne comissioners their sole counsell for these affires. 5^''. These counsels could not have had their due effecte excepte they had power to proceede in this case, as they have done; which were to make the comissioners power, and the maine end of the confederation, to be frustrate, and that mearly for observing a ceremony. 6'''. The comissioners haveing sole power to manage the warr for number of men, for time, place, etc., they only know their owne counsells, and determinations, and therfore none can grante commission to acte according to these but them selves. All things being thus in readines, and some of the souldiers gone forth, and the rest ready to march, the comissioners thought it meete before any hostile acte was performed, to cause a presente to be returned, which had been sente to the Gove'" of the Massachusetts from the Narigansett sachems, but not by him received, but layed up to be accepted or refused as they should carry them selves, and observe the covenants. Then!y)re they violating the same, and standing out thus to a warr, it was againe retimied, by 2. messengers and an inter- pretour. And further to let know that their men already sent to Uncass (and other wher sent forth) have hitherto had ex- press order only to stand upon his and their owne defence, and not to attempte any invasion of the Narigansetts country; and yet if they may have due reperation for what is past, and good securitie for the future, it shall appear they are as desirous of peace, and shall be as tender of the Narigansets blood as ever. If therefore Pessecuss, Innemo, with other sachemes, will (with- out further delay) come along with you to Boston, the comis- sioners doe promise and assure them, they shall have free hberty to come, and retoume without molestation or any just greevance from the Enghsh. But deputies will not now serve, 400 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1645 nor may the preparations in hand be now stayed, or the directions given recalled, till the forementioned sagamors come, and some further order be taken. But if they will have nothing but warr, the Engish are providing, and will proceeds accordingly. Pessecouss, Mixano, and Witowash, 3. principall sachems of the Narigansett Indeans, and Awasequen, deputie for the Nyanticks, with a large trauie of men, within a few days after came to Boston. And to omitte all other circomstances and debats that past betweene them and the comissioners, they came to this con- clusion following. 1. It was agreed betwixte the comissioners of the United Collonies, and the forementioned sagamores, and Niantick deputie, that the said Narigansets and Niantick sagamores should pay or cause to be payed at Boston, to the Massachusets comissioners, the full sume of 2000. fathome of good white wampame, or a third parte of black wampampeage, in 4. payments; namely, 500. fathome within 20. days, 500. fathome within 4. months, 500. fathome at or before next planting time, and 500. fathome within 2. years next after the date of these presents ; which 2000. fathome the comissioners accepte for satisfaction of former charges expended. 2. The foresaid sagamors and deputie (on the behalfe of tire Nari- gansett and Niantick Indeans) hereby promise and covenante that they upon demand and profe satisfie and restore unto Uncass, the Mohigan sagamore, all such captives, whether men, or women, or children, and all such canowes, as they or any of their men have taken, or as many of their owne canowes in the roome of them, full as good as they were, with full satisfaction for all such corne as they or any of theire men have spoyled or destroyed, of his or his mens, since last planting time; and the English comissioners hereby promise that Uncass shall doe the like. 3. Wheras ther are sundry differences and greevances bewixte Narigansett and Niantick Indeans, and Uncass and his men, (which in Uncass his absence cannot now be detirmined,) it is hearby agreed that Nariganset and Niantick sagamores either come them selves, or send their deputies to the next meeting of the comissioners for the collonies, either at New-Haven in Sep' 1646. or sooner (upon conveniente warning, if the said comissioners doe meete sooner), fully instructed to declare and make 1645] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 401 due proofe of their injuries, and to submite to the judgmente of the comissioners, in giving or receiving satisfaction; and the saidcomis- sioners (not doubting but Uncass will either come him selfe, or send his deputies, in like maner furnished) promising to give a full hearing to both parties with equall justice, without any partiall respects, according to their allegations and profs. 4. The said Narigansett and Niantick sagamors and deputies doe hearby promise and covenante to keep and maintaine a firme and per- petuall peace, both with all the English United Colonies and their suc- cessors, and with Uncass, the Monhegen sachem, and his men; with Ossamequine, Pumham, Sokanoke, Cutshamakin, Shoanan, Passacona- way, and all other Indean sagamors, and their companies, who are in freindship with or subjecte to any of the English; hearby ingaging them selves, that they will not at any time hearafter disturbe the peace of the cuntry, by any assaults, hostile attempts, invasions, or other injuries, to any of the Unnited CoUonies, or their successors ; or to the afforesaid Indeans; either in their persons, buildings, catle, or goods, directly or indirectly; nor will they confederate with any other against them; and if they know of any Indeans or others that conspire or intend hurt against the said English, or any Indeans subjecte to or in freindship with them, they vdll without delay acquainte and give notice therof to the English commissioners, or some of them. Or if any questions or differences shall at any time hereafter arise or grow betwejct them and Uncass, or any Endeans before mentioned, they will, according to former ingagments (which they hearby confirme and ratifie) first acquainte the English, and crave their judgments and advice therin; and will not attempte or begine any warr, or hostille invasion, till they have liberty and alowance from the comissioners of the United Collonies so to doe. 5. The said Narigansets and Niantick sagamores and deputies doe hearby promise that they will forthwith deliver and restore all such Indean fugitives, or captives which have at any time fled from any of the English, and are now living or abiding amongst them, or give due satis- faction for them to the comissioners for the Massachusets; and further, that they will (without more delays) pay, or cause to be payed, a yearly tribute, a month before harvest, every year after this, at Boston, to the English Colonies, for all such Pequents as live amongst them, according to the former treaty and agreemente, made at Hartford, 1638. namly, one fathome of white wampam for every Pequente man, and half e a fathume for each Pequente youth, and one hand length for each mal-child. And if Weequashcooke refuse to pay this tribute for any Pequents with him. 402 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1645 the Narigansetts sagamores promise to assiste the English against him And they further covenante that they will resigne and yeeld up the whole Pequente cuntrie, and every parte of it, to the English coUonies, as due to them by conquest. 6. The said Narigansett and Niantick sagamores and deputie doe hereby promise and covenante that within 14. days they will bring and deliver to the Massachusetts comissioners on the behalfe of the coUonies, foure of their children, viz. Pessecous his eldest sonn, the sone Tassa- quanawite brother to Pessecouss, Awashawe his sone, and Ewangsos sone, a Niantick, to be kepte (as hostages and pledges) by the English, till both the forementioned 2000. fathome of wampam be payed at the times ap- poynted, and the differences betweexte themselves and Uncass be heard and ordered, and till these artickles be under writen at Boston, by Jenemo and Wipetock. And further they hereby promise and covenante, that if at any time hearafter any of the said children shall make escape, or be conveyed away from the English, before the premisses be fully accomplished, they will either bring back and deliver to the Massachusett comissioners the same children, or, if they be not to be founde, such and so many other children, to be chosen by the comissioners for the United CoUonies, or their assignes, and that within 20. days after demand, and in the mean time, untill the said 4. children be delivered as hostages, the Narigansett and Niantick sagamors and deputy doe, freely and of their owne accorde, leave with the Massachusett comissioners, as pledges for presente securitie, 4. Indeans, namely, Witowash, Pumanise, Jawashoe, Waughwamino, who allso freely consente, and offer them selves to stay as pledges, till the said children be brought and delivered as abovesaid. 7. The comissioners for the United CoUonies doe hereby promise and agree that, at the charge of the United CoUonies, the 4. Indeans now left as pledges shall be provided for, and that the 4. children to be brought and delivered as hostages shall be kepte and maintained at the same charge; that they will require Uncass and his men, with all other Indean sagamors before named, to forbear all acts of hostilitie againste the Narigansetts and Niantick Indeans for the future. And further, all the promises being duly observed and kept by the Narigansett and Niantick Indians and their company, they will at the end of 2. years restore the said children delivered as hostiages, and retaine a firme peace with the Narigansets and Nianticke Indeans and their successours. 8. It is fully agreed by and betwixte the said parties, that it any hostile attempte be made while this treaty is in hand, or before notice of this agreemente (to stay further preparations and directions) can be given, such attempts and the consequencts therof shall on neither parte be ac- 1645] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 403 counted a violation of this treaty, nor a breach of the peace hear made and concluded. 9. The Narigansets and Niantick sagamors and deputie hereby agree and covenante to and with the comissioners of the United Collonies, that henceforth they will neither give, grante, sell, or in any maner alienate, any parte of their countrie, nor any parcell of land therin, either to any of the English or others, without consente or allowance of the commis- sioners. 10. Lastly, they promise that, if any Pequente or other be found and discovered amongst them who hath in time of peace murdered any of the English, he or they shall be delivered to just punishmente. In witness wherof the parties above named have interchaingablie subscribed these presents, the day and year above writen. John Winthrop, President. Heebert Pelham. Tho: Prence. John Browne. Geo: Fenwick. Edwa: Hopkins. Theoph: Eaton. Steven Goodteare. Pessecouss his mark ry*^ Meekesano his mark ) n^ WiTOWASH his mark f, f, C. AUMSEQUEN his mark / J the Niantick ^— '^ deputy. Abdas his mark Jl q PuMMASH his mark Cif\Af C44*V Cutchamakin his mark ^^ ^ This treaty and agreemente betwixte the comissioners of the United Collonies and the sagamores and deputy of Narrigansets and Niantick Indeans was made and concluded, Benedicte Arnold being interpretoui upon his oath; Sergante Callicate and an Indean, his man, being presente, and Josias and Cutshamakin, tow Indeans aquainted with the English language, assisting therin; who opened and cleared the whole treaty, and every article, to the sagamores and deputie there presente. And thus was the warr at this time stayed and prevented. 404 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1646 Anno Dom: 1646. About the midle of May, this year, came in 3. ships into this harbor, in warrhke order; they were found to be men of warr. The captains name was Crumwell, who had taken sundrie prizes from the Spaniards in the West Indies. He had a comission from the Earle of Warwick. He had abord his vessels aboute 80. lustie men, (but very unruly,) who, after they came ashore, did so distemper them selves with drinke as they became like madd-men; and though some of them were punished and imprisoned, yet could they hardly be re- strained; yet in the ende they became more moderate and orderly. They continued here aboute a month or 6. weeks, and then went to the Massachusets ; in which time they spente and scattered a great deale of money among the people, and yet more sine (I fear) then money, notwithstanding all the care and watchfuUnes that was used towards them, to pre- vente what might be. In which time one sadd accidente fell out. A desperate fellow of the company fell a quarling with some of his company. His captine commanded him to be quiet and surcease his quar- elling; but he would not, but reviled his captaine with base language, and in the end halfe drew his rapier, and intended to rune at his captien; but he closed with him, and wrasted his rapier from him, and gave him a boxe on the earr; but he would not give over, but still assaulted his captaine. Wher- upon he tooke the same rapier as it was in the scaberd, and gave him a blow with the hilts; but it light on his head, and the smal end of the bar of the rapier hilts peirct his scull, and he dyed a few days after. But the captaine was cleared by a coimsell of warr. This fellow was so desperate a quareller as the captaine was faine many times to chaine him under hatches from hurting his fellows, as the company did testifie; and this was his end. This Captaine Thomas Cromuell sett forth another vioage 1646] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 405 to the Westindeas, from the Bay of the Massachusets, well maned and victuled; and was out 3. years, and tooke sundry prises, and returned rich unto the Massachusets, and ther dyed the same sommere, having gott a fall from his horse, in which fall he fell on his rapeir hilts, and so brused his body as he shortly after dyed therof , wttK~&sme other distempers, which broughtiim into a feavor. ^japje gbserved that ther might be the hand of God herein: that as the forenamed of the blow he gave him with the rapeir hilts, so his owne death was occationed by a like means. This year Mr. Edward Winslow went into England, upon this occation: some discontented persons imder the gover- mente of the Massachusets sought to trouble their peace, and disturbe, if not innovate, their govermente, by lajdng many scandals upon them; and intended to prosecute against them in England, by petitioning and complaining to the Parlemente.* Allso Samuell Gorton and his company made complaints against them; so as they made choyse of Mr. Winslow to be their agente, to make their defence, and gave him comission and instructions for that end; in which he so carried him selfe as did well answer their ends, and cleared them from any blame or dishonour, to the shame of their adversaries. But by reason of the great alterations in the State, he was detained longer then was expected; and afterwards fell into other im- ployments their, so as he hath now bene absente this 4. years, which hath been much to the weakning of this govermente, without whose consente he tooke these imployments upon him. Anno 1647. And Anno 1648. / ' The allusion is to the endeavors of William Vassall, Samuel Maverick and Dr. John Child, to secure for members of the Church of England and the Church of Scotland equal civil and ecclesiastical rights in Massachusetts and Pljrmouth with the members of the Congregational churches. Page 406 blank APPENDIX No. I. [Passengers of the Mayflower.] The names of those which came over first, in the year 1620. and were by the blessing of God the first beginers and (in a sort) the foundation of all the Plantations and Colonies in New-England; and their famiUes. Mr. John Carver; Kathrine, his wife; Desire Minter; and 2. man-servants, John Howland, Roger Wilder; Wil- Uam Latham, a boy; and a maid servant, and a child that was put to him, called Jasper More. Mr. William Brewster; Mary, his wife; with 2. sons, whose names were Love and Wrasling; and a boy was 6. put to him called Richard More; and another of his brothers. The rest of his children were left behind, and came over afterwards. Mr. Edward Winslow; Ehzabeth, his wife; and 2. men servants, caled Georg Sowle and EUas Story; also a htle gu-le was put to him, caled Ellen, the sister of Richard More. WiUiam Bradford, and Dorothy, his wife; having but one child, a sone, left behind, who came afterward. Mr. Isaack Allerton, and Mary, his wife; with 3. chil- 6. dren, Bartholmew, Remember, and Mary; and a servant boy, John Hooke. Mr. Samuell Fuller, and a servant, caled William But- 2. ten. His wife was behind, and a child, which came after- wards. 2. John Crakston, and his sone, John Crakston. 407 408 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION 2. Captin Myles Standish, and Rose, his wife. Mr. Christopher Martin, and his wife, and 2. servants, Salamon Prower and John Langemore. Mr. William Mullmes, and his wife, and 2. children, Joseph and Priscila; and a servant, Robart Carter. Mr. WilUam White, and Susana, his wife, and one sone, caled Resolved, and one borne a ship-bord, caled Peregriene; and 2. servants, named WilHam Holbeck and Edward Thomson. Mr. Steven Hopkins, and EUzabeth, his wife, and 2. children, caled Giles, and Constanta, a doughter, both by 8. a former wife; and 2. more by this wife, caled Damans and Oceanxis; the last was borne at sea; and 2. servants, called Edward Doty and Edward Litster. ^ Mr. Richard Warren; but his wife and children were lefte behind, and came afterwards. . John Billinton, and Elen, his wife; and 2. sones, John and Francis. . Edward TilUe, and Ann, his wife; and 2. children that were their cossens, Henery Samson and HmniUity Coper. „ John Tilhe, and his wife; and Eehzabeth, their doughter. ^ Francis Cooke, and his sone John. But his wife and other children came afterwards. „ Thomas Rogers, and Joseph, his sone. His other chil- dren came afterwards. 3.' Thomas Tinker, and his wife, and a sone. 2. John Rigdale, and Alice, his wife. James Chilton, and his wife, and Mary, their dougter. 3. They had an other doughter, that was marled, came after- ward. 3. Edward Fuller, and his wife, and Samuell, their sonne. „ John Turner, and 2. sones. He had a doughter came some years after to Salem, wher she is now Uving. 'Written 2 by error in the manuscript. PASSENGERS OF THE MAYFLOWER 409 ^ Francis Eaton, and Sarah, his wife, and Samuell, their sone, a yong child. Moyses Fletcher, John Goodman, Thomas WilUams, jQ Digerie Preist, Edmond Margeson, Peter Browne, Richard Britterige, Richard Clarke, Richard Gardenar, Gilbart Winslow. John Alden was hired for a cooper, at South-Hampton, J wher the ship victuled; and being a hopfuU yong man, was much desu-ed, but left to his owne hking to go or stay when he came here; but he stayed, and maryed here. John AUerton and Thomas Enlish were both hired, the later to goe m' of a shalop here, and the other was reputed 2. as one of the company, but was to go back (being a sea- man) for the help of others behind. But they both dyed here, before the shipe returned. There were allso other 2. seamen hired to stay a year 2. here in the country, William Trevore, and one Ely. But when their time was out, they both returned. These, being aboute a hundred sowls,* came over in this first ship; and began this worke, which God of his goodnes hath hithertoo blesed; let his holy name have the praise. And seeing it hath pleased him to give me to see 30. years compleated since these beginings; and that the great works of his providence are to be observed, I have thought it not imworthy my paines to take a veiw of the decreas- ings and increasings of these persons, and such changs as hath pased over them and theirs, in this thirty years. It m ay be of some us eJo.g.uch-as-eomE' after; buybows- efer^ I shall rest i n my ow neJienefite^ I wiirthmoreTaEeuiem in order as they lye. Mr. Carver and his wife dyed the first year; he in the spring, she in the sommer ; also, his man Roger and the litle 'The actual number arriving was 102. 15 410 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION boy Jasper dyed before either of them, of the commone in- fection. Desire Minter retximed to her freinds, and proved not very well, and dyed in England. His servant boy Latham, after more then 20. years stay in the country, went into England, and from thence to the Bahamy Hands in the West Indies, and ther, with some others, was starved for want of food. His maid servant maried, and dyed a year or tow after, here in this place. His servant, John Howland, maried the doughter of John TilUe, Ehzabeth, and they are both now hving, and have 10. children, now all living; and their eldest daughter hath 4. children. And ther 2. daughter, 1. all living; and other of their children mariagable. So 15. are come of them. Mr. Brewster lived to very old age; about 80. years he was when he dyed, having lived some 23. or 24. years here in the countrie ; and though his wife dyed long before, . yet she dyed aged. His sone Wrastle dyed a yonge man unmaried; his sone Love Uved till this year 1650. and dyed, and left 4. children, now hving. His doughters which came over after him are dead, but have left sundry children ahve; his eldst sone is still liveing, and hath 9. 2. or 10. children ; one maried, who hath a child or 2. Richard More his brother dyed the first winter; but he is maried, and hath 4. or 5. children, all living. Mr. Ed: Winslow his wife dyed the first winter; and he maried with the widow of Mr. White, and hath 2. children living by her marigable, besids sundry that are dead. One of his servants dyed, as also the litle girle, soone after the ships arivall. But his man, Georg Sowle, is still living, and hath 8. children. William Bradford his wife dyed soone after their arivall ; and he maried againe ; and hath 4. children, 3. wherof are maried. Mr. AUerton his wife dyed with the first, and his ser- 4 PASSENGERS OF THE MAYFLOWER 411 vant, John Hooke. His sone Bartle is maried in England but I know not how many children he hath. His doughter Remember is maried at Salem, and hath 3. or 4, children g living. And his doughter Maryis maried here, and hath 4. children. Him selfe maried againe with the doughter of Mr. Brewster, and hath one sone living by her, but she is long since dead. And he is maried againe, and hath left this place long agoe. So I account his increase to be 8. besids his sons in England. Mr. Fuller his servant dyed at sea; and after his wife 2. came over, he had tow children by her, which are Uving and growne up to years; but he dyed some 15 years agoe. John Crakston dyed in the first mortaUty; and about some 5. or 6. years after, his sone dyed; having lost him selfe in the wodes, his feet became frosen, which put him into a feavor, of which he dyed. * Captain Standish his wife dyed in the first sicknes, 4. and he maried againe, and hath 4. sones hveing, and some are dead. Mr. Martin, he and all his, dyed in the first infection not long after the arivall. Mr. Molines, and his wife, his sone, and his servant, dyed the first winter. Only his dougter Priscila survied, 15. and maried with John Alden, who are both Uving, and have 11. children. And their eldest daughter is maried, and hath five children. Mr. White and his 2. servants dyed soone after ther landing. His wife maried with Mr. Winslow (as is be- 7. fore noted). His 2. sons are maried, and Resolved hath 5. children, Perigrine tow, all living. So their increase are 7. Mr. Hopkins and his wife are now both dead, but they lived above 20. years in this place, and had one sone and 4. doughters borne here. Ther sone became a seaman, and ' " Who dyed 3. of Octob. 1655." (Br.) 5. 12. 4. 412 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION dyed at Barbadoes; one daughter dyed here, and 2. are maried; one of them hath 2. children; and one is yet to mary. So their increase which still survive are 5. But 4. his sone Giles is maried, and hath 4. children. His doughter Constanta is also maried, and hath 12. children, all of them living, and one of them maried. Mr. Richard Warren lived some 4. or 5. years, and had his wife come over to him, by whom he had 2. sons before dyed; and one of them is maryed, and hath 2. children. So his increase is 4. But he had 5. doughters more came over with his wife, who are all maried, and living, and have many children. John Bilhnton, after he had bene here 10. yers, was „ executed for killing a man; and his eldest sone dyed before him; but his 2. sone is ahve, and maried, and hath 8. children. Edward Tillie and his wife both dyed soon after their „ arivall; and the girle Humihty, their cousen, was sent for into England, and dyed ther. But the youth Henery Samson is still liveing, and is maried, and hath 7. children. John TiUie and his wife both dyed a htle after they came ashore; and their daughter Ehzabeth maried with John Howland, and hath issue as is before noted. Francis Cooke is still living, a very olde man, and hath scene his childrens children have children; after his wife 8. came over, (with other of his children,) he hath 3. still hving by her, all maried, and have 5. children; so their encrease is 8. And his sone John, which came over with 4. him, is maried, and hath 4. chilldren hving. Thomas Rogers dyed in the first sicknes, but his sone Joseph is still Uving, and is maried, and hath 6. children. The rest of Thomas Rogers [children] came over, and are maried, and have many children. Thomas Tinker and his wife and sone all dyed in the first sicknes. PASSENGERS OF THE MAYFLOWER 413' And so did John Rigdale and his wife. James Chilton and his wife also dyed in the first infec- tion. But their daughter Mary is still living, and hath 9. children; and one daughter is marled, and hath a child; so their increase is 10. Edward Fuller and his wife dyed soon after they came 4. ashore; but their sone Samuell is living, and marled, and hath 4. children or more. John Turner and his 2. sones all dyed in the first siknes. But he hath a daugter still living at Salem, well marled, and approved of. Francis Eaton his first wife dyed in the generall sicknes ; and he marled againe, and his 2. wife dyed, and . he marled the 3. and had by her 3. children. One of them is marled, and hath a child; the other are living, but one of them is an ideote. He dyed about 16. years agoe. His sone Samuell, who came over a sucking child, 1. is allso maried, and hath a child. Moyses Fletcher, Thomas WiUiams, Digerie Preist, John Goodman, Edmond Margeson, Richard Britteridge, Richard Clarke. All these dyed sone after their arivall, in the generall sicknes that befell. But Digerie Preist had his wife and children sent hither afterwards, she being Mr. AUertons sister. But the rest left no posteritie here. Richard Gardinar became a seaman, and died in Eng- land, or at sea. Gilbert Wmslow, after diverse years aboad here, re- turned into England, and dyed ther. Peter Browne maried twise. By his first wife he had 2. children, who are Uving, and both of them maried, and the one of them hath 2. children; by his second wife he had 2 more. He dyed about 16. years since. Thomas English and John AUerton dyed m the generall siknes. 414 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION John Alden maried with Priscila, Mr. MoUines his doughter, and had issue by her as is before related. Edward Doty and Edward Litster, the servants of Mr. Hopkins. Litster, after he was at Uberty, went to Vir- ginia, and ther dyed. But Edward Doty by a second wife hath 7. children, and both he and they are hving. Of these 100. persons which came first over in this first ship together, the greater halfe dyed in the generall mortahty; and most of them in 2. or three monthes time. And for those which survied, though some were ancient and past procreation, and others left the place and cuntrie, yet of those few remaining are sprunge up above 160. persons, in this 30. years, and are now Uving in this presente year, 1650. besids many of their children which are dead, and come not within this account. And of the old stock (of one and other) ther are yet living this present year, 1650. nere 30. persons. Let the Lord have the praise, who is the High Preserver of men. ' Twelfe persons liveing of the old stock this present yeare, 1679. Two persons liveing that came over in the first shipe 1620, this present yeare, 1690. Resolved White and Mary Chusman [Cushman], the daughter of Mr. AUerton. And John Cooke, the son of Frances Cooke, that came in the first ship, is still liveing this present yeare, 1694; and Mary Cushman is still Uving, this present year, 1698. 'The following memoranda are in a later hand. No. II. [Commission for Regulating Plantations.]' Charles by the grace of God king of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc. To the most Reve** father in Christ, our wellbeloved and faith- full counsellour, William, by devine providence Archbishop of Counterbery, of all England Primate and Metropolitan; Thomas Lord Coventry, Keeper of our Great Scale of England; the most Reverente father in Christ our wellbe- loved and most faithful Counselour, Richard, by devine providence Archbishop of Yorke, Primate and Metropol- itan; our wellbeloved and most faithfuU coussens and Counselours, Richard, Earle of Portland, our High Treasurer of England; Henery, Earle of Manchester, Keeper of our Privie Seale; Thomas, Earle of Arundalle and Surry, Earle Marshall of England; Edward, Earle of Dorsett, ChamberUne of our most dear consorte, the Queene; and our beloved and faithfull Cotmselours, Francis Lord Cot- tington, Counseler, and Undertreasurour of our Eschequour ; Sr : Thomas Edmonds, knight, Treasourer of our houshould ; Sr: Henery Vane, Knight, controuler of the same hous- hould; Sr: John Cooke, Knight, one of our Privie Secre- taries; and Francis Windebanck, Knight, another of our Privie Secretaries, Wheras very many of our subjects, and of our late fathers of beloved memory, our sovereigne lord James, late king of England, by means of licence royall, not only with desire of inlarging the teritories of our empire, but cheefly out of a pious 'See page 307, note 3. This document was written on the reverse of folio 201 et seqq. of the original manuscript, and for the sake of convenience is trans- ferred to this place. 415 416 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION and religious affection, and desire of propagating the gospell of our Lord Jesus Christ, with great industrie and expences have caused to be planted large CoUonies of the English nation, in diverse parts of the world alltogether unmanured, and voyd of inhabitants, or occupied of the barbarous people that have no knowledg of divine worship. We being willing to provid a remedy for the tranquiUity and quietnes of those people, and being very confidente of your faith and wisdom, justice and providente circomspection, have constituted you the aforesaid Archbishop of Counterburie, Lord Keeper of the Great Scale of England, the Archbishop of Yorke, etc. and any 5. or more, of you, our Comissioners ; and to you, and any 5. or more of you, we doe give and commite power for the govermente and saftie of the said coUonies, drawen, or which, out of the English nation into those parts hereafter, shall be drawne, to make lawes, constitutions, and ordinances, pertaining ether to the publick state of these coUonies, or the private profite of them; and concerning the lands, goods, debts, and succession in those parts, and how they shall demaine them selves, towards foraigne princes, and their people, or how they shall bear them selves towards us, and our subjects, as well in any foraine parts whatsoever, or on the seas in those parts, or in their retume sayling home; or which may pertaine to the clergie gover- mente, or to the cure of soules, among the people ther living, and exercising trad in those parts ; by designing out congruente porcions arising in tithes, oblations, and other things ther, according to your sound discretions, in politicall and civill causes; and by havemg the advise of 2. or 3. bishops, for the setling, making, and ordering of the bussines, for the de- signeing of necessary ecclesiasticall, and clargie porcions, which you shall cause to be called, and taken to you. And to make provission against the violation of those laws, constitutions, and ordinances, by imposing penealties and mulcts, im- prisonmente if ther be cause, and that the quality of the offence doe require it, by deprivation of member^ or Ufe, to be COMMISSION FOR REGULATING PLANTATIONS 417 inflicted. With power allso (our assente being had) to remove, and. displace the govemours or rulers of those coUonies, for causes which to you shall seeme lawfull, and others in their stead to constitute; and require an accounte of their rule and govermente, and whom you shall finde culpable, either by deprivation from their place, or by imposition of a mvilcte upon the goods of them in those parts to be levied, or banish- mente from those provinces in which they have been gove'' or otherwise to cashier according to the quantity of the offence. And to constitute judges, and magistrats politicall and civill, for civill causes and under the power and forme, which to you 5. or more of you shall seeme expediente. And judges and magistrats and dignities, to causes Ecclesiasticall, and vinder the power and forme which to you 5. or more of you, with the bishops vicegerents (provided by the Archbishop of Counter- bure for the time being), shall seeme expediente; and to or- daine courts, pretoriane and tribxmall, as well ecclesiasticall, as civill, of judgmentes; to detirmine of the formes and maner of procceedings in the same ; and of appealing from them in mat- ters and causes as well criminall, as civill, personall, reale, and mixte, and to their seats of justice, what may be equall and well ordered, and what crimes, faults, or exessess, of contracts or injuries ought to belonge to the Ecclesiasticall courte, and what to the civill courte, and seate of justice^ Provided, never the less, that the laws, ordinances, and constitutions of this kinde, shall not be put in execution, before our assent be had therunto in writing under our signet, signed at least, and this assente being had, and the same publikly proclaimed in the provinces in which they are to be executed, we will and command that those lawes, ordinances, and consti- tutions more fully to obtains strength and be observed shall be inviolably of all men whom they shall conceme. Notwithstanding it shall be for you, or any 5. or more of you, (as is afforsaid,) allthough those lawes, constitutions, and ordinances shalbe proclaimed with our royall assente, to 418 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION chainge, revocke, and abrogate them, and other new ones, in forme afforsaid, from time to time frame and make as afore- said; and to new evills arissing, or new dangers, to apply new remedyes as is fitting, so often as to you it shall seeme expe- diente. Furthermore you shall understand that we have constituted you, and every 5. or more of you, the afforesaid Archbishop of Coimterburie, Thomas Lord Coventrie, Keeper of the Great Seale of England, Richard, Bishop of Yorke, Richard, Earle of Portland, Henery, Earle of Manchester, Thomas, Earle of Arundale and Surry, Edward, Earell of Dorsett, Francis Lord Cottinton, Sr Thomas Edwards [Ed- monds], knighte, Sr Henry Vane, knight, Sr Francis Winde- banke, knight, our comissioners to hear, and determine, ac- cording to your sound discretions, all maner of complaints either against those coUonies, or their rulers, or govenours, at the instance of the parties greeved, or at their accusation brought concerning injuries from hence, or from thence, be- tweene them, and their members to be moved, and to call the parties before you; and to the parties or to their procura- tors, from hence, or from thence being heard the full comple- mente of justice to be exhibted. Giving unto you, or any 5. or more of you power, that if you shall find any of the coUonies afforesaid, or any of the cheefe rulers upon the jurisdictions of others by imjust possession, or usm-pation, or one against another making greevance, or in rebeUon against us, or with- drawing from our alegance, or our comandments, not obeying, consultation first with us in that case had, to cause those colonies, or the rulers of them, for the causes afforesaid, or for other just causes, either to retume to England, or to comand them to other places designed, even as according to your sounde discretions it shall seeme to stand with equitie, and justice, or necessitie. Moreover, we doe give imto you, and any 5. or more of you, power and spetiall command over all the charters, leters patents, and rescripts royall, of the regions, provinces, ilands, or lands in foraigne parts, granted for COMMISSION FOR REGULATING PLANTATIONS 419 raising colonies, to cause them to be brought before you, and the same being received, if any thing surrepticiously or unduly have been obtained, or that by the same priviledges, liberties, and prerogatives hurtfull to us, or to our crowne, or to foraigne princes, have been prejudicially suffered, or granted; the same being better made knowne unto you 5. or more of you, to com- mand them according to the laws and customs of England to be revoked, and to doe such other things, which to the profite and safgard of the afforesaid coUonies, and of our subjects residente in the same, shall be necessary. And therfore we doe command you that aboute the premisses at days and times, which for these things you shall make provission, that you be diligente in attendance, as it becometh you; giving in precepte also, and firmly injoyning, we doe give command to all and singuler cheefe rulers of provinces into which the col- onies afforesaid have been drawne, or shall be drawne, and concerning the colonies themselves, and concerning others, that have been interest therein, that they give atendance upon you, and be observante and obediente unto your warrants in those affaires, as often as, and even as in our name they shall be required, at their perill. In testimoney wherof, we have caused these our letters to be made pattente. Wittnes oxu: self e at Westminster the 28. day of Aprill, in the tenth year of our Eadgne. By write from the privie seale. Willies. Anno Dom: 1634. INDEX Abbot, George, Archbishop of Canter- bury, 51, 51 n. Abdas, 403. Abigail, ship, 372 n. Adams, C. F., Three Episodes of Mas- sachusetts History, 110 n. Admiralty, High Court of, 156 n. Adventurers, partners of the Pilgrims, 10; offer to assist the Pilgrims, 65; agreements and articles between the Pilgrims and, 65-78, 158; disagree- ment of, with the Pilgrims, 77, 80-82; arrangements made by, for the voy- age, 78; correspondence between the Pilgrims and, 81-82, 133-134,149-150, 154-155, 167-169, 189-190, 202-203; the Pilgrims agree to the conditions of, 123; colonists make a settlement with, 129 n.; dissensions among, 131, 132-134, 166-168; oppose sending to America the Leyden company of Pilgrims, 132; buy out Weston, 132- 133; failure of, to assist the colonists, 137, 149; answer to the letter of, 156 n. ; Pilgrims' answers to the com- plaints of, 170-172; Leyden company of Pilgrims deserted by, 173, 174; dis- solution of, 201, 203; colonists de- serted by, 201; reasons of, for de- serting the colonists, 201; conditions laid down by, for again assisting the colonists, 202; see also Sherley, An- drews, Beauchamp, Hatherley. Ainsworth, Rev. Henry, 38 n.; 60 n. Alden, John, 98 n., 409, 411, 414; under- takes the debt of the colony, 227-229, 227 n.; imprisonment, 306; agree- ment of, with Sherley, 359-362; leaves Plymouth, 363; settles with Sherley, 371. Alden, Robert, 215 n. Allerton, Bartholomew, 253 n., 407, 411. Allerton, Isaac, 204, 407, 410; letter of, 71, 71 n.; is appointed assistant to the governor, 116; answer of, to the adventurers, 156 n.; is sent to Eng- land to arrange with the adventurers, 212-213, 223; makes a new agree- ment with the adventurers, 213-216; undertakes the debt of the colony, 227-229, 227 n.; mission of, respect- ing the debt of the colony, 228; au- thorizes agents in London, 231-232; conduct of, as agent, 233-234; double, dealing of, 243, 251-252, 253-254, 255- 257-258, 263, 264-270, 273-280; is sent to England as agent for the colonists, 244, 258; Sherley 's com- mendation of, 249-250; designs of, 250; brings Morton over from Eng- land, 250-251; marriage, 253, 253 n.; discharge of, 270, 272; commission of, 273, 274; accounts of, 280-281, 282, 294, 296, 297, 298, 303; bad conduct of, 283-284; appropriates funds be- longing to the colonists, 290-291; fails to fulfil his obligations, 292; suit against, 292-293. Allerton, John, 9, 409. Allerton, Mary, 253 n., 407, 411. Allerton, Remember, 253 n., 407, 411. Alltham, Emanuel, 215 n. America, reasons for and against, as a home for the Pilgrims, 46-49. American Historical Review, 18, 156 n., 164 n., 169 n. Ames, Dr. Azel, The May-Flower and her Log, 19 n., 215 n. Amsterdam, 77; the Pilgrims reach, 7; religious refugees settle at, 32; Pil- grims at, 38. Anabaptism, 365. Andrews, Richard, 215 n., 233, 273; en- dorses the note of the colonists, 129 n. ; undertakes the debt of the colony, 227-229, 227 n., 230; becomes a partner with the colonists, 245, 246, 254; double-dealings of, 279-280; letter of attorney of, 317; refuses to settle bills, 329; complaints of, 330, 421 422 INDEX 343; payment to, 330; answer to the complaints of, 331-332; indiscretion of, 347; land grant to, 349; agree- ment with, 359-362; final settlement with, 371; letter of, respecting Beau- champ's accounts, 372-373. Andrews, Thomas, 215 n. Anne, Cape, patent for, 169, 169 n.; salt-works at, 177. Anne, ship, 15, 69 n., 98 n., 151, 169 n., 185, 245 n., 260 n.; arrival of, at Plymouth, 153; list of passengers of, 153 n.; return of, to England, 157. Anthony, Lawrence, 215 n. Arber, Edward, The Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, 4 n., 5 n., 13 n., 14, 19 n., 69 n., 117 n. Argall, Captain Samuel, 60; describes conditions in Virginia, 59-60; sketch of, 59 n. Arminians, 42, 43. Arminius, Jacobus, doctrine of, 42 n. Arnold, Benedict, 395, 395 n. Arundel, Earl of, 415, 416, 418. Ashley, Edward, 252, 274, 284; be- comes a partner with Sherley, 254 character, 256; conduct of, 262; im prisonment, 269; death, 269, 272 settlement of, 277. Atwood, John, mediation of, 357-362 Sherley's letter to, 368-369. Augusta, Maine, 234, 234 n. Aulney, Monsieur d', 318 n., 394; plun- ders the Penobscot trading-house, 318. Aumsequen, 403. Aurania, Fort, 235, 235 n. Aurelius, Marcus, 40. Austerfield, 3, 4; described, 5, 6. Awasequen, 400. Awashawe, 402. Babb, Mr., 330. Babworth, 3, 4, 5, 32 n. Baker, master of the Charity, 176. Baptism, 170; disputes concerning, 362-363. Barker, Elizabeth, 117 n. Barnstable, Mass., county and town, 249 n., 353. Barnstaple, ship, 245 n. Barry, J. S., 16. Bass, Edward, 214, 215 n. Bassill, 25, Bawtry, 3, 5, 7. Bayard, Thomas F., 17. Beauchamp, John, 129, 131, 233, 273; endorses the note of the colonists, 129 n.; signs Allerton's agreement, 214, 215 n.; undertakes the debt of the colony, 227-229, 227 n., 230; agent for the colony, 231-232; be- comes a partner with the colonists, 245, 246, 254; patent granted to, 254, 254 n.; double-dealings of, 279-280; letter of attorney of, 317; refuses to settle bills, 329; complaints of, 330, 343; answer to the complaints of, 331-332; sues Sherley, 344; ac- counts of, 346-347, 371-375; land grant to, 349; agreement with, 359- 362; refuses a final settlement, 371. Bellingham, Richard, 320; letter of, concerning resistance to the French, 321; letter of, concerning religion in Rhode Island, 365-366; governor of Massachusetts, 366 n. Bilboa, 168, 168 n., 205, 205 n. Billington, Ellen, 408. Billington, Francis, 408. Billington, John, 118, 408, 412; com- plaints of, against the colonists, 187; denial of, as to complaints, 188; exe- cution of, 270-271. Billirike or Billerica, 76. Bishop of London, 289. Blackwell, Rev. Francis, death, 59; in- formation concerning, 59 n.; com- plaints against, 60; evil conduct of, 60-62; ill news concerning, 64. Block, Adrian, 334 n. Blossom, Thomas, death, 302. Bradford, Dorothy, 407. Bradford, John, son of Governor Brad- ford, 15. Bradford, Joseph, son of Governor Bradford, 15. Bradford, Mercy, daughter of Governor Bradford, 15. Bradford, Samuel, 15. Bradford, Gov. William, 4, 407, 410; biographical sketch of, 5-8; marriage, 14, 89 n.; accompanies Standish on an exploring expedition, 8-9; illness, 9-10; is Governor of the colony, 10, 14, 116-296, 314-327, 335-344, 349-389, 394-405; death, 18-19; estate of, 19 n.; occupation, in Ley- INDEX 423 den, 39 n.; list of passengers in the Mayflower, 92 n., 407-414; sends in search of Billington, 118; sends an expedition against the Indians, 119- 120; letter of, in answer to Weston's complaints, 124-125; defies the Nar- ragansett Indians, 125-126; treat- ment of the newcomers, 126-127; conclusions of, concerning the con- duct of the adventurers, 131; Wes- ton's letter to, respecting a break with the adventurers, 132-133; Picker- ing's letter to, concerning Weston's designs, 133-134; letter to, from Pory, 140; aids Weston's people, 140- 141; goes on trading expeditions, 141; sends men to Massasoit, 143; letter to, concerning the patent, 150; answer of, to the adventurers, 156 n.; appointment as one of Gorges's coun- cil, 159; intercedes for Weston, 160, 162; does not desire re-election, 165; dealings of, with factions in the colony, 166; Robinson's letter to, concerning the treatment of the In- dians, 172-173; institutes the system of private property, 175; discovers Lyford's conspiracy, 179-180; con- ducts Lyford's trial, 181-183; letter to, describing Robinson's death, 209- 210; purchases goods from a Mon- hegan plantation, 211-212; aids the passengers of the Sparrow-Hawh, 220- 221; correspondence between the Dutch and, 223-226; undertakes the debt of the colony, 227-229, 227 n.; Sherley's letters to, concerning the debt of the colony, 229-231; sends Standish to capture Morton, 242; Sherley's letter to, forming a partner- ship with the colonists, 245-246; Kennebec patent granted to, 248 n., 304; disapproves engaging in the fishing industry, 258; sends a phy- sician to Endicott, 260; letters to, from churches at the Bay, 271-272; letters to, concerning the White Angel, 273-277, 291, 317-318; sends Sir Christopher Gardiner to Winthrop, 287; Winthrop 's letters to, concern- ing Sir Christopher Gardiner, 288- 289; Winthrop's letters to, respecting the Pequot war, 335-337, 340-342; boundary agreement signed by, 352; surrenders the patent of 1630, 353- 354; Sherley's letter to, respecting a final settlement, 357-358; agreement of, with Sherley, 359-362; letter of, respecting the people of Rhode Island, 366-367; settles with Sherley, 371. Bradford, Gov. William, contribution to Mourt's Relation, 11, 69 n.; lost re- lation of, 13; History of Plymouth Plantation, 15-18; letter-book, 16, 215 n., 225 n., 226 n., 250 n., 261 n.; poems, 18; A Dialogic, or the Sum of a Conference between Some Young Men born in New England and Sundry Ancient Men that came out of Holland and Old England, 18; collection of letters, 71 n., 84 n., 89 n. Bradford, William, grandfather of Gov. Bradford, 5. Bradford, William, father of Gov. Brad- ford, 5. Bradford, William, son of Gov. Brad- ford, 15, 16. Bradstreet, Simon, 320, 394. Brewer, Thomas, 69, 215 n. Brewster, Fear, 253 n. Brewster, Jonathan, 98 n.; letter of, 323-324. Brewster, Love, 407. Brewster, Mary, 407. Brewster, Patience, marriage, 303 n. Brewster, William, 60, 180, 407, 410, 411; founds Pilgrim church, 5; ar- ranges for the Pilgrim emigration to America, 8; elder of the church, 10, 32; imprisonment, 34 n.; arrival in Holland, 38; in Leyden, 39, 40; Sandys 's letter to, 52-53; the Seven Articles signed by, 53, 53 n.; answer of, to Sandys 's letter, 54-55; letter of, to Wolstenholme, 56-57; is chosen to go on the first voyage, 64; occupa- tion, 69 n.; nurses the sick colonists, 108; Pickering's letter to, concerning Weston's designs, 133-134; letter to, from Pory, 140; Robinson's letter to, concerning their desertion by the ad- ventm-ers, 172, 173-174; letter to, describing Robinson's death, 209-210; undertakes the debt of the colony, 227-229, 227 n. ; authorizes agents in London, 231-232; agreement of, with Sherley, 359-362; settles with Sher- 424 INDEX ley, 371; death, 375; details respect- ing the life and character of, 253, 376- 380. Brewster, Wrestling, 407, 410. Briefe Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New England, 112 n. Bristol, 249 n. Britterige, Richard, 409, 413. Brooke, Lord, misrepresentations of, 305-306; patentee of Connecticut Valley, 305 n. Brown, Rev. John, The Pilgrim Fathers of New England, 19 n. Brown, John, of New Harbor, 110 n. Browne, John, 394, 403. Browne, Peter, 409, 413. Browne, Robert, leader of the Brown- ista, biographical sketch of, 201 n. Browning, Henry, 215 n. Brownists, colonists accused of being, 201-202, 203. Brown's Island, 104 n., 165, 165 n. Buckingham, Duke of, 286 n. Butten, William, 16, 94 n., 407; death, 94. Callicate, Sergeant, 403. Calvin, John, 26. Cambridge Platform, 26 n. Capawack, 113, 120, 136. Carpenter, Alice, marriage, 14. Carter, Robert, 408. Cartwright, Thomas, Commentarii in Proverbia Salomonis, 39 n.; A Con- futation of the Rhemists' Translation of the New Testament, 39 n. Carver, Gov. John, 407; seeks a suit- able place for a settlement, 9; is chosen governor of the colony, 10, 107-116; enters into a treaty with Massasoit, 10, 111; agent for the Pilgrims, 8, 52, 52 n., 54, 65, 72; Staresmore's letter to, 61-62; agree- ment of, with the adventurers, 66- 68; Robinson's letters to, 68-70, 83; Pilgrims' letter to, 70-71; retains Cushman's letter, 74; disagreement of, with the Pilgrims' agents, 76-78; Cushman's letter to, 77-78; state- ment of, as agent for the Pilgrims, 80; Weston's letters to, 122-123, 128-130, 130-131; death, 10, 116, 124, 409. Carver, Katherine, 63 n., 83 n., 407; j Commons Journal, 152 n. death, 409. | Communism, evils of, 146-147 Cattle, brought to New England, 166, 204, 205; division of, 217; price of, 347, 356, 363. Champlain, Samuel de. Voyages, 95 n.; map of, 104 n., 165 n. Charity, ship, 117 n., 236 n.; arrival of, in New England, 166; goes to Cape Anne, 176. Charles I., of England, 210, 289, 415. Charles River, discussion concerning, 350-351. Charlestown, 112 n.; sickness at, 272. Charlton, 112, 112 n. Chatham, 113 n., 219. Chauncy, Charles, 335 n., 367 n.; re- ligious opinions, 362-363; sketch of, 362 n. Cheever, George B., 14. Child, Dr. John, 405 n. Chilton, James, 408, 413. Chilton, Mary, 408, 413. Chinnough, 394. Christmas at Plymouth, 126. Church, in England, contentions and persecutions in, 23-32; duties of the pastors, teachers and elders of, 26 n.; in Plymouth, belief and polity of, 170, 193-194, 195, 201-203, 299 n., 315, 316, 334-335, 362-363. Clarke, John, pilot of the May/lmoer, 9, 75, 75 n. Clarke, Richard, 409, 413. Clarke's Island, 104 n.; third expedi- tion at, 9. Clyfton, Richard, Separatist clergyman, 4, 5, 7, 32. Cobiseconte, 304. Cod, Cape, 141; Pilgrims reach, 7, 94, 97; named, 95; explorations on, 98-100, 98 n.; Mayflower at, 124t; dangers of, 222; wreck of the Sparrow-Hawk at, 218-219, 218 n. Coddington, William, 272, 272 n., 320. Coke, Sir Edward, 62, 62 n. Coke, Sir John, 289, 415. Collier, Mary, marriage, 303 n. Collier, William, 215 n., 297, 297 n, 303 n; letter of, 203-205, 205 n.; mediation of, 357-360; commission of, 388. Commission for regulating the Planta^ tions, 415-419. INDEX 425 Compact of the Pilgrims, 106-107, 106 n. Confessio Gallicana, 56 n. Comiecticut, enters into the New Eng- land Confederation, 382-388; Co- lonial Records of, 382 n. Connecticut River, advantages of, for a plantation, 299-300; plantation es- tablished on, 301-302; attacks upon the settlement on, 314, 335; conten- tions concerning the colony on, 323- 327. Cooke, Esther, 42 n. Cooke, Francis, 408, 412. Cooke, John, 408, 412, 414. Cooke, see Coke. Cooper, Humility, 408, 412. Coppin, Richard, pilot of the May- flower, 9, 103. Corbitant, attacks Squanto, 119-120; makes peace with the colonists, 120. Corn, Pilgrims first see, 99; Pilgrims secure, for planting, 100; colonists plant, 115-116, 146; failure of, 139; becomes a trading commodity, 175, 211; abundance of, 208; high price of, 347. Cottington, Lord, 289, 415, 416, 418. Cotton, John, 18, 272, 272 n. Council for New England, 60 n., 112, 123 n., 249 n.; Bradford's letters to, 16; origin of, 65, 65 n.; patents issued by, 81 n., 106 n., 169, 169 n., 248 n., 254 n., 304, 304 n., 315 n.; Pierce se- cures a patent from, 150, 150 n.; li- censes granted by, 151-152, 160; commissions of, 159, 226 n.; Standish seeks aid from, 207. Coventry, Lord, 415, 416, 418. Coventry, Thomas, 215 n. Cox, Richard, 26 n. Crabe, Mr., 77-78, 77 n. Cradock, Matthew, 259 n. Crakston, John, 407, 411. Cromwell, OUver, 117 n.-118 n. Cromwell, Thomas, episode of, 404-405. Crose, Daniel, 344-346. Cushman, Mary, 414. Cushman, Robert, 62, 68; agent for the Pilgrims, 8, 52, 65, 80; induces the colonists to sign the adventurers' contract, 10, 123-124, 123 n.; contri- bution to "Mourt's Relation", 11; occupation, in Leyden, 39 n.; bio- graphical sketch of, 52 n.; letter from, giving reasons for the delay in starting, 58-60;. agreement of, with the adventurers, 66-68; complaints against, 70-71; Pilgrims' letter to, concerning the negotiations, 70-71; letters of, in answer to the com- plaints of the Pilgrims, 71-74, 74-76; disagreement of, with the Pilgrims' agents, 76-78; letter of, concerning the progress of affairs, 77-78; dis- agreement between the Pilgrims and, 80-82; abandons the voyage, 89; letter of, respecting the voyage of the Speedwell, 89-92; reaches Plymouth colony, 121; returns to England, 123; letter of, warning the colonists against Weston, 135-136; letter of, respect- ing the men sent to the colony, 154; letter of, concerning workmen for the colony, 168-169; patent issued to, 169, 169 n.; death, 210. Cushman, Thomas, 52 n. Cutshamakin, 401, 403. Damariscove Island, 128, 128 n. Dartmouth, England, 92; Pilgrims land at, 87. Davenport, Lieutenant, 341. Davis, John, 395. Davis, W. T., Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth, 19 n., 53 n., 121 n., 123 n., 153 n., 249 n. Davison, William, 376, 377 n. Deane, Charles, 16; paper of, 249 n. Declaration of Former Passages and Pro- ceedings betwixt the English and the Narrowgansets, etc., 397 n. Delano, or De La Noye, Philip, 42 n. Delaware, Lord, 151 n. DeUshaven, the Pilgrims at, 79; tablet at, 79 n.; the Pilgrims sail from, 80. Denison, Mr., sues Allerton, 292-293. Dermer, Thomas, 110 n.; makes peace with the Indians, 112; is captured by the Indians, 113; letter of, 113 n.; death, 114. Dexter, H. M., 12; As to Roger Williams and his Banishment, 299 n. Dexter, Morton, The England and Hol- land of the Pilgrims, 19 n. Discovery, ship, 87 n. Dorchester, designs of the inhabitants of, upon the Connecticut River colony, 323-327. 426 INDEX Dorset, Earl of, 289, 415, 416, 418. Doty, Edward, 408, 414; expedition of, 9. Dover, N. H., 106 n. Doyle, John A., 17. Drought, in Plymouth, 152. Dudley, Thomas, 279, 320; church es- tabhshed by, 272, 272 n.; letters of, respecting Alden's imprisonment, 306- 308; signs the Articles of Confedera- tion, 388. Dmnmer, Richard, 320. Dutchman at HuU, treachery of, 35. Dutchmen, 68; offers of, to the Pil- grims, 64; Pilgrims refuse to go with, 65. Dutch settlers in America, settlement of, 172; correspondence with, 223- 227; colonists trade with, 234; teach the colonists the value of wampum, 235; recommend the Connecticut River for a plantation, 299-300; at- tempt of, to prevent a settlement on Connecticut River, 301-302; land purchase of, 301 n. ; threaten the Con- necticut settlements, 314. Duxbury, 293, 353, 363. Early English and French Voyages, 95 n. Earthquake, 348. Eastham, 9, 101 n., 113 n. Eaton, Francis, 409, 413. Eaton, Samuel, 409, 413. Eaton, Sarah, 409, 413. Eaton, Theophilus, 388, 394, 403. Ebworth, A. F., 6 n. Edmonds, Sir Thomas, 415, 416, 418. Edward VI., of England, 30. Elizabeth, Queen of England, favors Protestantism, 26-27. Ely, 409. Emden, 25, 60 n. Endicott, John, reaches Massachusetts, 238; boundary agreement signed by, 352; asks Bradford for a physician, 260; letter of, 260-261. England, religious contentions and per- secutions in, 23-32; Pilgrims in, 23- 33. English, Thomas, 9, 409, 413. English Historical Review, 87 n. Episcopius, Simon, controversy of, 42 n., 43. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical His- tory, 27 n. Evangsos, 402. Exeter, N. H., 106 n. Falcon, ship, 328. Falkland, Lord, 289. Familism, 365, 365 n. Farrar, Sir George, 72. Faimce, Thomas, 26 n. Fells, Mr., industry of, 221; bad con- duct of, 222. Fenwick, George, 388, 394, 403. Fishing, laws concerning, 151-162. Pitcher, Lieutenant, ejected from Merry Mount, 237. Flanders, Count of, 224 n. Fletcher, Henry, Bradford baptized by, 6. Fletcher, Moses, 409, 413. Fletcher, Thomas, 215 n.; letter of, 203-205, 205 n. Florida, destruction of the Huguenots in, 60, 50 n. Fogg, 277. Fortune, ship, 11, 12, 42 n., 62 n., 81 n., 128, 303 n., 324; arrival of, 10, 121; capture of, 13; list of passengers in, 121 n.; conditions on board, 122; re- turns to England, 123, 132; goes to Virginia, 132. Fox, John, "Book of Martyrs", 25, 25 n. Frankfort, 25. Frederick Henry, Count, 209 n., 210. Freeman, Edmund, 372, 372 n.; mediae tion of, 358. Freeman, Samuel, 303 n. French, robbery committed by, 132, 135, 318; attack the Penobscot set- tlement, 314; colonists' designs upon, 320-321; Massachusetts men assist, 321-322. French discipline, 201, 202. Friendship, ship, 245 n., 263, 264, 270, 282; debts belonging to, 291, 292; accounts of, 331; contentions con- cerning, 273-280, 359-361. Frothingham, R., Rise of the Republic, 382 n. Fuller, Edward, 408, 413. Fuller, Samuel, 94, 407, 408, 411, 413; occupation, in Leyden, 39 n.; letter of, 71, 71 n.; intercedes for Lyford, 189; is sent to Endicott, 260; death, 260 n., 302. INDEX 427 Gainsborough, England, 3, 4, 5, 7, 31 n. Galopp, John, 342. Gardiner, Sir Christopher, bad conduct of, 286; agent of Gorges, 286 n.; cap- ture, 287; petition of, against Brad- ford and Winthrop, 288. Gardiner, Richard, 409, 413; probable author of narratives of missions to Nauset, 12; position in the colony, 12-13. Gardiner, Stephen, 286, 286 n. Geneva, 25. Gibbons, Edward, 398, 398 n. Gibbs, Mr., 229. Girling, Mr., failure of, to retake the house at Penobscot, 319-320. Glover, Mr., death, 327. Goffe, Thomas, 215 n., 229. Goodale, Mary, 61 n. Goodman, John, 409, 413. Goodwin, J. A., The Pilgrim Republic, 19 n., 53 n. Goodyear, Stephen, 403. Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 112, 112 n., 158 n., 249; Bradford's letters to, 16; Weston's offense to, 160; petition of, 288; opposes Winslow's petition, 315-316; patent of, 315 n. Gorges, Robert, 164 n.; arrival of, 158; colony of, 158 n.; governor-general of New England, 159; charges of, against Weston, 159-160; goes to Massachusetts, 161; issues a warrant for Weston, 162; makes an agree- ment with Weston, 163; returns to England, 163. Gorton, Samuel, complaints of, against the colony, 405. Gosnold, Bartholomew, Cape Cod named by, 95. Gott, Charles, letter of, concerning church affairs at Salem, 261-262. Graves, Mr., 330. Gravesend, 60, 60 n., 180. Greene, William, 132, 132 n., 215 n. Green's Harbor, land grants at, 294. Gregson, Thomas, 388, 394. Greville, Sir Fulke, 58. Grevinchovius, 39 n. Griffin, Mr., 330. Grimsby, 7, 35. Gudbum, Peter, 215 n. Guevara, Antonio de. The Golden Book of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, 40 n. Guiana, 66; reasons for and against, as a home for the Pilgrims, 49-50. Hall, Mr., 329. Hanson, Capt. John, 5; is sent to ar- rest Weston, 162. Harmony of the Confessions, etc., 202, 202 n. Hartford, Conn., 301 n., 385, 392. Hatherley, Timothy, 215 n.; endorses the note of the colonists, 129 n.; un- dertakes the debt of the colony, 227- 229, 227 n.; arrival in New England, 245 n., 263; becomes a partner with the colonists, 245, 246, 254; letter of, concerning Ashley's patent, 254-255; reasons for sending, to Plymouth colony, 264-265; at Plymouth Colony, 266-268; visits Ashley, 268; is in- formed of Allerton's double-dealing, 269; returns to England, 270; double- dealings of, with the colonists, 274- 275, 279-280, 283; accounts of, 283; dissolves partnership with Sherley, 292; land grant to, 349. Hathorne, William, 394. Haynes, John, 320. Hazard, Ebenezer, Historical Collec- tions, 249 n. Heath, Thomas, 215 n. Helwys, Rev. Thomas, 31 n. Henry VII., of England, 224 n. Hibbins, William, 369, 371. Higginson, Francis, 262; reaches New England, 259 n. Hingham, boimdary dispute over, 349- 354. Hoar, Senator George F., 17. Hobomok, counsellor of Massasoit, 119, 119 n.; warns the colonists against the Massachusetts Indians, 127; ill- feeling of, for Squanto, 128. "Hobomok's Ground", 119 n. Hobson, William, 215 n. Hocking, offense of, 304; murder, 305. Holbeck, William, 408. Holland, removal of Scrooby Church to, 6-7; freedom of religion in, 32; Pil- grims determine to go to, 33; Pilgrims depart for, 34; arrival of the Pilgrims in, 36; described, 38; truceof,with the Spaniards, 44, 44 n., 48 n.; conditions in, 45; the Pilgrims sail from, 80; sec- ond supply of Pilgrims leave, 244-245. 428 INDEX Holland, Robert, 215 n.; letter of, 203- 205, 205 n. Holmes, William, leads the expedition to the Connecticut River, 301-302, 301 n. Hooke, John, 411. Hooker, Thomas, 198, 198 n. Hopkins, Constanta, 408, 412. Hopkins, Damaris, 408. Hopkins, Edward, 388, 394, 403. Hopkins, Elizabeth, 408. Hopkins, Giles, 408, 412. Hopkins, Oceanus, 408. Hopkins, Stephen, 408, 411; accom- panies St'andish on an exploring ex- pedition, 8-9; seeks a suitable place for a settlement, 9; is sent to con- firm the treaty with Massasoit, 10; visits Massasoit, 117-118. Hough, Atherton, 320. Howland, John, 94, 407, 410, 411; seeks a suitable place for a settlement, 9; undertakes the debt of the colony, 227-229, 227 n.; agreement of, with Sherley, 359-362; settles with Sher- ley, 371. Hubbard, W., History of New England, 16. Huddleston, John, letter of, 137-138; assists the colonists, 138. Hudson, Thomas, 215 n. Hudson River, 172 n. Hudson's Bay, 172. Hull, 35. Humfray, John, 320. Hunt, Thomas, Indians enslaved by, 111, 111 n. Hutchinson, Anne, 272 n. Hutchinson, Thomas, History of Massa- chusetts Bay, 16. Indians, Pilgrims first meet, 98; peace with. 111, 112, 120; enslavement of, 111 n., 112-113; Dermer captured by, 113; powwows, 114, 114 n.; expedi- tion against, 119-120; trade, 120, 127, 158, 212, 213, 236, 236 n.; great massacre by, in Virginia, 139; con- spiracies, 142, 143, 382; treatment of, 142, 172-173; kill Oldham, 197; aid the passengers of the Sparrow-Hawh, 220; wampum, 235-236; learn the use of firearms, 238-240; Ashley sells firearms to, 269; capture Sir Chris- topher Gardiner, 287; ask the colo- nists to build upon the Connecticut River, 300; offended by the colonists, 301; sickness and mortality among, 302, 312, 323; firearms given to, 322; attacks of, 102-103,391-392; treaties with, 400-403. Innemo, 399. Intercursus Magnus, 224 n. Jackson, Thomas, 344-346. James I., of England, 30, 69 n., 107, 209, 209 n., 289, 415. James, Cape, 95, 95 n. James, Mr., 345, 346. Jamestown, Va., conditions in, 140 n. Jawashoe, 402. Jeffery, 341. Jenemo, 402. Jenney, John, occupation, 39 n. Johnson, Rev. Francis, 59 n.; conten- tions of, 38, 38 n., 60 n. Johnson, Isaac, 271; church estab- lished by, 272, 272 n. Jones, captain of the Discovery, visits Plymouth, 139. Jones, captain of the Mayflower, 9, 87. Jones, Christopher, 87 n. Jones, Thomas, 87 n. Josias, 403. Kean, Robert, 214, 215 n. Kennebec River, trading expedition to, 208; trading place on, 223, 233, 233 n., 234, 347. Kennebec Patent, 223, 233, 233 n., 234, 244, 248, 248 n., 304, 304 n.; infringe- ments of, 304-306. Kent, 77. King, WiUiam, 92. Knight, Eliza, 215 n. Knight, John, 215 n. Knowles, Myles, 215 n. Knox, John, 26 n. Land's End, 87. Langemore, John, 408. Langrume, Mr., 328, 330. Latham, William, 407, 410. La Tour, Governor, 394. Laud, William, archbishop, 415, 416, 418; opposes Winslow's petition, 315-316. Leverett, Thomas, patent granted to, 254 n. INDEX 429 Levett, or Levite, Christopher, appoint- ment as one of Gorges's counsel, 159; explorations of, 159 n. Ley, Lord, 342, 342 n. Leyden, Pilgrims remove to, 7-8, 32, 39; religious controversies in, 42-43, 42 n.; Weston visits, 64; the Pil- grims leave, 79; second supply of Pilgrims leave, 244-245. Leyden company of Pilgrims, adven- turers oppose sending, to America, 132, 186; conditions upon which the adventurers will assist, 202; despair of reaching Plymouth colony, 210- 211; efforts in behalf of, 228-229, 233; second supply of, leave for Ply- mouth, 244-247. Little Harbor, 164 n. Ldttle James, ship, 98 n., 169, 169 n.; arrival of, in Plymouth, 153, 205; list of passengers of, 153 n.; de- scribed, 164, 164 n.; mutinous crew of, 164; is lost in a storm, 165-166; recovery of, 194; returns to England, 195; capture, 206. Lincoln, Countess of, 63. Lincoln, Earl of, 62 n. Ling, John, 215 n. Litster, Edward, 408, 414. Locusts, 302-303. London, the Mayflower is secured at, 78; plague in, 207. London Bridge, fire on, 297, 297 n. London Company, see Virginia Com- pany. Longfellow, Henry W., Courtship of Miles Standish, 82 n. Ludlow, Mr., 341, 391. Lyford, John, 168 n., 195; character of, 177-178; conspiracy of, 179-181; trial of, 181-183, 187-188; charges of, against the colonists, 183-186; advice of, to the adventurers, 186-187; con- viction of, 188; puMicly acknowl- edges his sins, 188-189; letter of, confirming his former writings against the colonists, 189-190; answers to the charges of, 190-194; bad conduct of, 197-200; death, 200. Lyon, ship, loss of, 295, 296, 297. Maggner, Captain, 59. Malabar, Cape, 95, 95 n. Manamoyack Bay, 113, 141. Manchester, Earl of, 415, 416, 418. Manhattan Indians, aid the Dutch, 302. Manomet, 118; pinnace and house built at, 222-223; Dutch at, 234. Marburg, 25. Margeson, Edmond, 409, 413. Marriage, 316; first, in the colony, 116; law concerning, 117. Marsden, R. G., 87 n. Marshfield, 353, 363. Martha's Vineyard, 113 n. Martin, Christopher, 77, 215 n., 408; agent for the Pilgrims, 76; death, 76 n.; amends the conditions agreed to by the Pilgrims, 81-82; suspicions against, 90-91. Martyr, Peter, Decades de Rebus Ocean- icis et Novo Orbe, 148, 148 n. Mary, queen of England, religious per- secutions of, 25. Mary, Queen of Scots, 377, 377 n. Mary and Anne, ship, 346. Mary and John, ship, 297. Mason, Capt. John, of Connecticut, 341, 398. Mason, Capt. John, patentee of New Hampshire, 164 n., 288; petition of, 288; opposes Winslow's petition, 315-316; patent of, 315 n. Massachusetts, 113, 137, 140, 141; nar- rative of a mission to, 11; contro- versy between Rhode Island and, 249 n.; declines to make settlement on the Connecticut River, 300; rela- tions with the French, 320-322; de- signs of, upon the Connecticut River colony, 323-327; treaty of, concern- ing the Connecticut River colony, 326-327; patent of, 350, 350 n.; enters into the New England Con- federation, 382-388. Massachusetts Bay, 245, 259, 263, 270; Robert Gorges reaches, 158; as a boundary line, 350, 350 n. Massachusetts Historical Society, 16; CoUections, 14, 16, 18, 163 n., 215 n., 226 n.; Proceedings, 249 n., 286 n. Massachusetts Indians, trading expedi- tion to, 120; Bradford warned against, 127. Massasoit, Carver's treaty with, 10, 111; narratives of a mission to, 11; visits the colony, 110-111; colonists visit, 117-118, 117 n.; seeks protection 430 INDEX from the colonists, 126; seeks to kill Squanto, 128; sickness, 143. Masterson, Mary, 259 n. Masterson, Richard, 61, 259 n.; death, 302. Mather, Cotton, describes Austerfield, 5; information of, concerning Bradford, 8, 18-19. Maurice of Nassau, Prince of Orange, death, 209, 209 n. Maverick, Samuel, 405 n. May, Dorothy, marriage, 8; death, 9. Mayflower, ship, 9, 11, 12, 13, 42 n., 53 n., 74 n., 76 n., 82 n., 87 n., 98 n., 117 n., 136 n., 253 n., 260 n. ; register of deaths on, 16-17; is hired by the Pilgrims, 78; described, 78 n.-79 n.; voyage 10, 87-97; reaches Cape Cod, 8, 94; returns to England, 115; at Cape Cod, 124; brings a second sup- ply of Pilgrims, 245; passengers on, 92 n., 407-414. Meekasano, 403. Menendez de Aviles, Pedro, destruction of the Huguenots by, 50, 51 n. Meredith, Rev. Mr., 6 n. Merrimao River, 145. Merry Mount, Morton at, 238. Meteren, Emanuel van, Commentarien, 30 n. Miantonimo, 393; attacks Uncas, 388; death, 389. Middelburg, 201 n. Middleborough, 113 n., 119 n. Millsop, Thomas, 215 n. Minter, Desire, 407, 410. Mixano, 400. Mohawk Indians, 343, 395, 397. Mohegan Indians, 136; war against, 388- 389. Monhegan, settlement at, 164. Mononotto, 342. Monopolies, movement against, 152, 152 n. More, Ellen, 407. More, Jasper, 407, 410. More, Richard, 407, 410. Morrell, William, reaches New England, 163; commission of, to regulate the religious affairs of New England, 163 n. Morton, George, 11, 12, 69. Morton, Nathaniel, New England's Memorial, 16, 18, 69 n., 78 n. Morton, Thomas, New English Canaan, 236 n., 251, 251 n.; schemes of, 236- 237; at Merry Mount, 238; teaches the Indians the use of firearms, 238- 240; establishment of, is broken up, 241-242; is sent to England, 242 returns to Plymouth colony, 250-251 imprisonment, 251; death, 251 n. complaints of, 316. Motley, J. L., History of the United Netherlands, 376 n. Mott, Thomas, 215 n. Mount WoUaston, 236, 238. Mourt, G., 11, 69 n.; see Morton, George. "Mourt's Relation", 11-14, 69 n.; 81 n.- 82 n., 83 n., 115, 115 n., 117 n., 144 n. Mullens, Joseph, 408. Mullens, Priscilla, 82 n., 408, 411. Mullens, or MoUines, William, 42 n., 82, 82 n., 215 n., 408, 411. Namassakett, or Namasket, 113, 113 n., 119. Namkeake, 241. Nantasket, 200, 200 n., 241 n. Narragansett Indians, 118, 136, 139; threaten the colonists, 125; wampum, 235, 236; friendship of, for the Mas- sachusetts men, 332; unite against the Pequots, 338-340; Pequots be- come slaves to, 343; capture Peach, 345; Peach's prosecution appeases, 346; plots of, 382; make war upon theMohegans, 388-389; attack Uncas, 392-394, 395 ; make peace with Uncas, 394; preparationsforwar against, 395- 399; authority for the war against, 398-399; treaty with, 400^03. Narratives of Early Virginia, 140 n., 240 n. Nash, Thomas, 70, 71. Natasco, 241. Natawanute, 301. Naumkeag, 241. Naumskachett Creek, 220, 220 n. Naunton, Sir Robert, 51, 51 n. Nauset, 113, 113 n., 353, 390; narrative of a mission to, 11, 12. Nauset Indians, 111 n., 112-113, 118. Neill, Rev. E. D., arguments of, con- cerning Jones and Clarke, 75 n. ; Vir- ginia Company of London, 87 n. Nemasket, 113, 113 n.; narrative of a mission to, 11, 12. INDEX 431 Nequamkeok, 304. Newbald, Fria, 215 n. Newcomin, John, murder of, 271. New England, weather in, 9 n., 100, 103, 104, 104 n., 153; John Smith's map of, 95 n.; described, 96; Smith's ex- pedition to, 111 n.; laws instituted in, 159; inquii-y into the state of affairs in, 289-290; great immigra- tion to, 293, 347; growth of iniquity in, 363, 367; commission for regulat- ing the plantations in, 415-419. New England, Confederation, articles of, 382-388; history of, 382 n., 391- 403. New England, Council for, 50 n., 65, 65 n., 81 n., 106 n., 112, 123 n., 151- 152, 159, 160, 169, 207, 226, 248 n., 249 n., 254 n., 304, 304 n., 315 n. New England Historic Genealogical Register, 87 n. Newfoundland, 101. New Haven, 106 n., 392; enters into the New England Confederation, 382-388. New Netherland, 16, 223, 224 n., 225 n. New Plymouth, 112 n. New York Historical Society, Collec- tions, 139 n., 234 n. Non-conformists, laws concerning, 7. Norris, Mary, 253 n. Norton, Capt. John, 312, 327. Novatians, 27. Nowell, Increase, 320. Nyantick Indians, 393; treaty of, 400- 403. Oldham, John, ingratiates himself with the colonists, 178-179; conspiracy and trial of, 179-188; punishment of, 195-196; experiences of, 196; mur- der, 197, 334. Old Ship Harbor, 218 n. Oporto, 268, 268 n., 273. Ossamequine, 401. Pacanawkite, 113. Pady, WiUiam, 362. Pamet River, 99 n. Pampiamett, 394. Paragon, ship, 149. Parliament, Peirce petitions, 151; order of, concerning fishing, 152. Partridge, Ralph, 367 n.; disputes of, concerning baptism, 363. Pascataway, settlement at, 163, 164 n., 241, 304, 308, 401; patentees of, fail to confer concerning Hocking's mur- der, 309. Passaconaway, 401. Patrick, Captain, 341. Patuxet, 113, 113 n. Patuxet Indians, 111 n., 112-113. Peach, Arthur, execution of, 344-346. Peirce, John, 12, 13, 132, 215 n.; amends the conditions agreed to by the Pil- grims, 81-82; Pilgrim patent issued under the name of, 81 n., 123 n., 149; censures Weston, 136; surrenders his patent, 150; death, 151. Peirce, WiUiam, 164, 197, 249, 342; letters from, 136, 296; assists in dis- closing Lyford's conspiracy, 180; Lyford's advice concerning, 186; re- turns to the colony, 196, 294; pro- ceedings against, by Lyford's friends in England, 198-200; becomes a partner with Ashley, 255; arrives in New Eng- land, 263; sells his interest in Penob- scot, 273; makes an account against AUerton, 292; letter of, concerning the loss of the Lyon, 295-296; loses his ship, 297, 332; payment to, 330. Pelham, Herbert, 403. Pemaquid, colonists at, assist the French, 322. Pemberton, John, 180. Penington, WiUiam, 215 n. Penobscot, 284; Ashley's settlement at, 256, 268; colonists establish a post on, 272-273; the French rob the trading-house at, 285-286, 318. Pequot Indians, wampum, 235; power of, 300; seU land to the Dutch, 301 n. ; overtures of, to the Massachusetts men, 332-333; trouble with, 334, 335; seek peace with the Narragan- setts, 338; war against, 338-343; be- come slaves to other tribes, 343. Pequot war, 197, 197 n., 338-343; ac- counts of, 334 n. Perkins, WiUiam, Workes, 28, 28 n. Perrin, WiUiam, 215 n. Pessecuss, 399, 400, 402, 403. Pestilence, in Massachusetts, 118, 118 n. Peters, Hugh, 369-371. Petit, J. F. le. La Grande Chronique Ancienne et Moderne de Hollande, etc., 117, 117 n. 432 INDEX Pickering, Edward, 68, 68 n., 69, 129, 131, 215 n. Pilgrims, in Kngland, 23-33; deter- mination of, to go to Holland, 33; first attempt of, to reach Holland, 7, 34; second attempt, 35-37; arrival of, in Holland, 36; removal of, to Leyden, 39; life in Ley den, 40-41; character, 42, 43-44, 54-55; reasons of, for removing to America, 44-46; tribulations of, 45, 46; preparations of, for removal, 49-78; determina- tion of, in regard to a settlement, 50; the king refuses to grant the petition of, 51; preparations of, for the voy- age, 52; correspondence of, with the Virginia Company, 52-57; articles agreed to by, 53 n. ; religious views of, 56-58; letters to, 58-60, 71-76, 77- 78, 137-138; patent granted to, 62, 62 n.; agreements among, 63-64; dissensions among, 66; agreement between the merchant adventurers and, 64-68; grievances and discon- tent of, over the delay in departure, 68-78; letters from, 70-71, 81-82; disagreement among the agents of, 76-78; voyage of, to England, 78-87; departure of, from Leyden, 79; em- barkation of, at Delfshaven, 80; at Southampton, 80-87; disagreement between the merchant adventurers and, 74, 80-82; Robinson's letter to, 84-86; sail from England, 87; on the Mayflower, 87-97; troubles of, along the coast, 87-88; part of the com- pany of, left behind, 87; treachery of Jones toward, 87 n.; encounter fierce storms, 93-94; reach Cape Cod, 94; difficulties to be overcome by, 96-97; explorations of, along the coast, 97-105; first expedition, 98- 100; second expedition, 100; third expedition, 100-105; land at Plym- outh Rook, 9, 104, 104 n., 105; compact ■sf, 106-107, 106 n.; settle- ment, 107; see Plymouth Colony. Pilgrim Church, 3, 4. Pilgrim Hall, Plymouth, 123 n., 219 n.; portraits in, 118 n. Pilgrim Society of Plymouth, 14, 18, 43 n., 54 n. Piscataqua River, 145. Plague, in London, 207. Plantations, commission for regulating, 415-419. Plato, 146-147. Pliny, Natural History, 175, 175 n. Plymouth, Mass., 113, 249 n.; name, given on Smith's map, 112 n.; in- cendiary fire in, 161-162; great storm at, 322-323; earthquake in, 348. Plymouth, England, 92; Pilgrims at, 88. Plymouth Colony, settlement of, 107; government of, 107, 153, 158, 165,216- 218; sickness and mortality, 108, 115, 124, 302, 303, 414; condition of affairs in, 114, 121, 124, 125, 128, 130, 135, 138, 139, 145, 147-148, 152, 156, 169, 205, 208, 212, 293, 363-365; agricul- ture and harvests of, 115-116, 121, 139, 148, 152, 157, 208; marriage, 116, 316; trading expeditions of, 120, 127- 128, 141, 208; patents of, 123 n., 150, 150 n., 349, 349 n., 353-354; signs the contract brought over by Cushman, 123; scarcity of provisions in, 125, 128, 130, 135, 138, 145, 146, 147, 148, 156, 169; treatment of newcomers in, 125, 157, 158; preparations of, against Indian attacks, 126; makes a settle- ment with the merchant adventurers, 129 n.; assists Weston's men, 132- 133; Weston's designs upon, 133-134, 135; assists the passengers of the Sparrow, 137; fortifications of, 138- 139: assists Weston, 145; private property instituted in, 146, 175; ar- rival of new colonists in, 153; letters to, 154-155, 203-205, 248-250, 264- 265, 297-298, 328-329; factions in, 166, 216; objections made against, and the answers, 169-172; church polity and religion of, 170, 193-194, 195, 201-203, 293-294, 299 n., 315, 316, 334-335, 362-363; lack of schools in, 170; troubles with Lyford, 179- 187; adventurers desert, 201; an- swer of, concerning church discipline, 202-203; merchandise sent to, 204, 205; trade in, 217, 234; division of property in, 217-218; passengers of the Sparrow-Hawk admitted to, 221; correspondence of, with the Dutch settlers, 223-227; debts and trade of, assumed by twelve men, 227-229; use of fire-arms by the Indians en- dangers, 239-241; attacks Morton, INDEX 433 241-243; arrival of members from Leyden in, 246-247, 248; division of, into counties, 249 n.; enters into business with Ashley, 256-257; fish- ing industry undertaken by, 258; in- structions of, to AUerton, 258-259; executions in, 270, 344-346; expan- sion of, 294, 353, 363, 390; exceptions of, to Allerton's accounts, 295; estab- lishes a plantation on Connecticut River, 301-302; measures adopted by, concerning Hocking's murder, 308-310; trading-house of, at Pe- nobscot, 318-320; efforts of, against the French, 320-321; agreement with Massachusetts, concerning the Con- necticut River Colony, 326-327; com- plaints of, against Sherley, 343-344; growing prosperity of, 347; boundary dispute between Massachusetts and, 349-354; longevity of the men in, 380, 380 n.; enters into the New Eng- land Confederation, 382-388; com- plaints against, 405; business rela- tions, see Adventurers, also Sherley, Andrews, Beauchamp, Hatherley; Records of, 79 n., 98 n., 217 n., 382 n., 389 n., 398 n. Pocahontas, 59 n. Pocock, John, 214, 215 n. Point Care, 95. Pokanoket Indians, 112, 113. Polyander, Johannes, 39 n., 42 n., 43. Pond ViUage, 99. Portland, Earl of, 416, 416, 418. Portsmouth, 164 n., 241 n. Port Royal, destruction of, 50 n. Pory, John, letter of, 140; official posi- tions of, 140 n. Poynton, Daniel, 215 n. Prence, Thomas, 98 n.; governor of the colony, 14, 303-313, 344-349; undertakes the debt of the col- ony, 227-229, 227 n.; biographi- cal sketch of, 303 n.; agreement of, with Sherley, 359-362; settles with Sherley, 371 ; signs the Indian treaty, 403. Priest, Degory, 409, 413; occupation in Leyden, 39 n. Prince, Rev. Thomas, 15, 16, 58 n., 68 n., 71 n., 74 n.; Chronological History of New England, 16. Prince Society, 112 n.; Gorges, 158 n. Privy Council, order of, concerning New England, 289-290. Providence Plantations, 249 n. Prower, Solomon, 408. Pummunish, 394, 401, 402, 403. Purehas, Samuel, Pilgrimes, 113, 113 n. Puritans, religious belief of, 3; name of, apphed to the non-conformists, 27. Pynchon, William, 320; letter of, 324; official positions, 324 n. Quarles, William, 215 n. B-asiferes, Isaac de, Plymouth described by, 138 n.; letters of, 223-225, 234 n. Rassdall, Mr., 237. Razilly, Chevalier de, 318 n. Rehoboth, 353. Reinholds, captain of the Speedwell, 75, 75 n. Reinor, John, 335, 335 n., 362, 367 n. Relation or Journal of the Beginning and Proceedings of the English Plantation settled at Plymouth in New England, theories concerning, 11-13; editions,14. Revell, John, 215 n. Reynolds, Mr., 135. Rhode Island, controversy between Massachusetts and, 249 n.; religion in, 365-367. Rigdale, Alice, 408, 413. Rigdale, John, 408, 413. Riggs, Sergeant, 341. Robinson, John, 32, 60, 72, 154 n., 167 n. 180; reaches AJmsterdam, 7; con- tribution to "Mourt's Relation", 11; arrives in Holland, 38; pastor of the church in Leyden, 40; death, 41 n., 43, 208-209; religious views of, 42 n.; disputes of, with Polyander, 43; Sandys's letter to, 52-53; the Seven Articles signed by, 53, 53 n.; answer of, to Sandys's letter, 54-55; letter of, to Wolstenholme, 56-57; con- ference of, with Weston, 65; letter of, concerning the preparations for re- moval, 68-70; letters of, to the Pil- grims, 83-86; Cushman's accusation against, 90-91; farewell discourse of, concerning new light, 117 n.; letter of, concerning the treatment of the Indians, 172-173; conditions upon which the adventurers will assist, 202; memorial tablet to, 209 n. 434 INDEX Robinson, John, A Justification of Sepa- ration from, the Church of England, 43 n.; Apologia Brovmistarum, 43 n.; Defence of the Doctrine propounded by the Synode at Dort, 43 n.; Essay es or Observations Divine and Morall, 43 n. ; editions, 43 n. Roohelle, expedition to, 286 n. Rogers, Mr., 243. Rogers, Joseph, 408, 412. Rogers, Thomas, 408, 412. Rookes, Newman, 215 n. Sabbath, observance of, 170. Sagadahoc, ship wrecked at, 212. Salem, 241 n.; scurvy at, 259-260, 271; church affairs at, 261-262, 261 n.; Roger Williams at, 299, 299 n. Sallee, 206, 206 n. Salt-making, 168, 176-177. Samoset, visits the colony, 110; in-' formation concerning, 110 n. Samson, Henry, 408, 412. Sanders, John, 141. Sandwich, 353. Sandys, Sir Edwin, 53 n., 58; letter from, 52-53; A Relation of the State of Religion, etc., 53 n.; letter to, 54- 55; treasurer of the Virginia Com- pany, 54 n., 59. San Sebastian, 205, 205 n. Saquish Cove, 104 n. Sassacus, 341, 342, 343. Satucket, 113, 113 n. Saye, Lord, misrepresentations of, 305- 306; patentee of Connecticut valley, 305 n.; letter to, 310. Scituate, boundary dispute over, 349- 354. Sorooby, 3, 4, 5. Scurvy, colonists afflicted with, 108, 259-260, 271. Seneca, 95, 175. Separatists, religious activities of, 3-5; attempts of, to reach Holland, 7; re- pudiate the name of Brownists, 202 n. Sharpe, Samuel, 215 n. Sherley, James, endorses the note of the colonists, 129 n.; letter of, concerning the dissensions among the adven- turers, 167-168; treasurer of the adventurers, 168 n.; gives the objec- tions made against the colony, 169- 172; letter of, as to the causes of the break with the adventurers, 203-205, 205 n.; sickness of, 210; signs Allerton's agreement, 214, 215 n.; undertakes the debt of the colony, 227-229, 227 n. ; letters of, concerning the debt of the colony, 229-231, 252; agent for the colony, 231-232; letter of, in praise of the colonists, 245-246; letter of, regarding the Kennebec patent, 248- 250; commends AUerton, 254; be- comes a partner with the colonists, 254; letter of, regarding Ashley's patei)^, 254-255; letter of, regarding Hatherley's visit, 264-265; letters of, coiicermng the White Angel, 273-277, 291- 31V-dl8; double-dealings of, 27|, 279-280, 283; accounts of, 282, 283; sends an accountant to Plym- outh Colony, 284; leniency of, to Allerton, 290-291, 292; letters of, concerning Allerton, 297-298, 303- 304, 317-318; letters of, respecting accounts, 303-304, 317-318, 329; complaints against, 331-332, 343, 346; is discharged, 344; land grant to, 349; colonists endeavor to settle with, 354-356; letters of, as to a final settlement, 357-358, 368-370; agreement with, 359-362; final set- tlement with, 371; letter of, respect- ing Beauchamp's accounts, 373-375. Shoanan, 401. Sibsie, Mr., 221. Skelton, Samuel, 261. Slanie, John, 111 n. Smallpox, 312-313. Smith, Mr., 334. Smith, C. C, "Boston and the Neigh- boring Jurisdictions ", 382 n. Smith, Francis, 395. Smith, Capt. John, 240 n.; GeneraU Historie, 14; Cape James named by, 95; map of, 95 n., 112, 112 n., 350; expedition of, to New England, 111 n. Smith, Ralf, 259, 299. Smith, Sir Thomas, creates a faction in the Virginia Company, 59. Smyth, John, Separatist clergyman, 4, 31, 31 n.; contentions of, with John- son, 38, 38 n. Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, establishment of, 117 n. Socrates, 24. Sokanoke, 401. INDEX 435 Southampton, Speedwell awaits the Pil- grims at, 75; provisions for the voy- age made at, 76; Pilgrims reach, 80; Pilgrims sail from, 87; treaty of, 224, 224 n. Souther, Nathaniel, 362. Southworth, Alice, marriage, 89 n. Southworth, Edward, 14, 89 n.; letter to, 89-92. Southworth, Mercy, marriage, 303 n. Sowams, 111. Sowle, George, 407, 410. Spaniards, miserable condition of, 148. Sparrow, ship, starts for Virginia, 132; stops at Plymouth, 134; returns from Virginia, 137. Sparrow-Hawk, ship, the loss of, 218-222. Speedwell, ship, 75 n.; purchase of, 78; name of, 78 n. ; abandons the voyage, 88; causes for the abandonment, 88- 89; conditions on board, 90. Squanto, or Tisquantum, 110, 110 n.; visits the colony, 111; becomes in- terpreter for the colonists, 111; cap- ture and escape of, 111-112, 111 n.; instructs the colonists in corn cul- ture, 115-116; guides the colonists to Massasoit, 117-118; Corbitant at- tacks, 119-120; jealousy of, 127; trickery of, 128; with Bradford on a trading expedition, 141; death, 141. Standish, Barbara, 98 n. Standish, Myles, 10, 212, 355, 398, 408, 411; leads an exploring expedition, 8-9, 98-100; biographical sketch of, 98 n.; nurses the sick colonists, 108; sickness of, 141; goes to the rescue of Weston's men, 143-144; character of, 173; Lyford's report concerning, 187; is sent to seek aid from the Council of New England, 207; return of, to the colony, 208; authorizes agents in London, 231-232; is sent to capture Morton, 242; is sent to procure Alden's release, 306; attempts to re- take the house at Penobscot, 319-320; agreement of, with Sherley, 359-362; removes from Plymouth, 363; settles with Sherley, 371. Standish, Rose, 98 n., 408. Stanton, Thomas, 341. Staresmore, Sabin, 58 n.; letters from, ■■ 57-58, 61-62. Stinnings, Richard, 344-346. Stone, Captain, bad conduct of, 310-311 ; death, 332-334. Story, Elias, 407. Stoughton, Israel, 342; boundary agree- ment signed by, 352. Strassburg, 25. Straton, 277. Sturgs, Thomas, 371. Taborites, 41, 41 n. Talbot, ship, 245, 259 n. Tarentin or Tarrantine Indians, 120, 120 n. Tassaquanawite, 402. Taunton, 353. Thanksgiving, first, 153. Thomas, William, 215 n., 362. Thompson, David, settlement of, 163- 164, 164 n.; purchases goods from a Monhegan plantation, 211-212. Thompson's Island, 164 n. Thomson, Edward, 408. Thorned, John, 215 n. Thornhill, Matthew, 215 n. Thornton, J. W., 16; The Landing at Cape Anne, 169 n. Tilden, Joseph, 215 n. Tilley, Ann, 408, 412. Tilley, Edward, 408, 412; exploring ex- peditions, 8-9. Tilley, Elizabeth, 408, 410, 412. Tilley, John, 9, 408, 410, 412. Tinker, Thomas, 408, 412. Tirrey, Arthur, 371. Tour, Charles de la, 318 n. Tracy, Stephen, occupation in Leyden, 39 n. Trevore, William, 136, 136 n., 409. Trumball, William, 290. Tucker's Terror, 95. Turks,Englishshipscapturedby,206,207. Turner, John, 74, 74 n., 75, 408, 413. Uncas, 343; Miantonimo attacks, 388; kills Miantonimo, 389; Narragansetts attack, 392-393, 394-395; trial of, 393-394; the colonists aid, 396; treaty with, 400-403. United Colonies, see New England Con- federation. Vane, Gov. Henry, 335 n., 342, 415, 416, 418; proposes war against the Pe- quots, 335. 436 INDEX Vassall, William, 405 n. Vermayes, Benjamin, 15. Vines, Richard, 276. Virginia, 66, 113, 129, 137; emigrants to, 33 n.; reasons for and against, as a home for the Pilgrims, 49, 50; Blackwell sails for, 59 n.; Francis West returns to, 152; Plymouth col- onists go to, 161, 216; Gorges's people go to, 163; the Sparrow-Hawk bound for, 218, 218 n.; passengers of the Sparrow-Hawk reach, 222; Wolastone removes to, 237; Peirce reaches, 295. Virginia Company, 50 n., 58 n., 75 n., 106; patent issued the Pilgrims by, 50, 81 n., 123 n.; history of, 50 n.; efforts of, in behalf of the Pilgrims, 51; final arrangements of, with the Pilgrims, 52; correspondence of the Pilgrims with, 52-58; dissensions among, 58-60; records of, 62 n.; proceedings of, 64; Pilgrims' plans concerning, 65. Voyages of Samuel de Champlain, 95 n. Waldo Patent, 254 n. Walker, Robert, 118 n. WaUoons, 42, 42 n. Wampumpeake, colonists learn the value of, 235-236 ; specimens of, 235 n. Ward, Thomas, 215 n. Warren, Richard, 9, 408, 412. Warwick, Earl of, 249, 404. Waughwamino, 402. Weesagascusett, 241. Weld, Thomas, 369-371. Wesell, 25. Wessagusset, 163 n., see Weston's men. West, Francis, is sent to New England, 151-152; appointment as one of Gorges's council, 159. Weston, Andrew, is sent to Plymouth, 133. Weston, Thomas, 63 n., 90; agreement between the Pilgrims and, 64-68; biographical sketch of, 64 n.; com- plaints against, 68-69; Pilgrim's ap- peal to, 71 ; disagreement between the Pilgrims and, 72, 74, 76-77, 80-82; correspondence with, on terms of agreement, 122-125, 132-135; patent of, 137, 137 n.; arrival of, in America, 144; colonists assist, 145; bad con- duct of, toward the colonists, 145- 146; trial of, 159-160; warrant issued for, 162; agreement of, with Gorges, 163; death, 163 n.; incites the crew of the Little James to mutiny, 164; causes dissensions among the colon- ists, 166. Weston's men, 172-173, 173 n.; settle- ment of, 137; Bradford aids, 140-141, 144; Indian conspiracy against, 143; forsake their settlement, 159. Weymouth, 241 n., 352; colony at, 158 n., see Weston's men. White, Bridget, 210 n. White, John, 215 n. White, Peregrine, 408, 411. White, Resolved, 408, 411, 414. White, Roger, letter of, describing Rob- inson's death, 209-210. White, Susanna, 408; marriage, 116, 116 n., 117 n. White, Thomas, 9. White, WiUiam, 198, 408, 410, 411; oc- cupation, in Leyden, 39 n.; death, 116 n. White Angel, ship, 264, 266, 270, 282, 285, 293, 295; designs concerning, 268; contentions concerning, 273- 280, 279 n., 280 n., 297-298, 317, 359- 361; Allerton sells, 291; accounts of, 314, 330-331. Whittingham, William, A Brieff Dis- cours off the Troubles begonne at Franckford in Germany, 25 n. Wilberforce, Samuel, 16. Wilder, Roger, 407, 409. Wilkinson, Edward, 328, 330. Willett, Thomas, 256, 256 n., 257, 318. William and Thomas, ship, 59 n. Williams, Roger, controversy of, 299; sketch of, 299 n.; prosecutes Peach, 345-346; letter of, 395. Williams, Thomas, 409, 413. Wilson, John, 342; church established by, 272, 272 n. Wincob, John, 215 n.; Pilgrim patent taken in the name of, 62, 63. Windebank, Sir Francis, 289, 415, 416, 418. Windsor, Conn., 301 n., 324, 324 n. Winisimett, 241. Winslow, Edward, 168, 407, 410, 411; seeks a place for a settlement, 9; is sent to confirm the treaty with Massasoit, 10; letters of, 11, 71, 71 n.. INDEX 437 180, 249, 273-274; governor of the colony, 14, 296-303, 327-335, 390- 394; occupation, in Leyden, 39 n.; marriage, 116, 116 n., 117 n.; visits Massasoit, 117-118, 117 n.; bio- graphical sketch of, 117 n.; seeks aid from Huddleston, 138; is sent to England, 157, 263, 266, 275, 310, 405; return of, 166, 196; patent issued to, 169, 169 n.; Lyford's advice con- cerning, 186; proceedings against, by Lyford's friends in England, 198-200; agent for the friendly adventurers, 204, 206; goes on trading expedition, 208; accompanies Bradford to Mon- hegan, 211; undertakes the debt of the colony, 227-229, 227 n.; au- thorizes agents in London, 231-232; favors engaging in the fishing in- dustry, 258; orders of the colonists to, 270; account of goods brought by, 282; sends expedition to the Con- necticut River, 301-302; petition of, 314-316; imprisonment, 316, 317; boundary agreement signed by, 352; advice of, as to settlement with Sherley, 354-355; agreement of, with Sherley, 359-362; removes from Plymouth, 363; settles with Sherley, 371; commission of, 388. Winslow, Edward, contribution to "Mourt's Relation", 11, 69 n.; Good News from New England, 117 n., 126, 126 n.; Hypocrisie Unmasked, 117 n.; New England's Salamander, 117 n. Winslow, Elizabeth, 407. Winslow, Gilbert, 409, 413. Winslow, Josiah, 118 n., 285, 358, 360. Winsor, Justin, "Governor Bradford's Manuscript History of Plymouth Plantation", etc., 15 n.; Narrative and Critical History, 334 n.; Me- morial History of Boston, 382 n. Winthrop, Gov. John, 270, 271, 279, 287, 320, 369; church established by, 272, 272 n.; letters of, concerning Sir Christopher Gardiner, 288-289; advice of, concerning Hocking's mur- der, 308-310; letters of, respecting the Pequots, 333; letter of, proposing war against the Pequots, 335-337; letter of, describing the Pequot war, 340-342; advice of, as to settlement with Sherley, 355; signs the Articles of Confederation, 388; signs the In- dian treaty, 403. Wipelock, 402. Witowash, 394, 402, 403. Wolastone, Captain, colony of, 236, 236 n.; goes to Virginia, 237. Wolcott, Roger, 17. Wolstenholme, Sir John, 56 n.; letter to, 56-57. Wright, Richard, 215 n. Yarmouth, 353. Yeardley, Sir George, 59; governor of Virginia, 59 n. Yonge, Joseph, 346. York, Archbishop of, 415, 416, 418. Young, Dr. Alexander, theory concern- ing "Mourt's Relation", 12; Chron- icles of the Pilgrim Fathers, 14, 18. Ziska, John, 41, 41 n.
  • END