OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION 1606—1646 EDITED BY WILLIAM T. DAVIS FORMERLY.PRESIDENT OF THE PILGRIM SOCIETY W/TIf A MAP AND THREE FACSIMILES CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS NEW YORK ------ 1908 \ 4^ COPYRIGHT, 1908, BY CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS Published February, 1908 NOTE The text followed in this edition of Bradford is that of the text- edition published by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in 1898, which Mr. Davis assured me was unusually accurate. In all cases where doubt seemed warranted, comparison was made with the excellent facsimile mentioned in the editor's Introduction, and in a few cases with the original manuscript. But in some particulars a systematic departure has been made from the practice followed in the Massachusetts edition. That edition prints the symbols &, if, y* and y^, and the contractions w"' and vf^, as they stand in the manuscript. In this edition I have followed what is believed to be a better practice, by giving to these manuscript marks the form which, we may presume, they would have borne in print if Bradford's manu- script had been printed in his lifetime; i. e., I have printed, for the above, the words and, the, that, they, with and which. Also, where the original places a short line over a letter, to indicate the omission of an TO or an M directly following it, I have substituted the missing letter itself, as would commonly have been done in seventeenth- century printing ; and have disregarded Bradford's underscoring or italicizing of words whenever it seemed to have no significance, or a significance other than that now conveyed by italics. Names of ships have been uniformly set in italics. Bradford's frequent use of parentheses in place of commas has not been followed. The notes which Bradford appended to his text, often writing them on the margins of his pages, have been reproduced in the foot- notes of the present edition, but have been distinguished from the editor's notes by placing them in quotation-marks, and adding " Br." or some less abbreviated indication of their authorship. The notes which are attributed to Rev. Thomas Prince in this edition are notes which he wrote on the manuscript while it was in his posses- sion. Not all his notes have been repeated in these pages. The dates which are given in square brackets in the headlines of the pages may be understood to indicate years beginning on the vi NOTE first of January, rather than, according to Bradford's custom, on the twenty-fifth of March. The facsimiles in this volume represent the first page of the famous manuscript (reduced to about half its height), the page near the beginning of Book 2 on which occurs the text of the Mayflower Compact, and the title-page of "Mourt's Relation," concerning which work see the editor's Introduction. The map is a reproduction, some- what reduced, of Captain John Smith's map of New England, first published in 1614 as an accompaniment to his Description of New England. As that map exists in various "states," and it was desired to reproduce that state which would exhibit the best map of New England which the Pilgrims could have consulted at the time of their voyage, the general editor sought the aid of the learned bibliographer, Mr. Wilberforce Eames, librarian of the Lenox Branch of the New York Public Library, who has made a special and minute study of the various states of this map, and whose generous kindness to his- torical students is well known. Mr. Eames distinguishes nine states of this map, each showing some additions to its predecessor, or some modifications of its readings. Of these the fifth (or perhaps in equal degree the sixth, which is very similar) represents the map as it would stand in the freshest copies procurable in 1620. The seventh, on the other hand, reads in its title "Prince Charles no we King," indi- cates "Salem," "P. Wynthrop," "P. Standish," and reads "New Plimouth" in place of "Plimouth," and so is plainly of a later time. The eighth and ninth states, the latter of which is reproduced in Veazie's reprint of Captain Smith's Advertisements and in Jenness's Isles of Shoals, are of still later date. The New York PubHc Library (Lenox Building) has three copies of the state which we have chosen, — two of them in copies of Smith's Generall Historie of Virginia, the third a separate copy; I have chosen the last for reproduction. The legend which is nearly obliterated, below "Simon Passaeus sculpsit" in the lower left-hand corner, is "Robert Clerke excudit." The arms at the right of these legends are those of Smith, including the three Turks' heads. To the note' on p. 79 a reference might well be added to Mr. Reginald G. Marsden's article on the Mayflower in the English Historical Review, XIX. 669-680, in which he essays to identify the famous Mayflower from among the many contemporary ships of that name, to show it to have been a ship of Harwich, and to trace its history from 1609 to 1626, when he supposes it to have been captured NOTE vii by Dunkirkers. To Mr. Davis the identification seemed "not proven;" the general editor would have been disposed to adopt it. When this volume had nearly passed through the press, on December 3, 1907, its editor, Hon. William T. Davis, of Plymouth, died at the age of eighty-five. A native of Plymouth and a devoted and public-spirited citizen of that town, he had served for many years as vice-president and president of the Pilgrim Society, had edited the published records of the town, and had written, among other historical works, a History of Plymouth and a book of antiquarian research entitled Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth, both highly re- garded. He was a man of high and genial character. Of this volume, his last work, he had finished his reading of the proof-sheets, except the very last pages, at the time of his death. J. F. J. CONTENTS BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION Edited by William T. Davis PAGE Introduction 3 History of PLTMOtrrH Plantation 23 Chapter 1 The Reformation and Persecution 23 The Dissensions at Frankfort 25 The Dissensions under Queen EUzabeth 26 Later Observations by Bradford 28 The Beginnings of Separatism in the North of England ... 30 The Congregations led by Smyth and Clyfton 31 Chapter 2 The Resolve to remove to Holland 33 First Attempt Frustrated 34 Second Attempt partially Successful 35 Arrest of those left behind 36 Chapter 3 Settlement in Amsterdam; Arrival of Robinson and Brewster . . 38 Removal to Leyden 39 Robinson's Leadership as Pastor 40 Regard in which he and his Congregation were held ... 42 Chapter 4 Reasons for Removal 44 Various Objections; Fears and Doubts 47 Considerations which prevailed 48 ix CONTENTS Chapter 6 PAGE Guiana discussed ^'^ Virginia resolved on; the Virginia Company approached ... 50 Letter of Sir Edwin Sandys • • .52 Reply of the Leyden Church 54 Letter to Sir John Wolstenholme 56 Declarations concerning the Polity of the Leyden Church ... 56 Letters of "S. B." and of Robert Cushman 57 Blackwell's Migration to Virginia 60 Letter of Sabin Staresmore 61 The Virginia Company grants a Patent 62 Chapter 6 Weston's Proposals 64 Carver and Cushman sent to England as Agents .... 65 The Agreement with the Adventurers 66 Letter of Robinson to Carver 68 Letter of other Members of the Church 70 Cushman's Reply 71 Another Letter from Cushman 74 A Letter of Cushman to Carver 77 Chapter 7 Purchase of the Speedwell; Departure from Delfshaven ... 78 The Pilgrims at Southampton 80 Their Remonstrance to the Merchant Adventurers .... 81 Robinson's Farewell Letters 83 Chapter 8 The Speedwell found to be Leaking; the Pilgrims return to Plymouth 87 Cushman's Complaining and Discouraged Letter .... 89 Chapter 9 The Voyage of the Mayflower 92 Arrival at Cape Cod 95 Reflections on the Situation of the Pilgrims 96 Chapter 10 The Exploration of Cape Cod 97 The Voyage of the Shallop around Cape Cod Bay .... 100 The Landing of the Explorers at Plymouth 104 CONTENTS xi BOOK 2 1620 PAGE The Mayflower Compact 106' John Carver chosen Governor 107 Hardships and Many Deaths in the First Winter .... 108 The Appearance of Samoset and Squanto; Treaty with Massasoit . 110 Dermer's Letter from the Site of Plymouth 112 1621 The Return of the Mayflower; the Beginning of Planting The Death of Carver; Bradford chosen Governor Civil Marriage instituted Winslow and Hopkins sent as Envoys to Massasoit . Corbitant's Attack on Hobomok; Standish's punitive Expedition The Gathering of the Harvest; the Arrival of the Fortune Letter of Weston 115 116 116 117 119 121 122 Cushman persuades the Colonists to accept the Adventurers' Conditions 123 124 125 Letter of Bradford to Weston The Narragansetts; Fortifications; Christnias 1622 Squanto suspected Letters from Weston and the Adventurers Weston's Selfishness; Letters from Cushman and Peirce Scarcity of Provisions; the Fort and Meeting-house . Visit of John Pory; Troubles with Weston's People . 1623 127 128 135 138 140 Dissolution of Weston's Colony 143 Weston assisted 145 The Beginning of Individual Planting 146 Peirce treacherously obtains a Patent for Himself .... 149 Arrival of Captain Francis West 151 Scarcity of Provisions 152 Arrival of the Anne and Little James 153 Arrangements with the New Comers 158 Arrival of Captain Robert Gorges 158 Weston is called to Account 159 The Settlers who came with Gorges 163 1624 The Loss of the Little James 165 Winslow brings Letters from Sherley and Cushman . . . .167 xii CONTENTS PAGE Answers of the Pilgrims to the Adventurers' Complaints . . .170 \Letters of Robinson to Bradford and Brewster 172 Progress of Planting and Other Industries 175 Arrival of Lyford; Troubles with him and Oldham . . • .177 Answers to their Accusations 1°^ Lyford's Apparent Repentance . . . 1°° His Treachery confuted 1°^ The Repairing of the Little James 194 1625 The Humiliation of Oldham and Lyford 196 Certain Adventurers complain as to Ecclesiastical Polity . . . 201 Letters from the Friendly Adventurers 203 Fishing and Other Business 205 1626 News of the Death of Robinson and Cushman 208 Trading on the Coast of Maine 211 Allerton sent to England to arrange with the Adventurers . . 212 1627 A New Agreement negotiated by him 213 It is accepted by the Colony 215 Arrangements made for Sharing its Obligations 216 The Loss of the Sparrow-Hawk 218 Pinnace and House built at Manomet 222 Correspondence with the Dutch of Manhattan . . . . . 223 Twelve Men undertake the Debts and Trade of the Colony . . 227 1628 Letters of Sherley 229 AUerton's Conduct as Agent 233 Trade with the Dutch 234 Morton and his Company at Merry Mount • 236 His Conduct endangers the Settlers 239 His Establishment is broken up 241 Allerton's Double-Dealing 243 1629 Letters of Sherley 245 Further Arrivals of Members from Leyden • . . , . 246 CONTENTS xiii PAGE Letter of Sherley regarding the Kennebec Patent .... 248 The Return of Morton Allerton abuses his Agency .... Letter of Sherley and Hatherley concerning Ashley Misgivings as to Allerton Arrival of Rev. Ralf Smith . . . . The Salem Church; Letters of Endecott and Gott 251 252 254 258 259 260- 1630 The Colonists deceived in their Hopes of receiving Trading Goods . 262 Letter from Sherley 264 Hatherley, after Investigation, discovers AUerton's Double-Dealing . 266 Execution of John Billington 270 The Forming of the Church at Cherlestown 271 1631 Letter from Winslow in England 273 Letters from Sherley; the Friendship and the White Angel . . 274 Reflections concerning Allerton's course 277 His Accounts 280 His Subsequent 111 Fortune 283 The French despoil the Trading House at Penobscot . . . 285 The Episode of Sir Christopher Gardiner 286 His Machinations in England 288 1632 Sherley's Undue Leniency to Allerton 290 Hatherley comes over as a Colonist 292 The Growth of Agriculture; Expansion of the Colony . . . 293 Letter of William Peirce 295 1633 Edward Winslow chosen Governor 296 Letter of Sherley 297 Arrival of Roger Williams 299 The Establishment of a Trading Post on the Connecticut River . 300 1634 Thomas Prence chosen Governor 303 Collision with the Pascataway Men on the Kennebec .... 304 Intervention of the Massachusetts Authorities 306 Winslow sent to England to explain 310 CONTENTS PAGE Captain Stone's Attempts against the Plymouth Men . . • 310 Pestilence among the Indians 312 1635 Winslow's Agency in England; his Imprisonment . . . .314 Letter of Sherley 317 D'Aulney plunders the Trading-House at Penobscot .... 318 Failure of Attempts to retake the House 319 Great Storm 322 The Massachusetts Men attempt to dispossess the Plymouth Men on Connecticut River 323 Letter of Jonathan Brewster 323 Correspondence between the two Colonies 324 1636 Edward Winslow chosen Governor 327 Letter of Sherley 328 State of Accounts with him 330 Trouble with the Pequoits 332 1637 Letter of Governor John Winthrop proposing War .... 335 The War with the Pequots 338 Letter of Governor Winthrop describing the War .... 340 The Fate of Sassacus . 343 1638 Thomas Prence chosen Governor; Execution of Arthur Peach . . 344 Growing Prosperity of the Colony 347 Great Earthquake 348 1639 AND 1640 Boundary Dispute between Massachusetts and Plymouth . . . 349 The Agreement as to the Boundary 351 Bradford surrenders to the Colony the Patent of 1630 . . . 353 Endeavors to make a Final Settlement with the Adventurers . . 354 1641 Letter of Sherley as to Settlement of Accounts 357 The Agreement made with Sherley 359 Arrival of Charles Chauncy as Minister 3g2 CONTENTS XV 1642 PAGB Causes for the Growth of Iniquity in the Country .... 363' Correspondence with Governor BeUingham 365 Letters of Sherley respecting Final Settlement 368 Settlement effected with the Adventurers 371 1643 Death of Elder William Brewster 375 Details respecting his Life and Character 376 Reflections on the Endurance of the Pilgrims . . . . . 380 The New England Confederation; Text of the Articles . . . 382 - Miantonomi defeated by Uncas and killed 388 1644 Edward Winslow chosen Governor 390 Actions of the Commissioners of the Confederation . . . .391 Trouble with the Narragansetts 392 1645 Preparations for War with the Narragansetts 395 Debate as to the Authority for War 398 War averted by Negotiations; Treaty with the Indians . . . 400 1646 The Episode of Captain Thomas Cromwell 404 Appendix I. Passengers of the Mayflower 407 Their Posterity 409 Appendix II. Commission of 1634 for regulating Plantations 415 (xvi blank) MAP AND FACSIMILE REPRODUCTIONS First Page of the Bradford Manuscript. From the original in the Massachusetts State Library Frontispiece Captain John Smith's Map op New England. From a copy of the fifth state of the map in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building) 95 The Mayflower Compact. From the original Bradford manuscript in the Massachusetts State Library 107 Title-page of "Motjet's Relation." From a copy of the original edition in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building) . . 115 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION INTRODUCTION The new liturgy adopted by the English Church at the time of the Reformation retained some features, to which, as relics of Romanism, a considerable body of the church refused to conform. They remained, however, within the fold of the church endeavoring to purify it from every taint of the old rehgion. These were called Puritans. Another body, under the pressure of persecution, were not long content with ob- jections to a ritual, but resenting prelatical power abandoned the chm-ch and organized congregations of their own. These were called Separatists. A biographical sketch of Governor Bradford must neces- sarily include a reference to the Separatist movement, with which he became early associated. Like an epidemic, which when checked in one locaUty breaks out in a far distant one, the seed of Separatism, when blasted in the ecclesiastical environment of London and its neighborhood, found a lodg- ment in more congenial soil in districts farther north. On or near the line of what was once called the great North Road were the town of Gainsborough in Lincolnshire and the villages of Austerfield and Bawtry in Yorkshire and Scrooby and Babworth in Nottinghamshire. Bawtry, the present railroad centre of these places, hes on the line of the Great Northern Railway, 151| miles from London. It contains perhaps a population of about five hundred, but it is chiefly interesting as a convenient stopping-place for visitors to Austerfield, the birthplace of Governor Bradford, a mile or more away on the north, and to Scrooby, the birthplace of the Pilgrim Church, a mile or more away on the south. The student of Pilgrim history will recognize on its store-signs a niunber of names held by the famiUes in Plymouth and its neighborhood to-day. 4 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION In the district including the places above mentioned, the two clergymen, especially distinguished in the early Separatist movement about the time of the close of EUzabeth's reign, and in the early years of King James, were Richard Clyfton and John Smyth, both of whom were Cambridge University men. Smyth appears to have been settled as a pastor of the estabhshed church in Lincohi until some time in 1605, when he began to minister to a non-conformist congregation in Gainsborough, from which place he went with his church to Amsterdam in 1606 or 1607.' His arrival in Gainsborough is thought by some writers to have been at an earlier period, and these writers have ventured to conjecture that some of those who later organized the Pilgrim Church in Scrooby were guided into the path leading to separatism by attending his ministrations. But after sifting all the evidence which re- searches up to the present date have disclosed, I have reached the conclusion that Smyth's church was in its origin contempo- rary with and not antecedent to the church at Scrooby. With this conclusion. Rev. John Smyth and his church will have no further place in this narrative. On the other hand, Rev. Richard Clyfton, who had been vicar at Mamham, became rector at Babworth as early as July 11, 1586,^ when by his ministrations he prepared the way of many to organize the church in Scrooby, ten miles away on the north. Governor Bradford in his history caUs him "a grave and reverend preacher, who by his pains and diligence had done much good, and under God had been the means of the conversion of many." He was born in Normanton, Derbyshire, and graduated at Cambridge, but the exact year in which he settled in Babworth is not known. His assumption of the duties of pastor of the Pilgrim Church in Scrooby prob- ably took place either in the latter part of 1606 or in the early part of 1607. WiUiam Brewster, occupying the manor house 'See Edward Arber, The Story of the Pilgrim Fathers (London, 1897) pp. 4&-54. 2 See Arber, p. 52. INTRODUCTION 1 5 in that town, was the founder of the ch |v, -and holding the government office of master of the post in bcrooby from April 1, 1594, to September 30, 1607, it may be fairly conjectured that he could not have been an officer of the crown* many months after the organization of a proscribed church. At this place in our narrative WiUiam Bradford enters the scene. His family, deriving its name from the Saxon Bradenford or Bradford, belonged to the yeoman class, and Uved in Austerfield, a small town one mile or more from Bawtry, two miles or more from Scrooby, ten miles from Gainsborough, and ten miles from Babworth, and containing a farming population of about three hundred. Coats of arms have been held by Bradford families in Yorkshire and other counties, but there is no evidence that either of these famiHes included the Austerfield Bradfords. In 1575 William Brad- ford and John Hanson of Austerfield were assessed to the sub- sidies. The former of these had three sons, Robert, Thomas and William, and died January 10, 1595. The last-named son married January 21, 1584, Alice, daughter of John Hanson, above mentioned, and was the father of WiUiam, the future Governor of the Plymouth Colony. WilUam Bradford, the father, died July 15, 1591, leaving his son Wilfiam, about two years of age, to the care of his uncles. Cotton Mather describes Austerfield at that time as an "obscure village, where the people were as unacquainted with the Bible as the Jews do seem to have been with part of it in the days of Josiah." After a long sick- ness, when about twelve years of age, young Bradford became much impressed by the Scriptures and by the preaching of Clyfton, to listen to which he was in the habit of walking to Babworth."" The inevitable result was the question which he asked himself "whether it was not his duty to withdraw from the commimion of the Parish Assemblies and engage with some Society of the Faithful that should keep close imto the written Word of God as the rule of their Worship." After reaching ' See Arber, p. 86. 6 HISTOR^ C)F PLYMOUTH PLANTATION a definite decisioj inc' abandon the church and faith of his family he answered their remonstrances by saying: "Were I hke to endanger my Hfe or consume my estate by any im- godly courses, your counsels to me were veiy seasonable. But you know that I have been dihgent and provident in my CaUing, and not only desirous to augment what I have, but also to enjoy it in your company, to part from which will be as great a cross as can befall me. Nevertheless, to keep a good con- science and walk in such a Way as God has prescribed in his Word, is a thing which I must prefer before you all, and above hfe itself. Wherefore, since it is for a good Cause that I am likely to suffer the disasters which you lay before me, you have no cause to be either angry with me or sorry for me. Yea, I am not only willing to part with everything that is dear to me in this world for this Cause, but I am also thankful that God hath given me a heart so to do, and will accept me so to suffer for him." Thus in the obscure town of Austerfield, three hundred years ago, the farmer boy spoke words which for all coming time will illustrate his character and illuminate his Ufe. Among the nations of the earth what founder has sanctified his work with such words of godliness, seK-sacrifice and duty ? Aside from family ties there was nothing in Austerfield to bind him to his native village. Its people had acquired little education, and its homes were lowly and imattractive. It has no features to-day of any interest to a stranger, except the house in which, according to a doubtful tradition, Brad- ford was born, and the small and unsightly St. Helen's chapel, a rehc of days long before the Reformation, in which, as its register states, WiUiam Bradford was baptized by Rev. Henry Fletcher, March 19, 1589-1590.* "V\Tien it was decided by the Scrooby chin-ch to remove to 'It has been stated that the Bradford baptismal font was removed many years ago to the Retford church, but I learn from Rev. A. F. Ebworth, the rector of Retford, that this is not true. The font now in the Austerfield church is believed by Rev. Mr. Meredith, the present rector, to be the original Nonnan font which served at the baptism of Bradford. INTRODUCTION 7 Holland, Bradford, then about seventeen years of age, was ready to join them. It was necessary that the removal should be conducted as secretly as possible. A law passed March 23, 1593, requiring non-conformists to abjure the realm, had been repealed February 9, 1598, and the existing law forbade any one to go out of the kingdom without a royal Ucense. Their destined port was Amsterdam, to which they were to proceed by the way of Boston in Lincolnshire. The passage to Boston was probably down the river Idle to Gainsborough, and thence by the River Witham to the' seaboard. At that time the Idle was navigable as far up as Bawtry, and until the days of rail- roads freight was transported from Bawtry by the Idle and the Trent to the seaport of Hull. The attempt to reach Am- sterdam was frustrated by the treachery of the captain of the transport engaged to receive the party at Boston, and after the dispersion of its members, and the imprisonment of some, all returned to their homes. In the spring of 1608 another attempt was made to cross to Holland from the river Humber, near Grimsby, on a Dutch vessel engaged for the purpose. The Humber was reached by way of the Idle and the Trent, but after a portion of the party had gone on board, armed emissaries appeared on the shore and dispersed the remainder. The vessel sailed with those who had embarked, including Bradford, and after a narrow escape from wreck, reached Amsterdam in safety. At various times afterwards, those who were left behind reached Amster- dam, and before the close of the summer the whole congregation, including their pastors, Clyfton and Robinson, had reached that city. When the Privy Council was notified of the arrests, the persons arrested were soon released, the authorities doubt- less believing it would be better to have them out of the king- dom than in. Bradford on his arrival in Holland was put under arrest for a time, but was soon released by the magistrates. For reasons not necessary to explain in this narrative, the members of the Scrooby church, including Bradford, removed 8 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION to Leyden in 1609, and made that place their home. Accord- ing to Cotton Mather, it appears that while in Amsterdam Bradford was employed by a Frenchman in "the working of silks," and that about 1611, having come of age, he sold out his inheritance and converted it into money. While in Leyden he engaged in the business of making fustian, a kind of ribbed cloth hke corduroy or velveteen, a business which Mather hints did not prove profitable. The records of the Stadhuis, or City Hall, in Leyden, show that the first pubUcation of his bans of marriage was made on November 8, 1613, and that on November 30 William Bradford, fustian maker, a young man of Austerfield, in England, was married to Dorothy May of "Wizbuts."^ Little besides the above is known of Bradford's career while in Leyden. To the older members of the church, John Carver, Robert Cushman and WilUam Brewster, were intrusted the negotiations for their emigration to America, but it is evident that by study and industry, and the display of a trustworthy judgment, he was laying the foundation for the estimate in which he came to be held by the colonists. Mather says that at a later period "he attained imto a notable skill in language. The Dutch tongue was become almost as vernacular to him as the Enghsh. The French tongue he could also manage. The Latin and Greek he had mastered. But the Hebrew he most of all studied, because, he said, he would see with his own eyes the ancient oracles of God in their native beauty." Nothing more is known concerning Bradford until after the arrival of the Mayflower in Cape Cod harbor on November 11, 1620. On that day an expedition was fitted out to explore the land, consisting of sixteen men imder the command of Myles Standish, to whom were added as counsel Wilham Bradford, Stephen Hopkins and Edward Tilley. The expedi- tion returned on the 17th, reporting among other incidents ' Wisbech or Wisbeach, a municipal borough on the river Wen, in Cam- bridgeshire. INTRODUCTION 9 the entanglement of Bradford in an Indian deer-trap made with a noose attached to a bent tree. On the 27th another expedition was fitted out mider the command of Captain Jones of the Mayflower, of thirty or more whose names are not recorded, but which probably included Bradford. This expedition returned to the ship on the 29th and 30th, without results important to our narrative. On December 6 a third expedition was fitted away in the shallop with the determination to find, if possible, a suitable place for a permanent settlement. The following persons composed the shallop's party: Myles Standish, John Carver, WiUiam Brad- ford, Edward Winslow, John Tilley, Edward Tilley, John Howland, Richard Warren, Stephen Hopkins, Edward Doty, John AUerton, Thomas Enghsh, John Clark, mate, Robert Coppin, pilot, the master gunner and three sailors, eighteen in all. On the 8th, at a place now known as Eastham, they had an encounter with the Indians, and on the 11th landed at Plymouth, after spending Saturday the 9th and Sunday the 10th on Clarke's Island, at the entrance of Plymouth harbor. The landing at Plymouth on December 11, old style, was the historic landing. On December 12th the expedition returned to the ship and learned the sad news of the death by drowning, December 7, of Dorothy the wife of Bradford. On the 16th the ship reached Plymouth harbor, where she remained until April 5, when she sailed for England. It is recorded that on "Thursday the 11th [of January] WilUam Bradford being at work, for it was a fair day,* was vehemently taken with a grief and pain, and so shot to his huckle-bone it was doubted that he would have instantly died. He got cold in the former Discoveries, especially the last, and felt some pain in his ankles by times. But he grew a little better towards night, and in time, through God's ' The only positive information concerning the weather in Plymouth during the winter of 1620, is contained in a letter from Thomas White of Dorchester, in 1630, to a friend in England, which stated that a colony landed at Plymouth ten years before, when there was a foot of snow on the ground. 10 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION mercy in the use of means, recovered." On Friday the 19th, while Bradford lay sick in the rendezvous or common house, the building was burned, but he escaped without injury. And now we have reached the threshold of Bradford's career, as governor of the Plymouth Colony. About the middle of April John Carver, who had been governor up to that time, died, and Bradford was chosen to succeed him. Winslow and Standish were comparatively recent members of the Pilgrim company, and Brewster was the elder, but Bradford had been a member of the church since the time of its organization in 1606, and his companions had discovered in him traits which suggested him at once as the man to take Carver's place. Before Governor Carver died he had executed a treaty with Massasoit, the aim of which was to secure peace with the Indians, and one of the first acts of Bradford was to send a mission consisting of Winslow and Hopkins to the home of the great chief to more thoroughly confirm amicable relations between the natives and the colony. In September he sent ten men in the shallop to Massachusetts to examine what is now Boston harbor, and to trade with the Indians. In November it became necessary on the arrival of the Fortune with thirty- five passengers to provide for their comfort, and to arrange for a cargo of beaver skins and clapboards for her return voyage. A more important affair, however, was to be settled before the Fortune returned, which required tact and judgment. An vmsatisfactory contract between Robert Cushman, the agent of the colonists, and the merchant adventurers in London had been drawn up before the Mayflower sailed from Southampton, which the colonists refused to sign, and the Mayflower sailed without its execution. Cushman came out in the Fortune to secure the necessary signatm-es of the colonists, and what is called a sermon dehvered by him in the "common house" was clearly a speech to induce the colonists to close the contract. He was successful in his mission, and returned to England with the contract signed. INTRODUCTION 11 The winter and early spring of 1621 must be assigned as the period when Bradford first appeared as an author. In 1622 a book was printed in London entitled A Relation or Journal of the Beginning and Proceedings of the English Planta- tion settled at Plymouth in New England, commonly called "Mourt's Relation," the chief feature of which is a journal kept by Wilham Bradford from the date of the departure of the Mayflower from old Plymouth on Wednesday, September 6, 1620, to Friday, March 23, on which day John Carver was chosen governor. The other contents of the book are a letter from John Robinson, written at the time of the departure of the Mayflower from England, four narratives of missions to Massasoit, to Nauset, to Nemasket and to Massachusetts; a letter from Edward Winslow, probably to George Morton, dated Plymouth in New England, December 11, 1621, and a statement by Robert Cushman on the lawfulness of moving out of England. It contains also a letter from R. G. to his much respected friend, Mr. J. P., dated Plymouth, in New England, and a notice to the reader, signed G. Mourt. The paging be- gins with the journal, and runs through seventy-two pages. Inasmuch as Bradford was its chief author, I will attempt to clear up some of the mystery which has heretofore sur- roimded this interesting and valuable book. It has been assumed by former writers that the journal, the four narratives and the letter of Winslow were sent to England by the hand of Robert Cushman, who came out and returned in the Fortune, and were pubMshed by George Morton, who signed himself G. Mourt. I ventvire, however, to suggest that the journal of Bradford was sent to England by the Mayflower, which sailed on April 5, and not by the Fortune. This suggestion is strengthened by the probabiKty that Bradford would wish to improve the first opportunity to send to friends in England an account of the voyage of the Mayflower, and of the incidents occurring since her arrival. Another conjecture naturally fol- lows, that the narratives of the visits to Massasoit and to 12 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION Massachusetts, which bear internal evidence of having been written by Winslow, together with his letter, were sent to George Morton by the Fortune, while the Nauset and Nemasket narratives, written probably by Richard Gardhier and some other author, were sent to John Pierce, a friend of the Pilgrims, and later were delivered to Morton. The assumption of Dr. Yoimg, approved by Dr. Dexter and other writers, that the mitials R. G. attached to the letter to J. P., were a misprint for R. C, and that Robert Cushman was the author, will not bear a close investigation. It is argued in its support that the author could not have been Richard Gardiner, who was the only Mayflower passenger with the initials R. G., because, first, he was an humble member of the colony who would not have referred to the other narra- tives in the book, includmg those of Bradford and Winslow, as "writ by the several actors themselves, after their plain and rude manner . . . better acquainted with planting than writing"; secondly, that his feeble interest in the colony is shown by the fact that he did not remain there long enough to share in the division of lands in the spring of 1624 ; and thirdly, that Bradford says in his history that Gardiner became a seaman, and died in England or at sea. The answers to these arguments are, first, the presimiption that there was no misprint; secondly, that Gardiner's place at the end of Bradford's Ust of passengers was naturally among those having no famiUes, and not necessarily because he was among the less conspicuous, and further, that (as above sug- gested) the journal of Bradford had been sent by the Mayflower, while the narratives and letter written by Winslow were not those referred to by Gardiner, having been inclosed directly to George Morton, but were the narratives of himself and another of visits to Nauset and Nemasket; thirdly, that Gardiner did share in the division of lands in 1624, receiving one acre on the south side of the brook, and may have been a valued member of the colony five or six years, and that the fact that he became INTRODUCTION 13 a seaman (not necessarily a mere sailor) does not prove his unfit- ness as a writer, and finally, the letter in question clearly shows that its author must have been one of the Mayflower passengers.' It must be remembered that the Fortune was captured on her way home by a French man-of-war, and that the official complaints =* against the outrages perpetrated by the master of the ship contained the specification "that he sent for all their letters; opened and kept what he pleased; especially, though he was much intreated to the contrary, a letter written by the Governor of om- Colony in New England, containing a general relation of all matters there." This relation, written by Bradford as governor, was probably a continuation of that which, according to my theory, was sent by him, not yet gov- ernor, on the Mayflower. Its existence and loss confirm my theory, and lead to the further suggestion that some of the narratives sent to John Pierce, may have been also stolen. » The letter of R. G. was as follows: "To his much respected friend Mr. J. P. Good friend: As we cannot but account it an extraordinary blessing of God in directing our course for these parts, after we came out of our native country, for that we had the happiness to be possessed of the comforts we receive by the benefit of one of the most pleasant, most healthful and most fruitful parts of the world, so must we acknowledge the same blessing to be multiplied upon our whole Com- pany for that we obtained the honor to receive allowance and approbation of our free possession and enjoying thereof, under the authority of those thrice honored persons, the President and Council for the Affairs of New England; by whose bounty and grace in that behalf all of us are tied to dedicate our best service unto them, as those under His Majesty that we owe it unto, whose noble endeavors in these their actions the God of Heaven and earth multiply to his glory and their own eternal comforts. "As for this poor Relation, I pray you to accept it, as being writ by the several actors themselves after their plain and rude manner. Therefore doubt nothing of the truth thereof. If it be defective in any thing, it is their ignorance that are better acquainted with planting than writing. If it satisfy those that are well affected to the business, it is all I care for. Siure I am the place we are in, and the hopes that are apparent cannot but sufiSce any that will not desire more then enough. Neither is there want of aught among us but company, to enjoy the blessings so plentifully bestowed upon the inhabitants that are here. While I was a writing this, I had almost forgot that I had but the recommendation of the Relation itseLF to your further consideration, and therefore I will end without saying more, save that I shall always rest, Yours in the way of Friendship, R. G." " See list of complaints in Arber, p. 507. 14 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION Of this valuable book only seven copies of the first edition are extant as far as I know, six of which are in the hbraries of Harvard College, Yale College, the Lenox Library, the Library Company of Philadelphia, the Pilgrim Society of Plymouth, and the British Museum. The seventh is in a private hbrary. The following entire or partial reprints of Mourt's Relation have been pubUshed. In 1624 an abstract was printed by John Smith in his Generall Historie; in 1625 it was pubhshed in a condensed form in the Pilgrims of Piu-chas, and in 1802 in the same form in the Collections of the Massa- chusetts Historical Society. The portion omitted by Purchas was printed in the above collections in 1822. In 1841 Rev. Dr. Alexander Yoimg printed the whole work in a book entitled Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers. In 1848 Rev. George B. Cheever pubhshed the whole, and in 1865 Rev. Dr. Henry M. Dexter pubhshed a literal reprint. In 1897 Edward Arber pubhshed the entire book in London in his Story of the Pilgrim Fathers. The above suggestion which I have ventured to make concerning a book which is the more valuable because it is the foundation stone of American hteratiire, the first book written by permanent American citizens, is submitted to future writers on Pilgrim history for their reconsideration of the statements of Young and Dexter, and others, with some degree of confidence that it will be finally accepted as the only one which clears up the mystery which has heretofore surrounded the book. WilUam Bradford was chosen governor in 1621, and every year thereafter imtil 1657, except 1633, 1636 and 1644, when Edward Winslow was chosen, and 1634 and 1638, when Thomas Prence was chosen^ To his faithful and judicious administra- tion of affairs it cannot be doubted that the survival and permanent estabhshment of the Plymouth Colony were mainly due. On August 14, 1623, he married Alice, daughter of Alexander Carpenter and widow of Edward Southworth, who INTRODUCTION 15 came in the Anne in July of that year. By his first wife he had a son, John, bom in Leyden, who, coming over at some time later than 1620, lived at various times in Duxbury, Marshfield and Norwich, in which latter place he died childless in 1678. By his second wife he had WilUam, bom in 1624, who died in 1704, Mercy, bom before 1627, who married Benjamin Ver- mayes, and Joseph, 1630, who died in 1715. Governor Bradford owned at various . times considerable tracts of land in Plymouth, among which may be mentioned a house and lot on the comer of Main Street and Town Square, and a house and lot near Stony Brook, in that part of Plymouth which was incorporated as Kingston, in 1726, in both of which he at various times made his home. The History of Plymouth Plantation begun by Governor Bradford about the year 1630/ and coming down to 1648, has a value which it is impossible to exaggerate. Without it the history of the Plymouth Colony, now so complete, would have been, so far as its early years are concemed, involved in mystery. In a note written by him, found among papers in his pocket-book, he said soon after 1626 "it was God's marvel- lous Providence that we were able to wade through things as will better appear if God give me Ufe and opportimity to handle them more particularly in another treatise more at large as I desire and purpose (if God permit) with many other things in a better order." The manuscript had an eventful career.'' According to an attestation attached to it by Samuel Bradford, dated March 20, 1705, it was given by the govemor to his son William, who gave it to his son Major John Bradford, the father of Samuel. The manuscript bears also a memorandmn made by Rev. Thomas Prince, dated June 4, 1728, stating that he borrowed it from Major John Bradford, and deposited it, together with • See p. 28, post. ' See Justin Winsor, "Govemor Bradford's Manuscnpt History of Plymouth Plantation and Its Transmission to Our Times," in the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, XIX. 106-122. 16 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION Governor Bradford's letter-book, in the New England Library in the tower of the Old South Church in Boston. When Prince died in 1758 he gave his Ubrary to the church. While in the possession of Wilham, the son of the governor, the manuscript was used by Nathaniel Morton in the preparation of the New England's Memorial, pubUshed in 1669, and it is known that later it was used by Prince in his Chronological History of New England, by Hubbard in his History of New England, and by Hutchinson in 1767 in his History of Massachusetts Bay. It is not improbable that it was in Hutchinson's pos- session when, adhering to the crown, he left the country, and that in some way before his death in Brompton, near London, in June, 1780, it reached the Library of the Bishop of London at Fulham, where it was discovered in 1855. Samuel Wilber- force. Bishop of Oxford, published in 1844 a history of the Protestant Episcopal Church in America, in the first edition of which he referred to a manuscript history of the plantation of Plymouth, which was recognized by John Wingate Thornton of Boston, and Rev. J. S. Barry, the author of a history of Massachusetts, as probably the long-lost history of Bradford. A copy was at once secured by the Massachusetts Historical Society, and ably edited by the late Charles Deane of Cam- bridge, was pubhshed in their Collections in 1856. Governor Bradford's letter-book and pocket-book were also deposited in the New England Library in the tower of the Old South Church. The former was found in Hahfax after the Revolution in a mutilated condition, and pubhshed in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, first series,in. 27. The fragment of the letter-book which was recovered begms with the 339th page, and contains about thirty letters and original copies of one letter from Bradford to Robert Cushman, two to Ferdinando Gorges, two to the Council for New England, and three to the government of New Nether- lands. The pocket-book, which was seen by Prince m 1736, contained a register of deaths from that of Wm. Butten on INTRODUCTION 17 board the Mayflower, November 6, 1620, to the end of March, 1621. It is irretrievably lost. The manuscript of the history, after a copy had been secured in 1855, reposed in the Fulham Library until 1897, when after several ineffectual attempts to recover it a renewed effort was made by a formal petition signed by Roger Wolcott, governor of Massachusetts, and others, and filed in the reg- istry of the consistorial and episcopal court of London, by Thomas F. Bayard, the American Ambassador to the Court of St. James, requesting the deUvery of the manuscript to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. On April 12, 1897, a decree was issued, formally surrendering the manuscript to Mr. Bayard in behalf of the. State, and its dehvery to the governor of Massachusetts by Mr. Bayard was celebrated in a convention of the two houses of the legislature on May 26, 1897, where ad- dresses were made by Senator George F. Hoar, who had been especially active in the recovery of the manuscript, by Mr. Bayard, and by Governor Roger Wolcott. The manuscript is now deposited in the Massachusetts State Library, protected by a fire-proof safe, and is daily exhibited under glass to visitors. A photographic fac-simile of the manuscript was printed in London in 1896, with an introduction by the late John A. Doyle. Besides the two above-mentioned repubUcations the State of Massachusetts pubUsh^d it in 1898 in connection with a report of the proceedings incident to the dehvery of the manuscript. In the same volume with the history but forming no part of it, are eight pages of Hebrew roots and quotations with explanations in Enghsh, a reference to which, illustrating as they do the scholarly habits of the author, ought not to be omitted. By way of preface to these pages Bradford wrote, "Though I am growne aged, yet I have had a longing desu'e, to see with my own eyes, something of that most ancient language, and holy tongue, in which the Law, and oracles of God were write; and in which God, and angels, spake to the holy patriarks, of old time; and 18 HISTORY OP PLYMOUTH PLANTATION what names were given to things, from the creation. And though I cannot attaine to much herein, yet I am refreshed, to have seen some glimpse hereof; (as Moses saw the Land of canan afarr of). My aime and desire is, to see how the words, and phrases lye in the holy texte; and to dicerne somewhat of the same for my owne contente." Besides the literary productions of Governor Bradford above mentioned, he left some poetical Hnes referred to in his will, and others to be found in the Davis edition of Morton's New England's Memorial, p. 264, and in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, first series, IIL 77, and third series, VII. 27. The lines contained in the former volume, about four hundred in nimiber, written apparently after the death of John Cotton, which occurred in 1652, are interesting as throwing light on the condition of the Plymouth Colony thirty years after its settlement. He also wrote a dialogue entitled, A Dialogue or the Sum of a Conference between Some Young Men horn in New England and Sundry Ancient Men that came out of Holland and Old England, written in 1648, and printed for the first time in Dr. Young's Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers in 1841. In 1855 it was again pubhshed in full by the Congregational Board of Pub- hcation in a voliraie containing also Morton's New England's Memorial. It may be properly stated here that there is in the cabinet of the Pilgrim Society at Plymouth an original letter from Governor Bradford to Governor Winthrop, dated 1643- 1644. Another of his letters, of 1623, recently discovered in the PubUc Record Office in London, is printed in the American Historical Review, VIII. 295-301. It is unnecessary to refer to those incidents in Bradford's life which are fully described in his history, but such as need elucidation will be further treated in suitable annotations. Mather says in speaking of his death, "at length he fell into an indisposition of body which rendered him unhealthy for a whole winter [1656-1657], and as the Spring advanced his health yet more dechned. ... He died May 9th, 1657, hi the INTRODUCTION 19 69th [or rather 68th] year of his age; lamented by all the Colonies of New England as a common Blessing and Father to them all," He was probably buried on the Plymouth Burial Hill. There is a family tradition that his son WilHam on his death- bed expressed a wish to be buried by the side of his father. In 1835 a modest marble obehsk was erected over his supposed grave adjoining the graves of his sons William and Joseph, and in excavating for its foundation rehcs of an ancient grave were found. It is not certain whether he died in his house on the corner of Main Street and Town Square in Plymouth, or in his house near Stony Brook in what is now Kingston, but the inventory' of his estate leads to the conclusion that his residence was in the latter place at the time of his death.^ William T. Davis. • While it is unnecessary to print the entire inventory of Governor Brad- ford's estate, a judicious selection from its contents will throw light on the per- sonal life of the governor, and on the habits and custbms of the Plymouth Colony. Among the articles mentioned are twelve chairs, three carpets, parts of an armor, seventeen sheets, seventy-nine napkins, ninety-odd poimds of pewter, seven porringers, four dozen trenchers, a cloth cloak, clothing including two suits with silver buttons, thirteen silver spoons, two silver beer-bowls, two silver wine-cups, and a case of six knives. There are no buckles, watch, carriage, looking-glass, forks, china or lamps. The value of the entire inventory was one thousand and five pounds and two shillings. ' For modem reading in Pilgrim history, the student may turn to J. A. Goodwin, The Pilgrim Republic (Boston, 1888), to Rev. John Brown, The PH- grim Fathers of New England (London and New York, 1895), to Arber's book mentioned in previous footnotes, to Dr. Azel Ames's The May-Flower and Her Log (Boston, 1901), to Rev. Morton Dexter's The England and Holland of the Pilgrims (Boston, 1905), and to W. T. Davis's Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth (Boston, 1899), HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION' And first of ihe occasion and indusments ther unto; the which that I may truly unfould, I must begine at th &^very roote and rise of the same. The which I shall endevor £'lmnefest in a pUine stile , with singuler regard unto the simple trueth in all things, at least as near a s my slen d &r judgmmte can attaine the sam^. 1. Chapter It is well knowne iinto the godly and judicious, how ever since the first breaking out of the lighte of the gospell in our Honourable Nation of England, (which was the first of nations whom the Lord adorned ther with, affter that grosse darknes of popery which had covered and overspred the Christian worled,) what warrs and opposissions ever since, Satan hath raised, maintained, and continued against the Saincts, from time to time, in one sorte or other. Some times by bloody death and cruell torments; other whiles imprisonments, i banishments, and other hard usages; as being loath his king- dom should goe downe, the trueth prevaile, andj^e chiuches of God reverte to their anciente puritie, and recover their primative order, hbertie, and hewtiej But when he cot;iId n ot prevaile by these means, aga inst the maine trueths of tfie^ gospell, but that they 13egan to take rootting in many places, being watered with the blooud of the martires, and blessed from heaven with a gracious encrease; HgJJtieaJaeg^ne^ ' The exact title which Bradford gave to his book, as may be seen from our fac-simile of the first page, is "Of Pliiooth Plantation." The manuscript sign m, is intended for, and is properly represented in print by, mm, and in Brad- ford's text we shall print the name "Plimmoth." But it seems better to use, for title-page and headings, the conventional title, History of Plymouth Planta- tion, by which the book is commonly known. 23 24 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1554 to take him to M.s„ancieni a.j^:^Sgmg§Uielof old against 'tlie first Christians^ That when by the bloody andlmrbarous persecutions of the Heathen Emperours, he could not stoppe and subuerte the course of the gospell, but that it speedily overspred with a wounderfuU celeritie the then best known parts of the world, He then begane to sow errours, heresies, and wounderfuU dissentions amongst the profess ours-them lelves, (working upon tKeir'^dJand ambition, with other corfupfe^assions incidente to all mortall men, yea to the saints them selves in some measure,) by which wofuU effects followed; as not only bitter contentionsT'aM'ii^tburnings, ■^*iSTII5Sr-mr'mEenTomBF"cS^ tooke occasion and a^an^^genEESr^TcTfoyst in a nmnoCT of vile ceremoneys, with many unproffitable cannons and decrees, which have since been as snares to many poore and peaceable souls even to this day. So as in the anciente times, the perse- cutions by the heathen and their Emperours, was not greater then of the Christians one against other; the Arians and other their comphces against the orthodoxe and true Christians. As witneseth Socrates in his 2. booke. His words are these;' The violence truly (saith he) was no less than that of ould prac- tised towards the Christians when they were compelled and drawne to sacrifice to idoles; for many indured sundrie kinds of tormente, often rackings, and dismembering of their joynts; confiscating of ther goods; some bereaved of their native soyle; others departed this life under the hands of the tormentor; and some died in banishmente, and never saw ther cuntrie againe, etc. The like methode Satan hath seemed to hold in these later times, since the trueth begane to springe and spread after the great defection made by Antichrist, that man of sinne. For to let pass the infinite examples in sundrie nations and severall places of the world, and instance in our owne, when as that old serpente could not prevaile by those firie ' "Lib. 2 Chap. 22." (Note by Bradford, referring to the Church Hilary of Socrates Scholasticus.) 1554] THE PILGRIMS IN ENGLAND 25 flames and other his cruell tragedies, which he by his instru- ments put in ure' every wher in the days of queene Mary and before, he then begane an other kind of warre, and went more closely to worke; not only to oppuggenJ^but_e.Y£aJ.-t© ruinate and destroy the kingdom of Christ, by mQre,se.firete,and subtile means, by kindling the flames of contention and sowing the seeds of discorde^nd bitter enmitie amongst tEe. protEgssors 'ffidseMimg'' reformed them selves. For when he could not pre?Sifei3]r' the former means against the principall doctrins of faith, he bente his force against the holy discipline and outward regimente of the kingdom of Christ, by which those holy doctrines should be conserved, and true pietie maintained ama9.gg§0&essaints and people of God. Mr. Foxe jecordeth how that besids those worthy martires anSTioirfSgsors which were burned in queene Marys days and otherwise tormented,^ many (both studients and others) fled out of the land, to the number of 800. And became severall congregations. At Wesell, Frankford, Bassill, Emden, Mark- jmrge, Strausborugh,^ and Geneva, etc. Amongst whom (but especialy those at Frankford) begane that bitter warr of con- tention and persecution aboute the ceremonies, and servise- booke, and other popish and antichristian stuffe, the plague of England to this day, which are like the highplases in Israeli, which the prophets cried out against, and were their ruine; which the better parte sought, according to the puritie of the gospell, to roote out and utterly to abandon. And the other parte (under veiled pretences) for their ouwn ends and advanc- ments, sought as stifly to continue, maintaine, and defend. As appeareth by the discourse therof pubhshedin printe, An°:1575; a booke that deserves better to be knowne and considered.' 1 Use. ' Oppugn, attack. '"ActsandMon: pag. 1587. editi: 2." (Note by Bradford.) The refer- ence is to John Fox's Acts and Monuments of the Christian Church, commonly called "Fox's Book of Martyrs." 'Marburg, Strassburg. ^ This book is entitled A Brieff Discours off the Troubles hegmne at Franck- ford in Germany, anno Domini 1554, printed in 1575, and probably written by William Whittingham, afterward dean of Durham. 26 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1554 The one side laboured to have the right worship of God and disciphne of Christ estabhshed in the church, according to the simphcitie of the gospell, wit h out tJi a .Tni x ta^^ i^ens inventions, and to have and to be ruled by the laws of Gods wordTdi^ensed in those offices, and by those officers of Pastors, Teachers, and Elders, etc. according to the Scripturs/ The other partie, though under many colours and pretences, en- devored to have the episcopall dignitie (affter the popish manner) with their large power and jurisdiction still retamed; with all those courts, cannons, and ceremOttie^, togeather with all such Uvings^ revenues, and subordinate offifeers, with other such means as formerly upheld their antichristian greatnes, and enabled them with lord^afldJaS^o^JBgf er to perse- cute the poore servants of God. This contention was so great, as neither the honour of God, the commone persecution, nor the mediation of Mr. Calvin and other worthies of the Lord in those places, could prevaile with those thus episcopally minded, ^b«t4hey proceeded by all means to disturbe the peace of tMgr ]goorjgeragiSulifi4..£laMj:ph, even so farr as to charge (very uhjustly, and ungodlily, yet prelatelike) some of their cheefe opposers, with rebelhon and hightreason against the Emperour,^ and other such crimes. 'Vf^ And this contention dye d not with queene Mary, nor was left beyonde the seas, but at her death these people returning into England under gracious queene Elizabeth, many of ' Authorities differ so much concerning pastors, tesEchers and elders in the Congregational churches that it is difficult to define their functions and duties. Indeed each church seems to have had rules of its own concerning them. Accord- ing to the Cambridge Platform the pastor attended to exhortation; taught the word of God; prayed for the flock; administered the communion, and visited the sick. The teacher attended to the doctrine and was an assistant of the pastor. The duty of the elder was to call the church together, to prepare matters for church meetings, to act as moderator and guide and lead in church meetingSj and in the absence of the pastor to preach. The church in Salem never had an elder, and Thomas Faimce, who died in 1745, was the last elder of the Plymouth church. After his death the office of elder was obsolete. ^The accusation was made at Frankfort in 1555 against John Knox, by some partisan of Richard Cox, in the course of the struggle between the twq parties. 1558-1603] THE PILGRIMS IN ENGLAND 27 them being preferred to bishopricks and other promotions, according to their aimes and desires, that inveterate hatered against the holy disciphne of Christ in his church hath con- tinued to this day. In somuch that for fear it should pre- veile, all plotts and devices have been used to keepe it out, incensing the queene and state against it as dangerous for the common wealth; and that it was most needfuU that the fundamentall poynts of Religion should be preached in those ignorante and superstitious times; and to winne the weake and ignorante, they might retains diverse harmles ceremoneis; and though it were to be wished that diverse things were reformed, yet this was not a season for it. And many the like, to stop the mouthes of the more godly, to bring them over to veeld to one ceremoney after another, and oa^ co^ "nmtion; a fter anoth er: by these wyles begyleing some-Tam "BSPFBjting others till at length they begane to persecute all the zealous professors in the land (though they knew little what this disciphne mente) both by word and deed, if they would not submitte to their ceremonies, and become slaves to them and their popish trash, which have no groimd m the word of God, but are relikes of that man of sine. ..And-fche more the Ught of the gospell grew, ihe more they urged their subscriptions to these corruptions. So as (notwithstanding all their former pretences and fair colures) they whose eyes God had not justly blinded might easily see wherto these things tended. And to cast contempte the more upon the sincere servants of God, they opprobriously and most injuri- ously gave imto, and imposed upon them, that name of Puri- tans, which [it] is said the Novatians out of prid did assume and take unto themselves.' And lamentable it is to see the effects which have followed. Religion hath been disgraced, the godly greeved, afflicted, persecuted, and many exiled, sundrie have lost their lives in prisones and otherways. On "'Eus: lib: 6. Chap. 42." (Note by Bradford, referring to the £cciesio«our Saviour) shall be rooted up. Mat : 15. 13.' I have snared the, and thou art taken, O Babell (Bishops), and thou wast not aware; thou art found, and also caught, because thou hast striven against the Lord. Jer. 50. 24. But will they needs strive against the truth, against the servants of God; what, and against the Lord him selfe? Doe they provoke the Lord to anger? Are they stronger than he? l.Cor: 10.22. No, no, they have mete with their match. Behold, I come unto thee, O proud man, saith the Lord God of hosts; for thy day is come, even the time that I will visite the. Jer : 50. 31. May not the people of God now say (and these pore people among the rest), '"Pag. 421." (Bradford, referring to William Perkins's sermon, A Faith- full and Plaine Exposition upon the first twoVerses of the 2. Chapter of Zephaniah, reprinted in his Workes, of which there are many editions. The passage quoted occurs on p. 421 of the third volume of the edition of 1613.) ' A note of the author at this place, written subsequent to this portion of the narrative, on the reverse of page 3 of his History. ' All these and subsequent passages are quoted from the Geneva version of the Bible. 1558-1603] THE PILGRIMS IN ENGLAND 29 The Lord hath brought forth our righteousnes; come, let us declare in Sion the work of the Lord our God. Jer: 51. 10. Let all flesh be still before the Lord; for he is raised up out of his holy place. Zach : 2. 13. In this case, these poore people may say (among the thousands of Israll), When the Lord brougt againe the captivite of Zion, we were like them that dreame. Psa : 126. 1. The Lord hath done greate things for us, wherof we rejoyce. v. 3. They that sow in teares, shall reap in joye. They wente weeping, and carried precious seede, hut they shall retume with joye, and bring their sheaves, v. 5, 6. _Doej2iuiaJuio»»s«e«'^^ ot,*^liSS^__tt!a|Jiave„s^ witneses^^df___the_same, and |;^ee Me handful! amongst the rest^ the least amongest the,^tlLftjis£iys^of Israll? You "have not only ""had a seede tmie, but many of you have scene the joyefull harvest; shgjjld.ypu not T Een^']oygg,--y^a7-aTia'"agaIne 're;ioYce.^ HaUelu-iahr salvation, and glone, and honour, and power, be to the Lord our God; for true and righteous are his judgments. Rev. 19. 1, 2. But thou wilte aske whatis,thg.^^atert»-What.js. done 2 . Why, .art thou astrangsEjtt-IsialljJJiatJthou- *h0^^ ? Are not those Jebusites overcome that have vexed the people of Israll so long, even holding Jerusalem till Davids days, and been as thorns in their sids, so many ages; and now begane to scorne that any David should meadle with them; they begane to fortifie their tower, as that of the old Babelonians; but those proud Anakimes are throwne downe, and their glory laid in the dust. The tiranous bishops are ejected, their courts dissolved, their cannons forceless, their servise casheired, their ceremonies uselese and despised; their plots for popery prevented, and all their superstitions discarded and returned to Roome from whence they came, and the monuments of idolatrie rooted out of the land. And the proud and profane suporters, and cruell defenders of these (as bloody papists and wicked athists, and their malignante consorts) marvelously over throwne. jj\.nd are no tJheaP gTpgta tViiTiny?__Whn can^denej[_it? But who hath done it ? Who, even he that siteth on the white horse, who is caled faithfull, and true, and judgeth and fighteth righteously. Rev : 19. 11. whose garments are dipte in blood, and his name was caled the word of God, v. 13. for he shall rule them with a rode of iron; for it is he that treadeth the winepress of the f eircenes and wrath of God al- mighty. Arid he hath upon his garmente, and upon his thigh, a name writen. The King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, v. 15, 16. Hallelu-iah. Anno Dom : 1646. 30 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1603 But that I may come more near my intendmente; when as by the travell and dihgence of some godly and zealous preachers, and Gods blessing on their labours, as in other places of the land, so in the North parts, many became in- hghtened by the word of God, and had their ignorance and sins discovered imto them, and begane by his grace to reforme their lives, and make conscience of their wayes, the worke of- God was no sooner manifest in them, but presently they were both scoffed and scorned by the prophane multitude, and the ministers urged with the yoak of subscription, or els must be silenced; and the poore people were so vexed with apparators, and piu^uants,' and the comissarie courts, as truly their affliction was not smale; which, notwithstanding, they bore simdrie years with much patience, till they were occasioned (by the continuance and encrease of these troubls, and other means which the Lord raised up in those days) to see further into things by the hght of the word of God. How not only these base and beggerly ceremonies were imlawfull, but also that the lordly and tiranous power of the prelats ought not to be submitted unto; which thus, contrary to the freedome of the gospell, would load and burden mens con- sciences, and by their compulsive power make a prophane mixture of persons and things in the worship of God. And that their offices and calings, comi;s and cannons, etc. were unlawfull and antichristian; being such as have no warranto in the word of God; but the same that were used in poperie, and still retained. Of which a famous author thus writeth in his Dutch com[men]taries.^ At the coming of king James into England; The new king (saith he) found their [there] established the reformed religion, according to the reformed religion of king Edward the 6. Retaining, or keeping still the 'Apparitors and pursuivants, oflicers of the ecclesiastical courts. = " Em: meter: lib: 25. fol. 119." (Note by Bradford.) The reference is to the Dutch history by Emanuel van Meteren, Corwmentarien ofte Memorien van den N ederlandtschen Staet, Handel, etc. (1610, etc.) The passage quoted is on fol. 472 of the edition of 1652. 1606] THE PILGRIMS IN ENGLAND 31 spirituall state of the Bishops, etc. after the ould maner, much varying and differing from the reformed churches in Scotland, France, and the Neatherlands, Embden, Geneva, etc. whose reformation is cut, or shapen much nerer the first Christian churches, as it was used in the Apostles times.^ So many therfore of these proffessors as saw the evill of these things, in thes parts, and whose harts the Lord had touched with heavenly zeale for his trueth, they shooke of this yoake of antichristian bondage, and as the Lords free people, joyned them selves (by a covenant of the Lord) into a church estate, in the felowship of the gospell, to walke in all his wayes, made known, or to be made known imto them, according to then- best endeavours, whatsoever it should cost them, the Lord assisting them. And that it cost them some- thing this ensewing historie will declare. These people became 2. distincte bodys or churches,^ and in regarde of distance of place did congregate severally; for they were of sundrie townes and vilages, some in Noting- amshire, some of LincoUinshire, and some of Yorkshire, wher they border nearest togeather. In one of these churches (besids others of note) was Mr John Smith, a man of able gifts, and a good preacher, who afterwards was chosen their pastor. But these afterwards falling into some errours in the Low Countries, ther (for the most part) buried them selves, and their names.' But in this other church (which must be the subjecte of '"The reformed churches shapen much nearer the primitive patteme then England, for they cashered the Bishops with al their courts, cannons, and cere- moneis, at the first; and left them amongst the popish tr. . to ch w^^ they per- tained." (Note by Bradford. The last word in the note is imcertain in the manuscript.) ''See the editor's Introduction. 'Rev. John Smyth, preacher to the city of Lincoln, became about 1606 a Separatist, and pastor of a Separatist church at Gainsborough. With it he migrated to Amsterdam in 1608. There, after various changes of doctrine and practice respecting baptism, the church divided in 1609. The majority, imder Rev. Thomas Helwys, returned to England in 1613. Smyth died in Amsterdam in 1612. The minority of the church, his adherents, became absorbed among the Mennonites and other Dutch. 32 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [l60e our discourse) besids other worthy men, was Mr. Richard Clifton/ a grave and reverend preacher, who by his paines and dilHgens had done much good, and xmder God had ben a means of the conversion of many. And also that famous and worthy man Mr. John Robinson, who afterwards was their pastor for many years, till the Lord tooke him away by death. Also Mr. William Brewster^ a reverent man, who afterwards was chosen an elder of the church and lived with them till old age. But after these things they covld not long continue in any peaceable condition, but were hunted and persecuted on every side, so as their former afHictions were but as flea- bitings in comparison of these which now came upon them." For some were taken and clapt up in prison, others had their houses besett and watcht night and day, and hardly escaped their hands; and the most were faine to flie and leave their howses and habitations, and the means of their livelehood. Yet these and many other sharper things which afterward befell them, were no other then they looked for, and therfore were the better prepared to bear them by the assistance of Gods grace and spirite. Yet seeing them selves thus molested, and that ther was no hope of their continuance ther, by a joynte consente they resolved to goe into the Low-Countries, wher they heard was freedome of Religion for all men; as also how sundrie from London, and other parts of the land, had been exiled and persecuted for the same cause, and were gone thither, and lived at Amsterdam, and in other places of the land. So affter they had continued togeither aboute a year, and kept their meetings every Saboth in one place or other, exercising the worship of God amongst them selves, notwithstanding all the dilhgence and mahce of their advers- ' Richard Clyfton was born in Normanton, Derbyshire. In 1586 he became rector of Babworth in Nottinghamshire. He afterwards became pastor of the Pilgrim church in Scrooby and went with the church to Amsterdam in 1608. He remained in Amsterdam when the church removed to Leyden, and died there May 20, 1616. 'See the Introduction. 1608] THE REMOVAL TO HOLLAND 33 saries, they seeing they could no longer continue in that condition, they resolved to get over into Holland as they could; which was in the year 1607. and 1608.; of which more at large in the next chap. 2. Chap. Of their departure into Holland and their trouhls ther ahoute, with some of the many difficulties they found and mete withalU An". 1608. Being thus constrained to leave their native soyle and - countrie, their lands and hvings, and all their freinds and famiUier acquaintance, it was much, and thought marvelous by manyTj But to goe into a coimtrie they knew not (but by hearsay^, wher they must learne a new language, and get their hvings they knew not how, it being a dear place, and subjecte to the misseries of warr,^ it was by many thought an adventure almost desperate, a case intolerable, and a misserie worse then death. Espetially seeing they were not aqiialTlted with trads'Tior traffique, (by which that coimtrie doth subsiste,) but had only been used to a plaine countrie hfe, and the inocente trade of husbandrey. But these things did not dismay them (thoiigh they did some times trouble them) for their desires were sett on the ways of God, and to injoye his -ordinances; but they rested on his providence, and knew whom they had belecved. Yet this was not all, for though they could not stay, yet were they not suffered to goe, but the ports and havens were shut against them,^ so as 'See the Introduction. "The war of Dutch independence, begun in 1567, continued till interrupted by the truce of April, 1609. " I. e., handicrafts. *The ports were not closed especially against the Pilgrims, but, under a royal proclamation, emigrants to Virginia, their presumed destination, were for- bidden to embark without a royal license. 34 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1608 they were faine to seeke secrete means of conveance, and to bribe and fee the mariners, and give exterordinarie rates for their passages. And yet were they often times betrayed (many of them), and both they and their goods intercepted and surprised, and therby put to great trouble and charge, of which I will give an instance or tow, and omitte the rest. Ther was a large companie of them purposed to get pas- sage at Boston in Lincoln-shire, and for that end had hired a shipe wholy to them selves, and made agreement with the maister to be ready at a certaine day, and take them and their goods in, at a conveniente place, wher they accordingly would all attende in readines. So after long waiting, and large expences, though he kepte not day with them, yet he came at length and tooke them in, in the night. But when he had them and their goods abord, he betrayed them, haveing before hand complotted with the serchers and other officers so to doe; who tooke them, and put them into open boats, and ther rifled and ransaked them, searching them to their shirts for money, yea even the women furder then became modestie; and then caried them back into the towne, and made them a spectackle and wonder to the multitude, which came flocking on all sids to behould them. Being thus first, by the chatch-poule' officers, rifled, and stripte of their money, books, and much other goods, they were presented to the magestrates, and messengers sente to informe the lords of the Counsell of them; and so they were commited to ward. Indeed the magestrats used them courteously, and shewed them what favour they could; but could not dehver them, till order came from the Counsell-table. But the issue was that after a months imprisonmente, the greatest parte were dismiste, and sent to the places from whence they came; but 7. of the principall ^ were still kept in prison, and bound over to the Assises. ' Catchpole. " William Brewster was one of them. 1608] THE REMOVAL TO HOLLAND 35 The nexte spring after, ther was another attempte made by some of these and others, to get over at an other place. And it so fell out, that they hght of a Dutchman at Hull, having a ship of his owne belonging to Zealand; they made agreemente with him, and acquainted him with their condi- tion, hoping to find more faithfullnes in him, then in the former of their owne nation. He bad them not fear, for he would doe well enough. He was by appointment to take them in betweene Grimsbe and Hull, wher was a large commone a good way distante from any towne. Now aganst the prefixed time, the women and children, with the goods, were sent to the place in a small barke, which they had hired for that end ; and the men were to meete them by land. But it so fell out, that they were ther a day before the shipe came, and the sea being rough, and the women very sicke, prevailed with the seamen to put into a creeke hardby, wher they lay on ground at lowwater. The nexte morning the shipe came, but they were fast, and could not stir till aboute noone.- In the mean time, the shipe maister, perceiving how the matter was, sente his boate to be 'getting the men abord whom he saw ready, walking aboute the shore. But after the first boat full was gott abord, and she was ready to goe for more, the m''^ espied a greate company, both horse and foote, with bills, and gunes, and other weapons; for the countrie was raised to take them. The Dutch-man seeing that, swore his countries oath, "sacremente," and having the wind faire, waiged his Ancor, hoysed sayles, and away. But the poore men which were gott abord,^ were in great distress for their wives and children, which they saw thus to be taken, and were left destitute of their helps; and them selves also, not having a cloath to shifte them with, more then they had on their baks, and some scarce a peney aboute them, all they had bemg abord the barke. It drew tears from their eyes, and any thing they had they would have given to have > Master, ' William Bradford was one of those on board the vessel. 36 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1608 been a shore againe; but all in vaine, ther was no rem- edy, they must thus sadly part. And afterward endured a fearfull storme at sea, being 14. days or more before they arived at their porte, in 7. wherof they neither saw jon, moone, nor stars, and were driven near the coast of Norway; the mariners them selves often despairing of hfe; and once with shriks and cries gave over all, as if the ship had been foundred in the sea, and they sinking without recoverie. But when mans hope and helpe wholy failed, the Lords power and mercie appeared in ther recoverie; for the ship rose againe, and gave the mariners courage againe to manage her. And if modestie woud suffer me, I might declare with what fervente prajres they cried unto the Lord in this great distres, (espetialy some of them,) even without any great distraction, when the water rane into their mouthes and ears; and the mariners cried out. We sinke, we sinke ; they cried (if not with mirake- lous, yet with a great hight or degree of devine faith). Yet Lord thou canst save, yet Lord thou canst save; with shuch other expressions as I will forbeare. Upon which the ship did not only recover, but shortly after the violence of the storme begane to abate, and the Lord filed their afflicted minds with shuch comforts as every one cannot understand, and in the end brought them to their desired Haven, wher the people came flockeing admiring their deliverance, the storme hav- ing ben so longe and sore, in which much hurt had been don, as the masters freinds related imto him in their congrat- tulations. But to returne to the others wher we left. The rest of the men that were in greatest danger, made shift to escape away before the troope could surprise them; those only stay- ing that best might, to be assistante unto the women. But pitiful! it was to see the heavie case of these poore women in this distress; what weeping and crying on every side, some for their husbands, that were caried away in the ship as is before related; others not knowing what should become of 1608] THE REMOVAL TO HOLLAND 37 them, and their Utle ones; others againe melted in teares, seeing their poore Utle ones hanging aboute them, crying for feare, and quaking with could. Being thus aprehended, they were hurried from one place to another, and from one justice to another, till in the ende they knew not what to doe with them; for to imprison so many women and innocent children for no other cause (many of them) but that they must goe with their husbands, semed to be imreasonable and all would crie out of them ; and to send them home againe was as difficult, for they aledged, as the trueth was, they had no homes to goe to, for they had either sould, or otherwise disposed of their houses and livings. To be shorte, after they had been thus turmolyed a good while, and conveyed from one constable to another, they were glad to be ridd of them in the end upon any termes; for all were wearied and tired with them. Though in the mean time they (poore soules) indured miserie enough; and thus in the end necessitie forste a way for them. But that I be not tediou s i n these things , I will omitte the rest, though 1 might relate many otEeTnotable passages and troubles which they endured and imderwente in these their wanderings and tra veils both at land and sea; but I hast to other things. Yet I may not omitte the fruite that came hearby, for by these so publick troubls, in so many eminente places, their cause became famouss, and occasioned many to looke into the same; and then- godly cariage and Christian behaviour was such as left a deep impression in the minds of many. And though some few shrimk at these first conflicts and sharp beginings, (as it was no marvell,) yet many more came on with fresh courage, and greatly ani- mated others. And in the end, notwithstanding all these stormes of oppossition, they all gatt over at length, some at one time and some at an other, and some in one place and some in an other, and mette togeather againe according to their desires, with no small rejoycing. 38 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1608 The 3. Chapter Of their selling in Holand, and their maner of living, and enter- tainmente ther. Being now come into the Low Countries, they saw many goodly and fortified cities, strongly walled and garded with troopes of armed men. Also they heard a strange and vin- couth language, and beheld the differente manners and cus- tomes of the people, with their strange fashons and attires; all so farre differing from that of their plaine countrie villages (wherin they were bred, and had so longe Uved) as it seemed they were come into a new world. But these were not the things they much looked on, or long tooke up their thoughts; for they had other work in hand, and an other kind of wan- to wage and maintaine. For though they saw faire and bewtifull cities, flowing with abundance of all sorts of welth and riches, yet it was not longe before they saw the grimme and grisly face of povertie coming upon them like an armed man, with whom they must bukle and incoimter, and from whom they could not flye; but they were armed with faith and patience against him, and all his encounters ; and though they were sometimes foyled, yet by Gods assistance they prevailed and got the victorie. Now when Mr. Robinson, Mr. Brewster, and other prin- cipall members were come over, (for they were of the last, and stayed to help the weakest over before them,) such things were thought on as were necessarie for their setling and best ordering of the church affairs. And when they had hved at Amsterdam aboute a year, Mr. Robinson, their pastor, and some others of best discerning, seeing how Mr. John Smith and his companie was allready fallen in to contention with the church that was ther before them,' and no means 'A Separatist church, of which Francis Johnson was pastor and Heniy Ainsworth teacher, was already in Amsterdam when John Smith with his congre- gation arrived, and it was the contention between Smith and Johnson to which 1609-1617] THE PILGRIMS IN HOLLAND 39 they could use would doe any good to cure the same, and also that the flames of contention were Uke to breake out in that anciente church it selfe (as affterwards lamentably came to pass) ; which things they prudently foreseeing, thought it was best to remove, before they were any way engaged with the same; though they well knew it would be much to the prejudice of their outward estats, both at presente and in hcklyhood in the future; as indeed it proved to be. Their remoovall to Leyden. For these and some other reasons they removed to Ley- den, a fair and bewtifull citie, and of a sweete situation, but made more famous by the universitie wherwith it is adorned, in which of late had been so many learned men. But wanting that traffike by sea which Amsterdam injoyes, it was not so beneficiall for their outward means of living and estats. But being now hear pitchet they fell to such trads and implojmaents as they best could;' valewing peace and their spirituall com- forte above any other riches whatsoever. And at lenght they came to raise a competente and comforteable hving, but with hard and continuall labor. Being thus setled (after many difficulties) they continued many years in a comfortable condition, injoying much sweete Bradford refers. Francis Johnson, originally preacher to the Merchants of the Staple in Middelburg, became in 1592 a Separatist, and minister of a Separatist congregation in London. He and its other leaders emigrated in 1597 to Amster- dam, and there, after many ecclesiastical disputes and vicissitudes, he died in 1618. 'William Brewster at first taught English to the students in the university of Leyden, and afterwards engaged in publishing books proscribed in England, among which were Commentarii in Proverbia Salomonis (1617), by Thomas Cartwright with a preface by Polyander, Grevinchovius on the Arminian contro- versy (1617), A Confutation of the Rhemists' Translation of the New Testament (1618) by Thomas Cartwright, a treatise in Latin De Vera et Genuina Jesu Christi Religione (1618), and other works. Those books published by him in 1617 have his imprint, but in consequence of efforts to suppress his work his imprint was omitted in books printed at a later date. William Bradford became a fustian-maker, Robert Cushman and William White wool-carders, Samuel Fuller and Stephen Tracy silk-makers, John Jenney a brewer, Edward Winslow a printer, and Degory Priest a hatter. 40 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1609-1617 and delightefuU societie and spirituall comforte togeather in the wayes of God, under the able ministrie, and prudente govemmente of Mr. John Robinson, and Mr. William Brewster, who was an assistante imto him in the place of an Elder, unto which he was now called and chosen by the church. So as they grew in knowledge and other gifts and graces of the spirite of God, and hved togeather in peace, and love, and holines; and many came unto them from diverse parts of England, so as they grew a great congregation. And if at any time any differences arose, or offences broak out (as it cannot be, but some time ther will, even amongst the best of men) they were ever so mete with, and nipt in the head betims, or otherwise so well composed, as still love, peace, and communion was continued; or els the church purged of those that were incurable and incorrigible, when, after much patience used, no other means would serve, which seldom came to pass. Yea such was the mutuall love, and reciprocall respecte that this worthy man had to his flocke, and his flocke to him, that it might be said of them as it once was of that famouse Emperour Marcus AureUous,^ and the people of Rome, that it was hard to judge wheather he delighted more in haveing shuch a people, or they in haveing such a pastor. His love was greate towards them, and his care was all ways bente for their best good, both for soule and body; for besids his singuler abilities in devine things (wherin he excelled), he was also very able to give directions in civill affaires, and to foresee dangers and inconveniences; by which means he was very helpfull to their outward estats, and so was every way as a commone father unto them. And none did more offend him then those that were close and cleaving to them selves, and retired from the commone good; as also such as would be stiffe and riged in matters of outward order, and invey '"Goulden booke, etc." (Note by Bradford.) The book to which he refers, known in its English translations as "The Golden Book of the Emperor Marcus Aurehus," was in reahty a, Spanish romance, written by Antonio de Guevara, bishop of Mondonedo, and published in 1629. 1609-1617] THE PILGRIMS IN HOLLAND 41 against the evills of others, and yet be remisse in them selves, and not so careful! to express a vertuous conversation. They in like maner had ever a reverente regard unto him, and had him in precious estimation, as his worth and wisdom did deserve; and though they esteemed him highly whilst he hved and laboured amongst them, yet much more after his death,^ when they came to feele the wante of his help, and saw (by woefuU experience) what a treasure they had lost, to the greef e of their harts, and wounding of their sowls ; yea such a loss as they saw could not be repaired; for it was as hard for them to find such another leader and feeder in all respects, as for the Taborits to find another Ziska.^ And though they did not call themselves orphans, as the other did, after his death, yet they had cause as much to lamente, in another regard, their present condition, and after usage. But to retume ; I know not but it may be spoken to the honour of God, and without prejudice to any, that such was the true pietie, the humble zeale, and fervent love, of this people (whilst they thus Uved together) towards God and his waies, and the single hartednes and sinceir affection one towards another, that they came as near the primative patterne of the first churches, as any other church of these later times have done, according to their ranke and qualitie. But seeing it is not my purpose to treat of the severall passages that befell this people whilst they thus lived in the Low Countries, (which might worthily require a large treatise of it selfe,) but to make way to shew the begining of this plantation, which is that I aime at; yet because some of their adversaries did, upon the rumore of their removall, cast out slanders against them, as if that state had been wearie of them, and had rather driven them out (as the heathen historians did faine of Moyses and the Isralits when they went out of » John Robinson died in Leyden, March 1, 1624/5. 2 John Ziska was the invincible leader of the Taborites or Hussites of Bohemia, in the fifteenth century. 42 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1609-1617 Egipte), then that it was their owne free choyse and motion, I will therfore mention a perticuler or too to shew the contrary, and the good acceptation they had in the place wher they lived. And first though many of them weer poore, yet ther was none so poore, but if they were known to be of that con- gregation, the Dutch (either bakers or others) wodd trust them in any reasonable matter when they wanted money. Because they had found by experience how carfull they were to keep their word, and saw them so painfull and dilhgente in their callings; yea, they would strive to gett their custome, and to imploy them above others, in their worke, for theu- honestie and diligence. Againe; the magistrats of the citie, aboute the time of their coming away, or a Utle before, in the publick place of justice, gave this comendable testemoney of them, in the reproofe of the Wallons,^ who were of the French church in that citie. These Enghsh, said they, have lived amongst us now this 12. years, and yet we never had any sute or accusation came against any of them; but your strifs and quarels are continuall, etc. In these times allso were the great troubls raised by the Ar- minians,^ who, as they greatly moUested the whole state, so this citie in particuler, in which was the cheefe universitie; so as ther were dayly and bote disputs in the schooles ther aboute; and as the studients and other lerned were devided in their op- pinions hearin, so were the 2. proffessors or devinitie readers them selves ; the one daly teaching for it, the other against it. Which grew to that pass, that few of the discipls of the one ' The Walloons inhabited the Belgic border of France and spoke French. Owing to persecution many of them who were Protestants moved into Holland. Esther, the wife of Francis Cooke, was a Walloon, and so it is supposed was William Mullens or Mollines, who came in the Mayflower, while Philip Delano or De La Noye, who came in the Fortune in 1621, was "born of French parents." ^ Jacobus Arminius, professor of theology in the University of Leyden from 1603 to his death in 1609, had taught a doctrine of grace opposed to the strictest Calvinism. His successor, Simon Episeopius, and on the other side the other divinity professor, Johannes Polyander, maintained the controversy with warmth. Robinson's views were Calvinistic. 1609-1617] THE PILGRIMS IN HOLLAND 43 would hear the other teach. But Mr. Robinson, though he taught thrise a weeke him selfe, and write sundrie books,"- be- sids his manyfould pains otherwise, yet he went constantly to hear ther readings, and heard the one as well as th& other;. by which means he was so well grounded in the controversie, and saw the force of all their arguments, and knew the shifts of the adversarie, and being him selfe very able, none was fitter to buckle with them then him selfe, as appered by sundrie disputs; so as he begane to be terrible to the Arminians; which made Episcopius (the Arminian professor) to put forth his best stringth, and set forth sundrie Theses, which by publick dis- pute he would defend against all men. Now Poliander the other proffessor, and the cheefe preachers of the citie, desired Mr. Robinson to dispute against him; but he was loath, being a stranger; yet the other did importune him, and tould him that such was the abilitie and nimblnes of the adversarie, that the truth would suffer if he did not help them. So as he con- descended, and prepared him selfe against the time; and when the day came, the Lord did so help him to defend the truth and foyle this adversarie, as he put him to an apparent nonplus, in this great and publike audience. And the hke he did a 2. or 3. time, upon such like occasions. The which as it caused many to praise God that the trueth had so famous victory, so it pro- cured him much honour and respecte from those lemed men and others which loved the trueth. Yea, so farr were they from being weary of him and his people, or desiring theu- ab- sence, as it was said by some, of no mean note, that were.it not for giveing offence to the state of England, they would have preferd him otherwise if he would, and alowd them some pub- ' Robinson lived near the university. The following works written by him were published at the appended dates: A Justification of Separation from the Church of England (1610); Apologia BrowniMarum (1619); Defence of the Doctrine propounded by the Synode at Dort (1624); Essayes, or Observations Divine and Morall (1625). Bradford's copy of the first named is still extant. A copy of the first edition of the last named, which is very rare, has been recently bought by the Pilgrim Society of Plymouth. Robinson's works in three volumes were reprinted in 1851. 44 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1609-1617 like favour. Yea when ther was speech of their remoovall into these parts, sundrie of note and eminencie of that nation would have had them come under them, and for that end made them large offers. Now though I might aledg many other perticulers and examples of the like kinde, to shew the untruth and un- Ucklyhode of this slander, yet these shall suffice, seeing it was beleeved of few, being only raised by the mahce of some, who laboured their disgrace. The 4. Chap. Showing the reasons and causes of their remoovall. After they had hved in this citie about some 11. or 12. years, (which is the more observable being the whole time of that famose truce ^ between that state and the Spaniards,) and sundrie of them were taken away by death, and many others begane to be well striken in years, the grave mistris Experience haveing taught them many things, those prudent governours with sundrie of the sagest members begane both deeply to apprehend their present dangers^ and wisely to fore- see the future, and thinke of timly remedy. In the agitation of their thoughts, and much discours of things hear aboute, at length they began to incline to this conclusion, of remoovall to some other place. Not out of any newfanglednes, or other such like giddie humor, by which men are oftentimes trans- ported to their great hurt and danger, but for sundrie weightie and sohd reasons; some of the cheefe of which I will hear briefly touch. And first, they saw and foimd by experience the hardnes of the place and countrie to be such, as few in comparison would come to them, and fewer that would bide it out, and continew with them. For many that came to them, and many more that desired to be with them, could not endure that great labor and hard fare, with other inconveniences which they underwent and were contented with. But though they 'This truce, signed April 9, 1609, was to expire in 1621. 1609-1617] THE REASONS FOR REMOVAL 45 loved their persons, approved their cause, and honoured their sufferings, yet they left them as it weer weeping, as Orpah did her mother in law Naomie, or as those Romans did Cato in Utica, who desired to be excused and borne with, though they could not all be Catoes. For many, though they desired to injoye the ordinances of God in their puritie, and the hbertie of the gospell with them, yet, alass, they admitted of bondage, with danger of conscience, rather than to indure these hard- ships; yea, some preferred and chose the prisons in England, rather then this hbertie in Holland, with these afflictions. But it was thought that if a better and easier place of Uving could be had, it would draw many, and take away these discourag- ments. Yea, their pastor would often say, that many of those who both wrote and preached now against them, if they were in a place wher they might have libertie and live comfortably, they would then practise as they did. 2'y- They saw that though the people generally bore all these difficulties very cherfuUy, and with a resolute courage, being in the best and strength of their years, yet old age began to steale o n ma ny -of them, (and their great and continuall labours, with other crosses and sorrows, hastened it before the time,) so as it was not only probably thought, but apparently seen, that within a few years more they would be in danger to scatter, by necessities pressing them, or sinke imder their burdens, or both. And therfore according to the devine proverb, that a wise man seeth the plague when it cometh, and hideth him selfe. Pro. 22. 3., so they like skillfull and beaten* souldiers were fearfull either to be intrapped or sur- rounded by their enimies, so as they should neither be able to "fight nor flie; and therfor thought it better to dislodge be- times to some place of better advantage and less danger, if any such could be foimd. Thirdly; as necessitie was a task- master over them, so they were forced to be such, not only to their :^ervants, but in a sorte, to their dearest children; the '7. e., hardened, experienced. 46 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1609-1617 which as it did not a litle wound the tender harts of many a loving father and mother, so it produced^Jikwise snndrie sad and sorowful effects. For many of their"|hildren, that were of best dispositions and gracious inclinations, haveing lemde to bear the yoake in their youth, and willing to bear parte of their parents burden, were, often times, so oppressed with their heyie labours, that though their minds were free mST wiHing, yet their bodies bowed under the weight of the same, and became decreped in their early youth; the vigor of nature being consumed in the very budd as it were. But that which was more lamentable, and of all sorowes most heavie to be borne, was that many of their children, by these occasions, and the great hcentiousness of youth in that countrie, and the manifold temptations of the place, were drawneaway by ev ill examples into extra vagante and dangerous courses, getting the Taihes off their neks, and departing from their parents. Some became souldiers, others tooke upon them farr viages by sea, and other some worse courses, tending to dissolutnes and the danger of their soules, to the great greefe of their parents and dishonour of God. So that they saw their posteritie would be in danger to degenerate and be corrupted. Lastly, (and which was not least), a greaj^hope and in- ward zeall they had of laying some good foundation, or at least to make some way therunto, for the propagating and^ advancing the gospell of the kingdom of Christ m those re- mote parts of the world; yea, though they should be but even as stepping-stones unto others for the performing of so great a work. These, and some other like reasons, moved them to imder- take this resolution of their removall; the which they after- ward prosecuted with so great difficulties, as by the sequel! will appeare. The place they had thoughts on was some of those vast and unpeopled countries of America, which are frutfull and fitt for habitation, being devoyd of all civill inhabitants, wher 1609-1617] THE REASONS FOR REMOVAL 47 ther are only salvage and brutish men, which range up and downe, litle otherwise then the wild beasts of the same. This proposition bemg made publike and coming to the scaning of all, it raised many variable opinions amongst men, and caused many fears and doubts amongst them selves. Some, from their reasons and hops conceived, laboured to stirr up and in- courage the rest to undertake and prosecute the same; others, againe, out of their fears, objected against it, and sought to diverte from it, aledging many things, and those neither un- reasonable nor improbable; as that it was a great designe, and subjecte to many unconceivable perills and dangers; as, besids the casulties of the seas (which none can be freed from) the length of the vioage was such, as the weake bodys of women and other persons wome out with age and traville (as many of them were) could never be able to endure. And yet if they should, the miseries of the land which they should be exposed unto, would be to hard to be borne; and lickly, some or all of them togeither, to consume and utterly to ruinate them. 'For ther they should be hable to famine, and naked- nes, and the wante, in a maner, of all things. The chang of aire, diate, and drinking of water, would infecte their bodies -^ with sore sickneses, and greevous diseases. And also those which should escape or overcome these difficulties, should yett be in continuall danger of the salvage people, who are cruell, barbarous, and most trecherous, being most furious in their rage, and merciles wher they overcome; not being contente only to kill, and take away Ufe, but dehght to tormente men in the most bloodie manner that may be; fleaing' some alive with the shells of fishes, cutting of the members and jojoits of others by peesmeale, and broiling on the coles, eate the collops of their flesh in their sight whilst they live; with other cruel- ties horrible to be related. And surely it could not be thought but the very hearing of these things could not but move the very bowels of men to grate within them, and make the weake 'Flaying. 48 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1609-1617 to quake and tremble. It was furder objected, that it would require greater summes of money to furnish such a voiage, and to fitt them with necessaries, then their consumed estats would amounte too; and yett they must as well looke to be seconded with supphes,' as presently to be transported. Also many presidents of ill success, and lamentable misseries befalne others in the like designes, were easie to be foimd, and not forgotten to bealedgedjbesids their owne experience, in their former troubles and hardships in their removall into Holand, and how hard a thing it was for them to live in that strange place, though it was a neighbour countrie, and a civill and rich comone wealth. It was answered, that all great and honourable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and must be both enterprised and overcome with answerable courages. It was granted the dangers were great, but not desperate; the diffi- culties were many, but not invincible. For though their were many of them likly, yet they were not cartaine; it might be sundrie of the things feared might never befale; others by providente care and the use of good means, might in a great measure be prevented; and all of them, through the help of God, by fortitude and patience, might either be borne, or overcome. True it was, that such atempts were not to be made and undertaken without good ground and reason; not rashly or hghtly as many have done for curiositie or hope of gaine, etc. But their condition was not ordinarie; their ends were good and honourable; their calling lawfuU, and ur- gente; and therfore they might expecte the blessing of God in their proceding. Yea, though they should loose their Hves in this action, yet might they have comforte in the same, and their endeavors would be honourable. They hved hear but as men in exile, and in a poore condition; and as great miseries might possibly befale them in this place, for the 12. years of truce were now ^ out, and ther was nothing but beating of '/. e., reinforcements. * The truce between the Dutch and Spain would end in April, 1621. 1617] THE PREPARATIONS FOR REMOVAL 49 drumes, and preparing for warr, the events wherof are allway uncertaine. The Spaniard might prove as cruell as the salvages of America, and the famine and pestelence as sore hear as ther, and then- hbertie less to looke out for remedie. After many other perticuler things answered and aledged on both sids, it was fully concluded by the major parte, to put this designe in execution, and to prosecute it by the best means they could. The 5. Chap. Shewing what means they used for preparation to this waightie vioag. And first after thir htimble praiers tmto God for his direction and assistance, and a generall conferrence held hear aboute, they consulted what perticuler place to pitch upon, and prepare for. Some (and none of the meanest) had thoughts and were emest for Guiana, or some of those fertill places in those hott cUmats; others were for some parts of Virginia, wher the EngUsh had all ready made enterance, and begining. Those for Guiana aledged that the cuntrie was rich, frutfull, and blessed with a perpetuaU spring, and a florishing greenes;* where vigorous nature brought forth all things in abundance and plentie without any great labour or art of man. So as it must needs make the inhabitants rich, seing less provisions of clothing and other things would serve, then in more coulder and less frutfull coimtries must be had. As also that the Span- iards (having much more then they could possess) had not yet planted there, nor any where very near the same.^ But to this it was answered, that out of question the countrie was both frutfull and pleasante, and might yeeld riches and main- ' Greenness. " Though the contrary view was sometimes maintained at the time of the Venezuela-Guiana boundary controversy, it was shown in the report of the American commission (vol. I., pp. 37-56) that up to 1648, at least, Spain had no settlements on that coast, south of the Orinoco. Several English attempts to eettle in the region had been recently made. 50 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1617 tenance to the possessors, more easily then the other; yet, other things considered, it would not be so fitt for them. And first, that such hott countries are subject to greevuos diseases, and many noysome impediments, which other more temperate places are freer from, and would not so well agree with our EngUsh bodys. Againe, if they should ther hve, and doe well, the jealous Spaniard would never suffer them long, but would displante or overthrow them, as he did the French in Florida,' who were seated furder from his richest countries; and the sooner because they should have none to protect them, and their owne strength would be too smale to resiste so potent an enemie, and so neare a neighbor. On the other hand, for Virginia it was objected, that if they lived among the English which wear ther planted, or so near them as to be under their goverment, they should be in as great danger to be troubled and persecuted for the cause of reUgion, as if they lived in England, and it might be worse. And if they Uved too farr of, they should neither have succour, nor defence from them. But at length the conclusion was, to live as a distincte body by them selves, under the generall Goverment of Virginia; and by their freinds to sue to his majestie that he would be pleased to grant them freedome of Religion; and that this might be obtained, they wear putt in good hope by some great persons, of good ranke and quaUtie, that were made their freinds. Whereupon 2. were chosen and sent in to England (at the charge of the rest) to solUcite this matter, who found the Virginia Company^ very desirous to have them goe thither, and wilMng to grante them a patent, with as ample priviliges as they had, or could grant to any, and to give them the best furderance they could. And some of the cheefe of that com- ' The reference is to the destruction of the Huguenots at Port Royal by Menendez in 1565. " On April 10, 1606, King James I. instituted two Virginia companies, of which the southern, or London Company, was authorized to make settlements on that part of the Atlantic coast extending from the 34th to the 41st degree of 1617] THE PREPARATIONS FOR REMOVAL .'51 pany douted not to obtaine their suite of the king for hberty in ReUgion, and to have it confirmed under the kings broad seale, according to their desires. But it prooved a harder peece of worke then they tooke it for; for though many means were used to bring it aboute, yet it could not be effected; for ther were diverse of good worth laboured with the king to obtaine it, (amongst whom was one of his cheefe secretaries,)* and some other wrought with the archbishop^ to give way therunto; but it proved all in vaine. Yet thus farr they prevailed, in soimding his majesties mind, that he would connive at them, and not molest them, provided they carried them selves peaca- bly. But to allow or tolerate them by his pubUck authoritie, under his seale, they fovind it would not be. And this was all the cheefe of the Virginia companie or any other of their best freinds could doe in the case. Yet they perswaded them to goe on, for they presumed they should not be troubled. And with this answer the messengers returned, and signified what diligence had bene used, and to what issue things were come. But this made a dampe in the busines, and caused some distraction, for many were afraid that if they should unsetle them selves, and put of their estates, and goe upon these hopes, it might prove dangerous, and but a sandie foundation. Yea, it was thought they might better have presiuned hear upon without makeing any suite at all, then,' haveing made it, to be thus rejected. But some of the cheefest thought other wise, and that they might well proceede hereupon, and that the kings majestie was willing enough to suffer them without molestation, though for other reasons he would not confirme it by any publick acte. And furdermore, if ther was no north latitude, the northern company on that part between the 38th and the 45th. The first patent or grant issued to the Pilgrims came from the southern company, commonly now called the Virginia Company, but this was not used and another, issued by the Council for New England, successor of the northern company, was brought over in the Fortune in November, 1621. • " Sr Robert Nanton." (Bradford.) 'George Abbot, archbishop of Canterbury 1611-1633. '"Then" for "than." 52 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1617 securitie in this promise intimated, ther would be no great certainty in a furder confirmation of the same; for if after wards ther should be a purpose or desire to wrong them, though they had a seale as broad as the house flore, it would not serve the turne; for ther would be means enew found to recall or reverse it. Seeing therfore the course was probable, they must rest herein on Gods providence, as they had done in other things. Upon this resolution, other messengers were dispatched, to end with the Virginia Company asiwell as they could. And to procure a patent with as good and kmple conditions as they might by any good means obtaineii As also to treate and conclude with such merchants and otner freinds as had mani- fested their forwardnes to provoke too and adventure in this vioage. For which end they had instructions given them upon what conditions they should proceed with them, or els to conclude nothing without further advice. And here it will be requisite to inserte a letter or too that may give hght to these proceedings. A coppie of leter from Sr: Edwin Sands, directed to Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster. After my hartie salutations. The agents of your congregation, Robert Cushman* and John Carver,^ have been in communication with ' Robert Cushman was born in England about 1580, but precisely when he joined the Leyden church is not known. He was an active and efficient agent of the church at various times in England and assented to a contract with the merchant adventurers which was so unsatisfactory to the Pilgrim company that they sailed without signing it. He came out in the Fortune in 1621, and delivered in Plymouth an address commonly called a sermon, urging the colonists to close the contract. After successfully accomplishing his mission he returned in the Fortune, and died in England in 1625. He brought with him to Plymouth his son Thomas, fourteen years of age, who was educated by Governor Bradford and succeeded Brewster as the elder of the Plymouth church. Soon after his return to England Robert Cushman published (1622) his "sermon," accompanied by a vindication of the colonial enterprise and an appeal for a Christiap. mission to the American Indians. ' Little is known of John Carver except that he was a deacon of the Leyden church and one of the agents of the church to obtain if possible a charter from the king, and to negotiate with the Virginia Company for a grant of lands, and with 1617] THE PREPARATIONS FOR REMOVAL 53 diverse selecte gentlemen of his Majesties Counsell for Virginia; and by the writing of 7. Articles subscribed with your names/ have given them that good degree of satisfaction, which hath caried them on with a resolu- tion to sett forward your desire in the best sorte that may be, for your owne and the publick good. Divers perticulers wherof we leave to their faithfull reporte; having carried them selves heere with that good discre- tion, as is both to their owne and their credite from whence they came.^ And wheras being to treate for a multitude of people, they have requested further time to conferr with them that are to be interessed in this action, aboute the severall particularities which in the prosecution thereof will fall out considerable, it hath been very willingly assented too. And so they doe now returne unto you. If therfore it may please God so to directe your desires as that on your parts ther fall out no just impediments, I trust by the same direction it shall likewise appear, that on our parte, all forwardnes to set you forward shall be found in the best sorte which with reason may be expected. And. so I betake you with this designe (which I hope verily is the worke of God), to the gracious protection and blessing of the Highest. London, Novbr: 12. Your very loving freind An": 1617. Edwin Sandys.' the merchant adventurers of London for transportation and supplies for the colony. The language of the letter dated July 27, 1620, which Robinson wrote to Carver, while the Mayflower lay at Southampton (p. 83, -post) makes the conjecture plausible that Katherine, the wife of Carver, may have been Robinson's sister. Carver was made governor of the Mayflower company and, after the compact was signed in the cabin of that ship after her arrival at Cape Cod harbor, he was confirmed in that office. He was one of the eighteen who landed on Ply- mouth Rock December 11, O. S., and on April 1, 1621, he negotiated a treaty with Massasoit. He died, probably of apoplexy, early in April. ' The manuscript of the Seven Articles, signed by Robinson and Brewster, is in the Public Record Office in London. The articles, expressing the assent of the Leyden church to the Thirty-nine Articles of 1562, their desire to keep spiritual communion with the members of the Church of England, and their acknowledgment of the royal supremacy and of the authority of the bishops, may be found printed in the History of Plymouth by William T. Davis, p. 13, and in Goodwin's Pilgrim Republic, p. 41. ' I. e., for their own credit and that of those from whom they came. ' Sir Edwin Sandys was the son of Edwin Sandys, archbishop of York, and was bom in Worcester in 1561 and died in 1629. He was a brother of Sir Samuel Sandys under whom William Brewster occupied Scrooby manor. Sir Edwin Sandys wrote in 1599 a book entitled A Relation of the State of Religion; and with what Hopes and Polieies it hath beene framed and is maintained in the severall States of these western parts of the World. It was printed in London in 1605, and forthwith ordered by the High Commission to be burned. It is 54 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1617 Their answer was as joloweih. RighteWorP':» Our humble duties remembred, in our owne, our messengers, and our churches name, with all thankfull acknowledgmente of your singular love, expressing itselfe, as otherwise, so more spetially in your great care and earnest endeavor of our good in this weigk^tie bussines aboute Virginia, which the less able we are to requite, we shall thinke our selves the more bound to commend in our prayers unto God f6r recompence; whom, as for the presente you rightly behould in our indeavors, so shall we not be wanting on our parts (the same God assisting us) to returne all answerable fruite, and respecte unto the labour of your love bestowed upon us. We have with the best speed and consideration withall that we could, sett downe our requests in writing, subscribed, as you willed, with the hands of the greatest parte of our congregation, and have sente the same unto the Counsell by our agente, and a deacon of our church, John Carver, unto whom we have also requested a gentleman of our company to adyone^ him selfe; to the care and discretion of which two, we doe referr the prose- cuting of the bussines. Now we perswade our selves Right Wor^P' that we need not provoke your godly and loving minde to any further or more tender care of us, since you have pleased so f arr to interest us in your selfe, that, under God, above all persons and things in the world, we relye upon you, expecting the care of your love, counsell of your wisdome, and the help and countenance of your authority. Notwithstanding, for your encouragmente in the worke, so farr as probabilities may leade, we will not forbeare to mention these instances of indusmente. 1. We veryly beleeve and trust the Lord is with us, unto whom and whose service we have given our selves in many trialls ; and that he will graciously prosper our indeavours according to the simplicitie of our harts therin. 2*''. We are well weaned from the delicate milke of our mother countrie, and enured to the difficulties of a strange and hard land, which yet in a great parte we have by patience overcome. 3'^. The people are for the body of them, industrious, and frugall, we thinke we may safly say, as any company of people in the world. 4'^. We are knite togeather as a body in a most stricte and sacred therefore rare. A copy is owned by the Pilgrim Society of Plymouth, which contains on its title-page two autographs of Rev. John Robinson. Sir Edwin Sandys had now become an eminent statesman and member of Parliament, of the "country party." From the time of his election as treasurer of the Virginia Company in April, 1619, he bore a leading part in its affairs. ' Worshipful. » Adjoin. 1618] THE PREPARATIONS FOR REMOVAL 55 bond and covenante of the Lord, of the violation * wherof we make great conscience, and by vertue wherof we doe hould our selves straitly tied to all care of each others good, and of the whole by every one and so mutually. 5. Lastly, it is not with us as with other men, whom small things can discourage, or small discontentments cause to wish them selves at home againe. We knowe our entertainmente in England, and in Holand; we shall much prejudice both our arts and means by removall; who, if we should be driven to returne, we should not hope to recover our present helps and comforts, neither indeed looke ever, for our selves, to attaine unto the like in any other place during our lives, which are now drawing towards their periods. These motives we have been bould to tender unto you, which you in your wisdome may also imparte to any other our wor^P: freinds of the Counsell with you; of all whose godly dispossition and loving towards our despised persons, we are most glad, and shall not faile by all good means to continue and increase the same. We will not be further troublesome, but doe, with the renewed remembrance of our humble duties to your WorPP; and (so farr as in modestie we may be bould) to any other of our weUwiUers of the Counsell with you, we take our leaves, commiting your persons and counsels to the guidance and direction of the Almighty. Yours much bounden in all duty, Leyden, Desem: 15. John Robinson, An°: 1617. William Beewster. For fvirther light in these proceedings see some other letters and notes as foUoweth. '"O sacred bond, whilst invioUably preserved I how sweete and precious were the fruits that flowed from the same, but when this fidelity decayed, then their mine approached. O that these anciente members had not dyed, or been dissipated, (if it had been the will of God) or els that this holy care and constants faithfullnes had still lived, and remained with those that survived, and were in times afterwards added unto them. But (alass) that subtill serpente hath slylie wound in himselfe under faire pretences of necessitie and the like, to imtwiste these sacred bonds and tyes, and as it were insensibly by degrees to dissolve, or in a great measiu:e to weaken, the same. I have been happy, in my first times, to see, and with much comforte to injoye, the blessed fruits of this sweete com- munion, but it is now a parte of my miserie in old age, to find and feele the decay and wante therof (in a great measure), and with greefe and sorrow of hart to lamente and bewaile the same. And for others warning and admonnition, and my owne humiliation, doe I hear note the same." (These reflections of Brad- ford were penned at a later period, on a reverse page of his History, at this place.) 56 HISTORY OP PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1618 The coppy of a letter sent to Sr. John Worssenham} Right WorP": with due acknowledgmente of our thankfullnse for your singular care and pains in the bussines of Virginia, for our, and, we hope, the commone good, we doe remember our humble dutys unto you, and have sent inclosed, as is required, a further explanation of our judg- ments in the 3. points specified by some of his majesties Hon*"' Privie Counsell;^ and though it be greevious unto us that such unjust insinuations are made against us, yet we are most glad of the occasion of making our just purgation unto so honourable personages. The declarations we have sent inclosed, the one more breefe and generall, which we thinke the fitter to be presented; the other something more large, and in which we express some smale aecidentall differances, which if it seeme good unto you and other of our wor^' freinds, you may send in stead of the former. Our prayers unto God is, that your WorPP may see the frute of your worthy endeaours, which on our parts we shall not faile to furder by all good means in us. And so praing that you would please with the con- venientest speed that may be, to give us knowledge of the success of the bussines with his majesties Privie Counsell, and accordingly what your further pleasure is, either for our direction or furtherance in the same, ®° ^^ ^^^ Your WorPP in all duty, Leyden, Jan: 27. John Robinson, An°: 1617. old stile.^ William Brewstek. The first breefe note was this. Touching the Ecclesiasticall ministrie, namly of pastores for teaching, elders for ruling, and deacons for distributing the churches contribution, as allso for the too Sacrements, baptisme, and the Lords supper, we doe wholy and in all points agree with the French reformed churches, accord- ing to their publick confession of faith.^ The oath of Supremacie we shall willingly take if it be required of us, and that conveniente satisfaction be not given by our taking the oath of Alleagence. ^ ^ John Rob: William Brewster. ' Sir John Wolstenholme was one of the richest merchants in London, and a prominent member of the Virginia Company. ^ The three points referred to are explained on the following page. = Englishmen at that time began the year on March 25; so the date was 1618, according to the new style. *The Confessio Gailicana, adopted by a French Reformed (or Huguenot) synod in 1559. 1618] THE PREPARATIONS FOR REMOVAL 57 Ths 2. was this. Touching the Ecclesiasticall ministrie, etc. as in the former, we agree in all things with the French reformed churches, according to their publick confession of faith; though some small differences be to be found in our practises, not at all in the substance of the things, but only in some accidentall circumstances. 1. As first, their ministers doe pray with their heads covered; ours uncovered. 2. We chose none for Governing Elders but such as are able to teach; which abilitie they doe not require. 3. Their elders and deacons are annuall, or at most for 2. or 3. years; ours perpetuall. 4. Our elders doe administer their ofiice in admonitions and ex- communications for publick scandals, publickly and before the congrega- tion; theirs more privately, and in their consistories. 5. We doe administer baptisme only to such infants as wherof the one parente, at the least, is of some church, which some of ther churches doe not observe; though in it our practice accords with their publick con- fession and the judgmente of the most larned amongst them. Other differences, worthy mentioning, we know none in these points. Then aboute the oath, as in the former. Subscribed, John R. W. B. Part of another letter from him that delivered these. London. Feb: 14. 1617.' Your letter to Sr. John Worstenholme I delivered albnost as soone as I had it, to his owne hands, and staid with him the opening and reading. Ther were 2. papers inclosed, he read them to him selfe, as also the letter, and in the reading he spake to me and said, Who shall make them? viz. the ministers; I answered his Wor^P that the power of making was in the church, to be ordained by the unposition of hands, by the fittest instru- ments they had. It must either be in the church or from the pope, and the pope is Antichrist. Ho! said Sr. John, what the pope houlds good, (as in the Trinitie,) that we doe well to assente too; but, said he, we will not enter into dispute now. And as for your letters he would not show them at any hand, least he should spoyle all. He expected you should have been of the archbp minde for the calling of ministers, but it seems you 'According to the new style the date was 1618. 58 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1618 differed. I could have wished to have known the contents of your tow inclosed, at which he stuck so much, espetially the larger. I asked his WorP what good news he had for me to write to morrow. He tould me very good news, for both the kings majestie and the bishops have con- sented. He said he would goe to Mr. Chancelor, Sr. Fulk Grivell,' as this day, and nexte weeke I should know more. I mett Sr. Edw. Sands on Wedensday night; he wished me to be at the Virginia Courte' the nexte Wedensday, wher I purpose to be. Thus loath to be troubl- some at present, I hope to have somewhate nexte week of certentie concerning you. I committee you to the Lord. Yours, S. B.' These things being long in agitation, and messengers passing too and againe aboute them, after all their hopes they were long delayed by many rubs that fell in the way; for at the retume of these messengers into England they found things farr otherwise then they expected. For the Vkginia Counsell was now so disturbed with factions and quarrels amongst them selves, as no bussines could well goe forward. The which may the betteragg ear in one ofj themessengers letters astoBbweth. To his loving freinds, etc. I had thought long since to have write unto you, but could not effecte that which I aimed at, neither can yet sett things as I wished; yet, not- withstanding, I doubt not but Mr. B.* hath writen to Mr. Robinson. But I thinke my selfe bound also to doe something, least I be thought to neglecte you. The maine hinderance of our proseedings in the Virginia bussines, is the dissentions and factions, as they terme it, amongs the Counsell and Company of Virginia; which are such, as that ever since we came up no busines could by them be dispatched. The occasion of 'Sir Fulke Greville (Lord Brooke) was born in Warwickshire in 1554 and studied at Cambridge. He was knighted in 1597, was a member of Parliament and in 1615 was made imder-treasurer and chancellor of the exchequer. In 1621 he became Baron Brooke and died in London in 1628. He wrote a £i/e of Sir Philip Sidney, his intimate friend, poems, two tragedies and other works. ^By Virginia court is meant the regular meeting of the Virginia Company, occurring on February 18, 1617/8. 'S. B. were probably fictitious initials standing for Sabin Staresmore. Prince has a note upon this: "In Govt. Bradford's Collection of Letters, this letter is more large, and subscribed Sabine Staresmore." One of that name was a member of a Separatist body in London, and afterward of Robinson's congregation in Leyden. ' Brewster. 1618] THE PREPARATIONS FOR REMOVAL 59 this trouble amongst them is, for that a while since Sr. Thomas Smith, repining at his many offices and troubls, wished the Company of Virginia to ease him of his office in being Treasurer and Gover'. of the Virginia Company.^ Whereupon the Company tooke occasion to dismisse him, and chose Sr. Edwin Sands Treasurer and Gover^ of the Company. He having 60. voyces, Sr. John Worstenholme 16. voices, and Alderman Johnsone 24. But Sr. Thomas Smith, when he saw some parte of his honour lost, was very angrie, and raised a faction to cavill and contend aboute the election, and sought to taxe Sr. Edwin with many things that might both disgrace him, and allso put him by his office of Governour. In which contentions they yet stick, and are not fit nor readie to intermedle m any bussines; and what issue things will come to we are not yet cer- taine. It is most like Sr. Edwin will carrie it away, and if he doe, things will goe well in Virginia; if otherwise, they will goe ill enough allways. We hope in some 2. or 3. Court days things will setle. Mean space I thinke to goe downe into Kente, and come up againe aboute 14. days, or 3. weeks hence; except either by these afforesaid contentions, or by the ille tidings from Virginia, we be wholy discouraged, of which tidings I am now to speake. Captaine Argoll is come home this weeke (he upon notice of the intente of the Counsell, came away before Sr. Georg Yeardley^ came ther, and so ther is no small dissention). But his tidings are ill, though his person be Wellcome. He saith Mr. Blackwells^ shipe came not ther till March, but going towards winter, they had still norwest winds, which carried them to the southward beyond their course. And the M'' of the ship and some 6. of the mariners dicing, it seemed they could not find the bay, till after long seeking and beating aboute. Mr. Blackwell is dead, and Mr. Maggner, the Captain; yea, ther are dead, he saith, 130. persons, one and other in that ship; it is said ther was in all an 180. persons in the ship, so as they were packed togeather like herings. They had amongst them the fluxe, and allso wante of fresh water; so as it is hear rather wondred • Sir Thomas Smith's request may be seen, in the records of the Virginia Company for the transactions of this very meeting, in the fac-simile presented in Early Narratives of Virginia, p. 334, in this series. Smith had had the leading part in the Virginia Company from its beginning. ' Samuel Argall was the abductor of Pocahontas, the destroyer of Port Royal in 1613, and deputy governor of Virginia from 1617 to 1619. Sir George Yeardley, governor of Vbginia 1619-1621 and 1626-1627. ' Francis Blackwell, one of the adherents of Rev. Francis Johnson in the "ancient church" at Amsterdam, seceded from him in 1618, became reconciled with the Anglican establishment, and sailed for Virginia with his followers, in September, 1618, in the William and Thomas. 60 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1618. at that so many are alive, then that so many are dead. The marchants hear say it was Mr. Blackwells faulte to pack so many in the ship; yea, and ther were great mutterings and repinings amongst them, and upbraid- ing of Mr. Blackwell, for his dealing and dispossing of them, when they saw how he had dispossed of them, and how he insulted over them. Yea, the streets at Gravsend' runge of their extreame quarrelings, crying out one of another, Thou hast brought me to this, and, I may thanke the for this. Heavie newes it is, and I would be glad to heare how farr it will discourage. I see none hear discouraged much, but rather desire to lame to beware by other mens harmes, and to amend that wherin they have failed. As we desire to serve one another in love, so take heed of being inthraled by any imperious persone, espetially if they be discerned to have an eye to them selves. It doth often trouble me to thinke that in this bussines we are all to learne and none to teach ; but better so, then to depend upon such teachers as Mr. Blackwell was. Such a strate- geme he once made for Mr. Johnson and his people at Emden,^ which was their subversion. But though he ther clenlUy (yet unhonstly) plucked his neck out of the collar, yet at last his foote is caught. Hear are no letters come, the ship captain Argole came in is yet in the west parts; all that we hear is but his report; it seemeth he came away secretly. The ship that Mr. Blackwell went in will be hear shortly. It is as Mr. Robinson once said; he thought we should hear no good of them. Mr. B. is not well at this time; whether he will come back to you or goe into the north, I yet know not. For my selfe, I hope to see an end of this bussines ere I come, though I am sorie to be thus from you; if things had gone roundly forward, I should have been with you within these 14. days. I pray God directe us, and give us that spirite which is fitting for such a bussines. Thus having summarily pointed at things which Mr. Brewster (I thinke) hath more largely write of to Mr. Robinson, I leave you to the Lords protection. Yours in all readines, etc. London, May 8. ROBAET CUSHMAN. An°: 1619. A word or tow by way of digression touching this Mr. Blackwell; he was an elder of the church at Amsterdam, a ' Gravesend, at the mouth of the Thames, from which ships from London commonly "took their departure." " Contention arose in the elder of the Separatist churches at Amsterdam, between the partisans of Rev. Francis Johnson and those of Rev. HeniyAins- worth. The burgomasters of the city awarded the meeting-house to the latter. The former then (1613) removed to Emden in East Friesland, and remained there three or four years. 1618] THE PREPARATIONS FOR REMOVAL 61 man well known of most of them. He declined from the trueth with Mr. Johnson' and the rest, and went with him when they parted assunder in that wofuU maner, which brought so great dishonour to God, scandall to the trueth, and outward ruine to them selves in this world. But I hope, notwithstanding, through the mercies of the Lord, their souls are now at rest with him in the heavens, and that they are arrived in the Haven of hapines; though some of their bodies were thus buried in the terrable seas, and others sunke under the burthen of bitter afflictions. He with some others had prepared for to goe to Virginia. And he, with sundrie godly citizens, being at a private meeting (I take it a fast) in London, being dis- covered, many of them were apprehended, wherof Mr. Black- well was one; but he so glosed with the bps,' and either dis- sembled or flatly denyed the trueth which formerly he had maintained; and not only so, but very unworthily betrayed and accused another godly man who had escaped, that so he might shp his own neck out of the collar, and to obtaine his owne freedome brought others into bonds. Wherupon he so wone the bps favour (but lost the Lord's) as he was not only dismiste, but in open courte the archbishop gave him great applause and his soUemne blessing to proseed in his vioage. But if such events follow the bps blessing, happie are they that misse the same; it is much better to keepe a good conscience and have the Lords blessing, whether in hfe or death. But see how the man thus apprehended by Mr. Blackwells means, writs to a freind of his. Right dear freind and christian brother, Mr. Carver, I salute you and yours in the Lord, etc. As for my owne presente condition, I doubt not but you well understand it ere this by our brother Maistersone,^ who should have tasted of the same cupp, had his place of residence and his person ' Bishops. ''Richard Masterson was from Sandwich, England, and was a member ot the Leyden church. He married in Leyden in 1619 Mary Goodale of Leicester and came to Plymouth in 1629, where he died in 1633. He was a deacon of the Plymouth church. 62 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1618 been as well knowne as my selfe. Some what I have written to Mr. Cushman how the matter still continues. I have petitioned twise to Mr. Sherives, and once to my Lord Cooke/ and have used such reasons to move them to pittie, that if they were not overruled by some others, I suppose I should soone gaine my libertie; as that I was a yonge man living by my credite, indebted to diverse in our citie, living at more then ordinarie charges in a close and tedious prison; besids great rents abroad, all my bussines lying still, my only servante lying lame in the countrie, my wife being also great with child. And yet no answer till the lords of his majesties Counsell gave consente. Howbeit, Mr. Blackwell, a man as deepe in this action as I, was delivered at a cheaper rate, with a great deale less adoe; yea, with an addition of the Archp: blessing. I am sorie for Mr. Blackwels weaknes, I wish it may prove no worse. But yet he and some others of them, before their going, were not sorie, but thought it was for the best that I was nominated,^ not because the Lord sanctifies evill to good, but that the action was good, yea for the best. One reason I well remember he used was, because this trouble would encrease the Virginia plantation, in that now people begane to be more generally in- clined to goe; and if he had not nomminated some such as I, he had not bene free, being it was knowne that diverse citizens besids them selves were ther. I expecte an answer shortly what they intende conscerning me; I purpose to write to some others of you, by whom you shall know the certaintie. Thus not haveing further at present to acquaint you withall, commending myselfe to your prairs, I cease, and committe you and us all to the Lord. From my chamber in Wodstreete Compter.' Your freind, and brother in bonds, Sept^ 4. An°: 1618. ^^^^^ Staeesmoee. But thus much by the way, which may be of instruction and good use. But at last, after all these things, and their long attendance, they had a patent granted them, and confirmed imder the Companies seale;'' but these devissions and distractions had 'To the sheriflEs of London and Middlesex, and to Sir Edward Coke, till lately lord chief justice. 'I. e., informed against. 'Wood Street Compter (counter) was a prison in London. *The records of the Virginia Company for May 26 and June 9, 1619, show "one Mr. Wencop, commended to the Company by the [late] Earle of Lincolne," presenting his patent for confirmation on the former date; on the latter it was ordered to be sealed. 1619] THE PREPARATIONS FOR REMOVAL 63 shaken of many of ther pretended freinds, and disappointed them of much of their hoped for and proffered means. By the advise of some freinds this pattente was not taken in the name of any of their owne, but in the name of Mr. John Wrticob (a reUgious gentleman then belonging to the Countess of Lincohne), who intended to goe vnth. them. But God so disposed as he never went, nor they ever made use of this patente/ which had cost them so much labour and charge, as by the sequell will appeare. This patente being sente over for them to veiw and consider, as also the passages aboute the propossitions between them and such marchants and freinds as should either goe or adventure with them, and espetially with those' on whom they did cheefiy depend for shipping and means, whose proffers had been large, they were requested to fitt and prepare them selves with all speed. A right e mbljing, i^maybe, onhgjanfigrtJne-thiiigaijilW^^ have toyld them selves for them, they vanish into smoke. The 6. Chap. Consceming the agreements and artickles between them, and such marchants and others as adventured moneys; with other things falling out aboute making their provissions. Upon the receite of these things by one of their messengers, they had a soUemne meeting and a day of humiUiation to seekethe Lord for his direction; and their pastor tooke this texte, 1 Sam. 23. 3, 4. And David's men said unto him, see, we be afraid hear in Judah, how much more if we come to Keilah against the host of the Phillistinesf Then David asked counsell of the Lard againe, etc. From which texte he taught many things very aptly, and befittmg ther present occasion and condition, strengthing them against their fears and perplexities, and incouraging them in the resolutions. After which they concluded both what nvunber and what persons should prepare * It was undoubtedly surrendered afterward. »" Mr, Tho; Weston, etc." (Br.) 64 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1620 them selves to goe with the first; for all that were wilhng to have gone could not gett ready for their other affairs in so shorte a time; neither if all could have been ready, had ther been means to have transported them alltogeather. Those that staled being the greater number required the pastor to stay with them; and indeede for other reasons he could not then well goe, and so it was the more easilie yeelded unto. The other then desired the elder, Mr. Brewster, to goe with them, which was also condescended unto. It was also agreed on by mutuall consente and covenante, that those that went should be an absolute church of them selves, as well as those that staid; seing in such a dangrous vioage, and a removall to such a distance, it might come to pass they should (for the body of them) never meete againe in this world ; yet with this proviso, that as any of the rest came over to them, or of the other re- turned upon occasion, they shoiild be reputed as members without any further dismission or testimoniall. It was allso promised to those that wente first, by the body of the rest, that if the Lord gave them life, and means, and opportxmitie, they would come to them as soone as they could. Aboute this time, whilst they were perplexed with the pro- seedings of the Virginia Company, and the ill news from thence aboute Mr. Blackwell and his company, and making inquirey about the hiring and buying of shiping for their vioage, some Dutchmen made them faire offers aboute goeing with them.' Also one Mr. Thomas Weston,^ a merchant of London, came to Ley den aboute the same time, (who "was well aquainted with 'This seems to dispose of the statement of Morton in New England's Memorial that Captain Jones of the Mayflower was bribed by the Dutch to keep away from New Netherland. 2 Thomas Weston, whose first deahngs with the Pilgrims are here recounted, is referred to by Cushman as one of the " adventurers," but he probably left them before 1622. He sent several vessels to New England and came himself with a colony which afterwards settled at Wessagusset (Weymouth). He was charged with fraudulent transactions by Robert Gorges, who for a time was governor- general of New England, but saved from punishment by the intercession of Governor Bradford. He died in Bristol, England, not far from 1640. 1620] THE PREPARATIONS EOR REMOVAL 65 some of them, and a furtherer of them in their former pro- seedings,) haveing much conferance with Mr. Robinson and other of the cheefe of them, perswaded them to goe on (as it seems) and not to medle with the Dutch, or too much to depend on the Virginia Company; for if that failed, if they came to res- olution, he and such marchants as were his friends (togeather with their owne means) would sett them forth; and they should make ready, and neither f eare •wante of shipping nor money; for what they wanted should be provided. And, not so much for him selfe as for the satisfing of such frends as he should procure to adventure in this bussines, they were to draw such articls of agreemente, and make such propossitions, as might the better induce his freinds to venture. Upon which (after the formere conclusion) articles were drawne and agreed unto, and were showne unto him, and approved by him; and afterwards by their messenger (Mr. John Carver) sent into England, who, togeather with Robart Cushman, were to receive the moneys and make provissione both for shiping and other things for the vioage; with this charge, not to exseede their commission, but to proseed according to the former articles. Also some were chossen to doe the like for such things as were to be prepared there; so those that weare to goe, prepared them selves with all speed, and sould of their estats and (such as were able) put in their moneys into the commone stock, which was disposed by those appointed, for the making of generall provissions. Aboute this time also they had heard, both by Mr. Weston and others, that sundrie Hon''': Lords had obtained a large grante from the king, for the more north- erly parts of that countrie, derived out of the Virginia patente, and wholy secluded from their Govermente, and to be called by another name, viz. New-England.' Unto which Mr. Weston, and ' The reference is, of course, to the famous patent of November 3, 1620, by which forty noblemen and gentlemen were constituted the Council for New England, with jurisdiction over the territory from 40° to 48° north latitude. Though it did not pass the great seal till November, the warrant for its preparation was issued in July. 66 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1620 the cheefe of them, begane to indine it was best for them to goe, as for other reasons, so cheefiy for the hope of present profits to be made by the fishing that was found in that countrie. But as in all bussineses the acting parte is most difficulte, espetially wher the worke of many agents must concurr, so it was found in this; for some of those that should have gone in England, fell of and would not goe; other marchants and freinds that had offered to adventure their moneys withdrew, and pretended many excuses. Some disliking they wente not to Guiana; others againe would adventure nothing excepte they wente to Virginia. Some againe (and those that were most reUed on) fell in utter dislike with Virginia, and would doe nothing if they wente thither. In the midds of these distractions, they of Leyden, who had put of their estats, and laid out their moneys, were brought into a greate streight, fearing what issue these things would come too ; but at length the generaUtie- was swaid to this latter opinion. But now another difficultie arose, for Mr. Weston and some other that were for this coiirse, either for their better advantage or rather for the drawing on of others, as they pretended, would have some of those conditions altered that were first agreed on at Leyden. To which the 2. agents sent from Leyden (or at least one of them who is most charged with it) did con- sente ; seeing els that all was like to be dashte, and the oppor- tunitie lost, and that they which had put of their estats and paid in their moneys were in hazard to be imdon. They pre- sumed to conclude with the marchants on those termes, in some things contrary to their order and commission, and with- out giving them notice of the same; yea, it was conceled least it should make any furder delay; which was the cause after- ward of much trouble and contention. It will be meete I here inserte these conditions, which are as foloweth. An°: 1620. July 1. 1. The adventurers and planters doe agree, that every person that 1620] THE PREPARATIONS FOR REMOVAL 67 goeth being aged 16. years and upward, be rated at lOli., and ten pounds to be accounted a single share. 2. That he that goeth in person, and fumisheth him selfe out with lOli. either in money or other provissions, be accounted as haveing 20li. in stock, and in the devission shall receive a double share. 3. The persons transported and the adventurers shall continue their joynt stock and partnership togeather, the space of 7. years, (excepte some unexpected impedimente doe cause the whole company to agree otherwise,) during which time, all profits and benifits that are gott by trade, traffick, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means of any person or persons, remaine still in the commone stock untill the division. 4. That at their comming ther, they chose out such a number of fitt persons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing upon the sea; implojdng the rest in their severall faculties upon the land; as building houses, tilling, and planting the ground, and makeing shuch commodities as shall be most usefuU for the coUonie. 5. That at the end of the 7. years, the capitall and profits, viz. the houses, lands, goods and chatles, be equally devided betwixte the ad- venturers, and planters ; which done, every man shall be free from other of them of any debt or detrimente concerning this adventure. 6. Whosoever cometh to the colonic herafter, or putteth any into the stock, shall at the ende of the 7. years be alowed proportionably to the time of his so doing. 7. He that shall carie his wife and children, or servants, shall be alowed for everie person now aged 16. years and upward, a single share in the devision, or if he provid them necessaries, a duble share, or if they be between 10. year old and 16., then 2. of them to be reconed for a person, both in transportation and devision. 8. That such children as now goe, and are under the age of ten years, have noe other shar in the devision, but 50. acers of unmanured land. 9. That such persons as die before the 7. years be expired, their executors to have their parte or sharr at the devision, proportionably to the time of their life in the coUonie. 10. That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have their meate, drink, apparell, and all provissions out of the common stock and goods of the said collonie. The cheefe and principall differences betwene these and the former conditions, stood in those 2. points; that the houses, and lands improved, espetialy gardens and home lotts should remaine imdevided wholy to the planters at the 68 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1620 7. years end. 2^^, that they should have had 2. days in a weeke for their owne private imploymente, for the more comforte of them selves and their famiUes, espetialy such as had families. ,But_because letters j.re_bx_.SQm £. wise m en^ -counted-the best^rteoThrstories, I- shall shew their greevances hereaboute by their owne letters, in which the passages of things will be more truly discerned. A letter of Mr. Robinsons to John Carver. June 14. 1620. N. Stile.' My dear freind and brother, whom with yours I alwaise remember in my best affection, and whose wellfare I shall never cease to commend to God by my best and most earnest praires. You doe throwly understand by our generall letters the estate of things hear, which indeed is very ' pitiful!; espetialy by wante of shiping, and not seeing means lickly, much less certaine, of having it provided; though withall ther be great want of money and means to doe needfull things. Mr. Pickering,^ you know before this, will not defray a peny hear; though Robart Cushman pre- sumed of I know not how many lOOli. from him, and I know not whom. Yet it seems strange that we should be put to him to receive both his and his partners adventer, and yet Mr. Weston write unto him, that in regard of it, he hath drawne upon him a lOOli. more. But ther is in this some misterie, as indeed it seems ther is in the whole course. Besids, wheras diverse are to pay in some parts of their moneys yet behinde, they refuse to doe it, till they see shiping provided, or a course taken for it. Neither doe I thinke is ther a man hear would pay any thing, if he had againe his money in his purse. You know right well we depended on Mr. Weston alone, and upon such means as he would procure for this commone bussines; and when we had in hand another course with the Dutchmen, broke it of at his motion, and upon the conditions by him shortly after propounded. He did this in his love I know, but things appeare not answerable from him hitherto. That he should have first have put in his moneys, is thought by many to have been but fitt, but that I can well excuse, he being a marchante and haveing use of it to his benefite; wheras others, if it had been in their hands, would have consumed it. But that he should not but have had either shipping ready before this time, or at ' On the back of the preceding page of manuscript Prince wrote these words: " June 14 N. S. is June 4 O. S. which is Lords Day and therefore here is doubtless a mistake." ' Edward Pickering was one of the merchant adventurers. 1620] THE PREPARATIONS FOR REMOVAL 69 least certaine means, and course, and the same knowne to- us for it, or have taken other order otherwise, cannot in my conscience be excused. I have heard that when he hath been moved in the bussines, he hath put it of from him selfe, and referred it to the others; and would come to Georg Morton,' and enquire news of him aboute things, as if he had scarce been some accessarie unto it. Wether he hath failed of some helps from others which he expected, and so be not well able to goe through with things, or whether he hath feared least you should be ready too soone and so encrease the charge of shiping above that is meete, or whether he have thought by withhoulding to put us upon straits, thinking that therby Mr. Brewer ^ and Mr. Pickering would be drawne by importunitieto doe more, or what other nlisterie is in it, we know not; but sure we are that things are not answerable to such an occasion. Mr. Weston maks himselfe mery with our endeavors about buying a ship, but we have done nothing in this but with good reason, as I am perswaded, nor yet that I know in any thing els, save in those tow; the one, that we imployed Robart Cush- man, who is known (though a good man, and of spetiall abilities in his kind yet) most unfitt to deale for other men, by reason of his singularitie, and too great indifferancie for any conditions, and for (to speak truly) that we have had nothing from him but termes and presumptions. The other, that we have so much relyed, by implicite faith as it were, upon general- ities, without seeing the perticuler course and means for so waghtie an affaire set down unto us. For shiping, Mr. Weston, it should seeme, is set upon hireing, which yet I wish he may presently effecte; but I see litle hope of help from hence if so it be. Of Mr. Brewer you know what to expecte. I doe not thinke Mr. Pickering will ingage, excepte in the course of buying, in former letters specified. Aboute the conditions, you have our reasons for our judgments of what is agreed. And let this spetially be borne in minde, that the greatest parte of the Collonie is lilce to be * George Morton had been a merchant in the city of York and probably went to Holland with the Pilgrim Church. He married in Leyden in 1612 a sister of the second wife of Governor Bradford. "Mourt's Relation," written chiefly by Bradford and Winslow, was published under his direction in 1622, prefaced by him with an address to the reader signed "G. Mourt." He came over in the Anne in 1623 with his wife and four children and died in 1624. His son Nathaniel, bom in Leyden in 1613, was secretary of the Plymouth Colony and author of New England's Memorial, published in 1669. ' Thomas Brewer was a landed proprietor of Kent and one of the merchant adventurers. He was a Separatist, a neighbor of Elder Brewster in Leyden, and a sustaining partner in his printing business, which was carried on in Brewer's garret. For the history of King James's persecution of him see Arber, Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, pp. 195-247. He was imprisoned in England from 1626 to 1640, and died in the latter year. 70 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1620 imployed constantly, not upon dressing ther perticuler land and building houses, but upon fishing, trading, etc. So as the land and house will be but a trifell for advantage to the adventurers, and yet the devission of it a great discouragmente to the planters, who would with singuler care make it comfortable with borowed houres from their sleep. The same con- sideration of commone imploymente constantly by the most is a good reason not to have the 2. dales in a weeke denyed the few planters for private use, which yet is subordinate to commone good. Consider also how much unfite that you and your liks must serve a new prentishipe of 7. years, and not a daies freedome from taske. Send me word what per- sons are to goe, who of usefull faculties, and how many, and perticulerly of every thing. I know you wante not a minde. I am sorie you have not been at London all this while, but the provLssions could not wante you. Time will suffer me to write no more; fare you and yours well allways in the Lord, in whom I rest. Yours to use, John Robinson. An other letter from sundrie of them at the same time. To their loving f reinds John Carver and Robart Cushman, these, etc. Good bretheren, after salutations, etc. We received diverse letters at the coming of Mr. Nash ' and our pilott, which is a great incouragmente unto us, and for whom we hop after times will minister occasion of prais- ing God; and indeed had you not sente him, many would have been ready to fainte and goe backe. Partly in respecte of the new conditions which have bene taken up by you, which all men are against, and partly in regard of our owne inabillitie to doe any one of those many waightie bussineses you ref err to us here. For the former wherof, wheras Robart Cushman desirs reasons for our dislike, promising therupon to alter the same, or els saing we should thinke he hath no brains, we desire him to exercise them therin, ref ering him to our pastors former reasons, and them to the censure of the godly wise. But our desires are that you will not entangle your selvs and us in any such unreasonable courses as those are, viz. that the marchants should have the halfe of mens houses and lands at the dividente; and that persons should be deprived of the 2. days in a weeke agreed upon, yea every momente of time for their owne per- ticuler; by reason wherof we cannot conceive why any should carie servants for their own help and comfort; for that we can require no more of them then all men one of another. This we have only by relation from ' Thomas Nash was one of the Leyden church but nothing more is known pf him. 1620] THE PREPARATIONS FOR REMOVAL 71 Mr. Nash, and not from any writing of your owne, and therfore hope you have not proceeded farr in so great a thing without us. But requiring you not to exseed the bounds of your commission, which was to proceed upon the things or conditions agred upon and expressed in writing (at your going over about it), we leave it, not without marveling, that your selfe, as you write, knowing how smale a thing troubleth our consultations, and how few, as you fear, understands the busnes aright, should trouble us with such matters as these are, etc. Salute Mr. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not deceived; we pray you make known our estate unto him, and if you thinke good shew him our letters, at least tell him that (under God) we much relie upon him and put our confidence in him; and, as your selves well know, that if he had not been an adventurer with us, we had not taken it in hand; presuming that if he had not scene means to accomplish it, he would not have begune it; so we hope in our extremitie he will so farr help us as our expectation be no way made frustrate concerning him. Since ther- fore, good brethren, we have plainly opened the state of things with us in this matter, you will, etc. Thus beseeching the Allmightie, who is all- sufficiente to raise us out of this depth of dificulties, to assiste us herein; raising such means by his providence and fatherly care for us, his pore children and servants, as we may with comforte behould the hand of our God for good towards us in this our bussines, which we undertake in his name and fear, we take leave and remaine Your perplexed, yet hopfull June 10. New Stille, bretheren, An°: 1620. S. F. E. W. W. B. J. A.' A tetter of Robart Cushmans to them. Brethern, I understand by letters and passagess that have come to me, that ther are great discontents, and dislike of my proceedings amongst you. Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente to beare it, as not doubting but that partly by writing, and more principally by word when we shall come togeather, I shall satisfie any reasonable man. I have been perswaded by some, espetialy this bearer, to come and clear things unto you; but as things now stand I cannot be absente one day, excepte I should hazard all the viage. Neither conceive I any great good would come of it. Take then, brethern, this as a step to give you contente. First, for your dislike of the alteration of one clause in the conditions, if you conceive it right, '"In Gov. Bradford's Collection of Letters, these subscribers are thus wrote out at length: Samuel Fot^ler, William Bradford, Isaac Allerton, Ed. Winslow." (Note by Rev. Thomas Prince.) 72 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1620 ther can be no blame lye on me at all. For the articles first brought over by John Carver vi^ere never scene of any of the adventurers hear, excepte Mr. Weston, neither did any of them like them because of that clause; nor Mr. Weston him selfe, after he had well considered it. But as at the first ther was 500/i. withdrawne by Sr. Georg Farrer and his brother upon that dislike, so all the rest would have vnthdrawne (Mr. Weston ex- cepted) if we had not altered that clause. Now whilst we at Leyden con- clude upon points, as we did, we reckoned without our host, which was not my f alte. Besids, I shewed you by a letter the equitie -of that condi- tion, and our inconveniences, which might be sett against all Mr. Rob: ' inconveniences, that without the alteration of that clause, we could neither have means to gett thither, nor supplie wherby to subsiste when we were ther. Yet notwithstanding all those reasons, which were not mine, but other mens wiser then my selfe, without answer to any one of them, here cometh over many quirimonies,^ and complaints against me, of lording it over my brethern, and making conditions fitter for theeves and bondslaves then honest men, and that of my owne head I did what I list. And at last a paper of reasons, framed against that clause in the conditions, which as they were delivered me open, so my answer is open to you all. And first, as they are no other but inconveniences, such as a man might frame 20. as great on the other side, and yet prove nor disprove nothing by them, so they misse and mistake both the very ground of the article and nature of the project. For, first, it is said, that if ther had been no divission of houses and lands, it had been better for the poors. True, and that showeth the inequalitie of the condition; we should more respecte him that ventureth both his money and his person, then him that ventureth but his person only. . 2. Consider wheraboute we are, not giveing almes, but furnishing a store house; no one shall be porer then another for 7. years, and if any be rich, none can be pore. At the least, we must not in such bussines crie, Fore, pore, mercie, mercie. Charitie hath it[s] life in wraks, not in venturs; you are by this most in a hopefuU pitie of makeing, therfore complaine not before you have need. 3. This will hinder the building of good and faire houses, contrarie to the advise of pollitiks.' A. So we would have it; our purpose is to build for the presente such houses as, if nfeed be, we may with litle greefe set a fire, and rune away by the lighte; our riches shall not be in pompe, but in strenght; if God send us riches, we will imploye them to provid more men, ships, munition, etc. You may see it amongst the best poUi- ' Robinson's. ' Querimonies, fault-findings. ' Writers upon political theory. 1620] THE PREPARATIONS FOR REMOVAL 73 tiks, that a commonwele is readier to ebe then to flow, when once fine houses and gay cloaths come up. 4. The Gove* * may prevente excess in building. A. But if it be on all men beforehand resolved on, to build mean houses, the Gove*^ laboure is spared. 5. All men are not of one condition. A. If by condition you mean wealth, you are mistaken; if you mean by condition, quaUties, then I say he that is not contente his neighbour shall have as good a house, fare, means, etc. as him selfe, is not of a good qualitie. 2'''. Such retired persons, as have an eie only to them selves, are fitter to come wher catch- ing is, then closing; and are fitter to live alone, then in any societie, either civill or religious. 6. It will be of litle value, scarce worth 5li. A. True, it may be not worth halfe 5li. If then so smale a thing will content them, why strive we thus aboute it, and give them occasion to suspecte us to be worldly and covetous ? I will not say what I have heard since these complaints came first over. 7. Our freinds with us that adventure mind not their owne profite, as did the old adventurers. A. Then they are better then we, who for a litle matter of profite are readie to draw back, and it is more apparente brethern looke too it, that make profite your maine end; repente of this, els goe not least you be like Jonas to Tarshis. 2'^. Though some of them mind not their profite, yet others doe mind it; and why not as well as we ? venturs are made by all sorts of men, and we must labour to give them all contente, if we can. 8. It will break the course of communitie, as may be showed by many reasons. A. That is but said, and I say againe, it will best foster comunion, as may be* showed by many reasons. 9. Great profite is like to be made by trucking, fishing, etc. A. As it is better for them, so for us; for halfe is ours, besids our living still upon it, and if such profite in that way come, our labour shall be the less on the land, and our houses and lands must and will be of less value. 10. Our hazard is greater then theirs. A. True, but doe they put us upon it ? doe they urge or egg us ? hath not the motion and resolution been always in our selves ? doe they any more then in seeing us resolute if we had means, help us to means upon equall termes and conditions ? If we will not goe, they are content to keep their moneys. Thus I have pointed at a way to loose those knots, which I hope you will consider seriously, and let me have no more stirre about them. ' Government. 74 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1620 Now furder, I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made; but surly this is all that I have altered, and reasons I have sent you. If you mean it of the 2. days in a week for perticuler, as some insinuate, you are deceived; you may have 3. days in a week for me if you will. And when I have spoken to the adventurers of times of working, they have said they hope we are men of discretion and conscience, and so fitte to be trusted our selves with that. But indeed the ground of our proceedings at Leyden was mistaken, and so here is nothing but tottering every day, etc. As for them of Amsterdam I had thought they would as soone have gone to Rome as with us; for our libertie is to them as ratts bane, and their riggour as bad to us as the Spanish Inquision. If any practise of mine discourage them, let them yet draw back; I will undertake they shall have their money againe presently paid hear. Or if the company thinke me to be the Jonas, let them cast me of before we goe; I shall be content to stay with good will, having but the cloaths on my back; only let us have quietnes, and no more of these clamors; full litle did I expecte these things which are now come to pass, etc. Yours, R. CUSHMAN. But whether this letter of his ever came to their hands at Leyden I well know not; I rather thinke it was staled by Mr. Carver and kept by him, forgiving offence. But this which follows was ther received; both which I thought pertenent to recite. Another of his to the aforesaid, June 11. 1620.^ Salutations, etc. I received your le[tte]r yesterday, by John Turner,^ with another the same day from Amsterdam by Mr. W. savouring of the place whenc it came. And indeed the many discouragements I find her, togeather with the demurrs and retirings ther, had made me to say, I would give up my accounts to John Carver, and at his comemg aquainte him fully with all courses, and so leave it quite, with only the pore cloaths on my back. But gathering up my selfe by further consideration, I re- solved yet to make one triall more, and to aquainte Mr. Weston with the fainted state of our bussines; and though he hath been much discontented at some thing amongst us of late, which hath made him often say that » "June 11. O. S. is Lord's day, and therefore 't is likely the Date of this Letter should be June 10, the same with the Date of the Letter following." (Note by Thomas Prince.) = John Turner came with two sons in the Mayflower; all died in the first winter. 1620] THE PREPARATIONS FOR REMOVAL 75 save for his promise, he would not meadle at all with the bussines any more, yet considering how farr we were plunged into maters, and how it stood both on our credits and undoing, at the last he gathered up him selfe a litle more, and coming to me 2. hours after, he tould me he would not yet leave it. And so advising togeather we resolved to hire a ship, and have tooke liking of one till Monday, about 60. laste,* for a greater we cannot gett, excepte it be tow great; but a fine ship it is. And seeing our neer freinds ther are so streite lased, we hope to assure her without trou- bling them any further; and if the ship fale too small, it fitteth well that such as stumble at strawes allready, may rest them ther a while, least worse blocks come in the way ere 7. years be ended. If you had beaten this bussines so throuly a month agoe, and write to us as now you doe, we could thus have done much more conveniently. But it is as it is ; I hope our freinds ther, if they be quitted of the ship hire, will be indusced to venture the more. All that I now require is that salt and netts may ther be boughte, and for all the rest we will here provid it; yet if that will not be, let them but stand for it amonth or tow, and we will take order to pay it aU. Let Mr. Reinholds^ tarie ther, and bring the ship to Southampton. We have hired another pilote here, one Mr. Clarke, who went last year to Virginia with a ship of kine.' You shall here distinctly by John Turner, who I thinke shall come hence on Tewsday night. I had thought to have come with him, to have answered to my complaints ; but I shal lerne to pass litle for ther censurs ; and if I had more minde to goe and dispute and expostulate with them, then I have care of this waightie bussines, I were like them who live by clamours and jangling. But neither my mind nor my body is at libertie to doe much, for I am fettered with bussines, and had rather study to be quiet, then to make answer to their exceptions. If men be set on it, let them beat the eair; I hope such as are my sinceire freinds will not thinke but I can give some reason of my actions. But of your mistaking aboute the mater, and other things tending to this bussines, I shall nexte informe you more distinctly. Mean space entreate our freinds not to be too bussie in answering matters, before they know them. If I doe such things as ' Sixty last equals 120 tons. " Reinholds was the captain of the Speedwell, the vessel which abandoned the voyage. ^ This was John Clarke. Rev. E. D. Neill has shown that a Captain Jones, whom he believed to be identical with the captain of the Mayflower, went to Vir- ginia in 1619 in command of a vessel with kine, and that a man named John Clarke was employed by the Virginia Company to go with him. But see post, p. 87, note 1. 76 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1620 I cannot give reasons for, it is like you have sett a foole aboute your bussines, and so turne the reproofe to your selves, and send an other, and let me come againe to my Combes.' But setting a side my naturall in- firmities, I refuse not to have my cause judged, both of God, and all indifferent men; and when we come togeather I shall give accounte of my actions hear. The Lord, who judgeth justly without respect of per- sons, see into the equitie of my cause, and give us quiet, peaceable, and patient minds, in all these turmoiles, and sanctifie unto us all crosses whatsoever. And so I take my leave of you all, in all love and affection. I hope we shall gett all hear ready in 14. days. Your pore brother, June 11. 1620. Robart Cushman. Besids these things, ther fell out a differance amongs those 3. that received the moneys and made the provissions in England; for besids these tow formerly mentioned sent from Leyden for this end, viz. Mr. Carver and Robart Cushman, ther was one chosen in England to be joyned with them, to make the provisions for the vioage; his name was Mr. Martin,^ he came from Billirike in Essexe, from which parts came sundrie others to goe with them, as also from London and other places; and therfore it was thought meete and conveniente by them in Holand that these strangers that were to goe with them, should apointe one thus to be joyned with them, not so much for any great need of their help, as to avoyd all susspition, or jelosie of any partialhtie. And indeed their care for giving offence, both in this and other things afterward, turned to great inconvenience unto them, as in the sequell will apeare; but however it shewed their equall and honest minds. The provissions were for the most parte made at Southhamton, contrarie to Mr. Westons and Robert Ctoshmans mind (whose counsells did most concure in all things). A touch of which things I shall give in a letter of his to Mr. Carver, and more will appear afterward. 'The writer of this letter was a wool-carder in Leyden; by "combes" he meant the cards or combs used in his trade. " Christopher Martin, of Billericay, came in the Mayflower and died January 8, 1620/1. 1620] THE PREPARATIONS FOR REMOVAL 77 To his loving freind Mr. John Carver, these, etc. Loving freind, I have received from you some letters, full of affection and complaints, and what it is you would have of me I know not; for your crieing out, Negligence, negligence, negligence, I marvell why so negligente a man was used in the bussines. Yet know you that all that I have power to doe hear, shall not be one hower behind, I warent you. You have reference to Mr. Weston to help us with money, more then his adventure; wher he protesteth but for his promise, he would not have done any thing. He saith we take a heady course, and is offended that our provissions are made so farr of; as also that he was not made aquainted with our quantitie of things; and saith that in now being in 3. places, so farr remote, we will, with going up and downe, and wrangling and expostulating, pass over the sommer before we will goe. And to speake the trueth, ther is fallen already amongst us a flatt schisme; and we are redier to goe to dispute, then to sett forwarde a voiage. I have received from Leyden since you wente 3. or 4. letters directed to you, though they only conscerne me. I will not trouble you with them. I always feared the event of the Amsterdamers striking in with us. I trow you must excommunicate me, or els you must goe without their companie, or we shall wante no quarelLng; but let them pass. We have reckoned, it should seeme, without our host; and, counting upon a 150. persons, ther cannot be founde above 1200Zi. and odd moneys of all the venturs you can reckone, besids some cloath, stockings, and shoes, which are not counted; so we shall come shorte at least 3. or 400Zi. I would have had some thing shortened at first of beare and other provissions in hope of other ad- venturs, and now we could have, both in Amsterd: and Kent, beere inough to serve our turne, but now we cannot accept it without prejudice. You fear we have begune to build and shall not be able to make an end; indeed, oiu- courses were never established by counsell, we may therfore justly fear their standing. Yea, ther was a schisme amongst us 3. at the first. You wrote to Mr. Martin, to-prevente the making of the provissions in Kente, which he did, and sett downe his resolution how much he would have of every thing, without respecte to any counsell or exception. Surely he that is in a societie and yet regards not counsell, may better be a king then a consorte. To be short, if ther be not some other dispossition setled unto then yet is, we that should be partners of humilitie and peace, shall be examples of jangling and insulting. Yet your money which you ther must have, we wUl get provided for you instantly. 500/f. you say will serve; for the rest which hear and in Holand is to be used, we may goe scratch for it. For Mr. Crabe,' of whom you write, he hath promised •"He was a minister." (Br.) 78 HISTORY OP PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1620 to goe with us, yet I tell you I shall not be without feare till I see him shipped, for he is much opposed, yet I hope he will not faile. Thinke the best of all, and bear with patience what is wanting, and the Lord guid us all. Your loving freind, London, June 10. Robart Cushman. An": 1620. JLhave bene the larger in these thingSj_and_so^hal^^ leave in someUke~passages following, (thoug in other things I shal labour to be more contrate,) that-thei r ch ilfli£njnax see with_wha±aiiffi^ties_th£ir_father^ throug these things in their first beginnings, and Jiow God brought them along notwithstanding all their weaknesses and in- firmities. As allso that some use may be made hereof in after times by others in such like waightie imployments; and here- with I will end this chapter. The 7. Chap. 0} their departure from Leyden, and other things ther aboute, with their arivall at South hamton, were they all mete togeather, and tooke in ther provissions. At length, after much travell and these debats, all things were got ready and provided. A smale ship' was bought, and fitted in Holand, which was intended as to serve to help to transport them, so to stay in the cuntrie and atend upon fishing and shuch other affairs as might be for the good and benefite of the colonic when they came ther. Another was hired at London, of burden about 9. score ;^ and all other ' " Of some 60 tune." (Br.) That its name was the Speedwell is not stated by Bradford, and first appears from the statement of his nephew Morton, in New England's Memmial (1669). ' The ship was the Mayflower, of 180 tons. Questions are often asked about her dimensions. At that time the method of computing the tonnage of a double- decked vessel (which we know she was, because Bradford says that when her main beam was sprung a post was placed under it resting on the lower deck), was as follows: Ascertain the length above the deck from the fore part of the stem to the after part of the stern-post, deduct three-fifths of the width, multiply the remainder by the width, multiply the product by one-half of the width and divide 1620] THE VOYAGE TO ENGLAND 79 things gott in readines. So being ready to departe, they had a day of soUeme humiUation, their pastor taking his texte from Ezra 8. 21. And ther at the river, hy Ahava, I proclaimed a fast, that we might humble ourselves before our God, and seeke of him a right way for us, and for our children, and for all our substance. Upon which he spente a good parte of the day very profitably, and suitable to their presente occasion. The rest of the time was spente in powering out prairs to the Lord with great fervencie, mixed with abundance of tears. And the time being come that they must departe, they were accom- panied with most of their brethren out of the citie, unto a towne sundrie miles of called Delfes-Haven,' wher the ship lay ready to receive them. So they lefte that goodly and pleasante citie, which had been ther resting place near 12. years; but they knew they were pilgrimes,* and looked not much on those things, but hft up their eyes to the heavens, their dearest cuntrie, and quieted their spirits. When they came to the place they found the ship and all things ready; and shuch of their freinds as could not come with them followed after them, and sundrie also came from Amsterdame to see them shipte and to take their leave of them. That night was spent with htle sleepe by the most, but with freindly entertainmente and christian discourse and other reall expressions of true christian love. The next day, the wind being faire, they wente aborde, and their freinds with them, where truly dolfuU was the sight of that sade and mournfull parting ; to see what sighs and sobbs and praires did sound amongst them, what tears did gush from every eye, and pithy speeches peirst each harte; that sundry of the Dutch strangers that stood on the key as specta- tors, could not refraine from tears. Yet comfortable and sweete the product by 95. If we assume the extreme length to have been 97J feet, and the width to have been twenty feet, we should under this rule have a vessel of 180 tons. The name Mayflower does not appear in Bradford, but is given in the Plymouth Colony records of 1623. It was a common name for ships. 'Delfshaven is on the Maas, just below Rotterdam. From Leyden one would go to it by canal, 24 miles. The place of embarkation at Delfshaven has recently been marked by a tablet. " "Heb. 11." (Br.) 80 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1620 it was to see shuch lively and true expressions of dear and unfained love. But the tide (which stays for no man) caling them away that were thus loath to departe, their Rev[er]end pastor falling downe on his knees, (and they all with him,) with watrie cheeks commended them with most fervente praiers to the Lord and his blessing. And then with mutuall imbrases and many tears, they tooke their leaves one of an other; which proved to be the last leave to many of them. Thus hoysing saile,* with a prosperus winde they came in short time to Southhamton, wher they found the bigger ship come from London, lying ready, with all the rest of their company. After a joyfull wellcome, and mutuall congratula- tions, with othe'' frendly entertainements, they fell to parley aboute their bussines, how to dispatch with the best expedition; as allso with their agents aboute the alteration of the condi- tions. Mr. Carver pleaded he was imployed hear at Hamton,' and knew not well what the other had don at London. Mr. Cushman answered, he had done nothing but what he was urged too, partly by the grounds of equity, and more espetialy by necessitie, other wise all had bene dasht and many undon. And in the begining he aquainted his felow agents here with who consented unto him, and left it to him to execute, and to receive the money at London and send it downe to them at Hamton, wher they made the provissions; the which he accordingly did, though it was against his minde, and some of the marchants, that they were their made. And for giveing them notise at Leyden of this change, he could not well in regarde of the shortnes of the time ; againe, he knew it would trouble them and hinder the bussines, which was already delayed overlong in regard of the season of the year, which he feared they would find to their cost. But these things gave not contente at presente. Mr. Weston, likwise, came up from London to see them dispatcht and to have the conditions con- firmed; but they refused, and answered him, that he knew '"Thiswasabout22. of July." (Br.) = Southampton. 1620] THE VOYAGE TO ENGLAND 81 right well that these were not according to the first agreemente neither could they yeeld to them without the consente of the rest that were behind. And indeed they had spetiall charge when they came away, from the cheefe of those that were be- hind, not to doe it. At which he was much offended, and tould them, they must then looke to stand on their owne leggs. So he returned in displeasure, and this was the first ground of discontent betweene them. And wheras ther wanted well near lOOZi. to clear things at their going away, he would not take order to disburse a penie, but let them shift as they could. So they were f orst to selle of some of their provissions to stop this gape, which was some 3. or 4. score firkins of butter, which comoditie they might best spare, haveing provided too large a qiiantitie of that kind. Then they write a leter to the marchants and adventures aboute the diferances concerning the conditions, as foloweth. Aug. 3. An": 1620. Beloved freinds, sory we are that ther should be occasion of writing at all unto you, partly because we ever expected to see the most of you hear, but espetially because ther should any differance at all be conceived betweene us. But seing it faleth out that we cannot conferr togeather, we thinke it meete (though brefly) ta show you the just cause and reason of our differing from those articles last made by Robart Cushman, with- out our comission or knowledg. And though he might propound good ends to himselfe, yet it no way justifies his doing it. Our maine diference is in the 5. and 9. article, concerning the deviding or holding of house and lands; the injoying wherof some of your selves well know, was one spetiall motive, amongst many other, to provoke us to goe. This was thought so reasonable, that when the greatest of you in adventure (whom we have much cause to respecte), when he propounded conditions to us freely of his owne accorde, he set this downe for one; a coppy wherof we have sent unto you, with some additions then added by us; which being liked on both sids, and a day set for the paimente of moneys, those of Holland paid in thebs. After that, Robart Cushman, Mr. Peirce * and Mr. Martine, » John Peirce was a citizen and clothworker of London. The first patent of the Pilgrims, issued by the southern Virginia Company, was issued in his name and finally surrendered. The patent issued by the Council for New England which was brought over in the FortuTie in 1621 was also issued in his name. The letter 82 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1620 brought them into a better forme, and write them in a booke now extante; and upon Robarts shewing them and delivering Mr. Mullins* a coppy therof under his hand (which we have), he payd in his money. And we of Holland had never seen other before our coming to Hamton, but only as one got for him selfe a private coppy of them; upon sight wherof we manyfested uter dislike, but had put of our estats and were ready to come, and therfore was too late to rejecte the vioage. Judge therfore we beseech you indiferently of things, and if a faulte have bene commited, lay it wher it is, and not upon us, who have more cause to stand for the one, then you have for the other. We never gave Robart Cushman comission to make any one article for us, but only sent him to receive moneys upon articles before agreed on, and to further the provissions till John Carver came, and to assiste him in it. Yet since you conceive your selves wronged as well as we, we thought meete to add a branch to the end of our 9. article, as will allmost heale that wound of it selfe, which you conceive to be in it. But that it may appeare to all men that we are not lovers of our selves only, but desire also the good and inriching of our f reinds who have adventured your moneys with our persons, we have added our last article to the rest, promising you againe by leters in the behalfe of the whole company, that if large profits should not arise within the 7. years, that we will con- tinue togeather longer with you, if the Lord give a blessing.^ This we hope is sufficente to satisfie any in this case, espetialy freinds, since we are asured that if the whole charge was devided into 4. parts, 3. of them will not stand upon it, nether doe regarde it, etc. We are in shuch a streate at presente, as we are forced to sell away 60li. worth of our provissions to cleare the Haven, and withall put our selves upon great extremities, scarce haveing any butter, no oyle, not a sole to mend a shoe, nor every man a sword to his side, wanting many muskets, much armoure, etc. And yet we are willing to expose our selves to shuch eminente dangers as are like to insue, and trust to the good providence of God, rather then his name and truth should be evill spoken of for us. Thus saluting all of you in love, and beseeching the Lord to give a blesing to our endeavore, and keepe all our harts in the bonds of peace and love, we take leave and rest. Yours, etc. Aug. 3. 1620. in "Mourt's Relation," addressed to J. P. and signed R. G., was addressed to him. ' William MuUins, a member of the Leyden church, came in the Mayflower with wife and two children and died February 21, 1621. His daughter was the Priscilla of Longfellow's Courtship of Miles Standish. ' " It was well for them that this was not accepted." (Br.) 1620] THE VOYAGE TO ENGLAND 83 It was subscribed with many names of the eheefest of the company. At their parting Mr. Robinson write a leter to the whole company, which though it hath aheady bene printed/ yet I thought good here likwise to inserte it; as also a breefe leter writ at the same time to Mr. Carver, in which the tender love and godly care of a true pastor appears. My dear Brother, — ^I received inclosed in your last leter the note of information, which I shall carefuly keepe and make use of as ther shall be occasion. I have a true feeling of your perplexitie of mind and toyle of body, but I hope that you who have allways been able so plentifully to administer comf orte unto others in their trials, are so well furnished for your selfe as that farr greater difficulties then you have yet undergone (though I conceive them to have been great enough) cannot oppresse you, though they press you, as the Apostle speaks. The spirite of a man (sustained by the spirite of God) will sustaine his infirmitie, I dout not so will yours. And the beter much when you shall injoye the presence and help of so many godly and wise bretheren, for the bearing of part of your burthen, who also will not admitte into their harts the least thought of suspition of any the least negligence, at least presumption, to have been in you, what so ever they thinke in others. Now what shall I say or write unto you and your goodwife my loving sister?^ even only this, I desire (and allways shall) unto you from the Lord, as unto my owne soule; and assure your selfe that my harte is with you, and that I will not f orslowe my bodily coming at the first oppertunitie. I have writen a large leter to the whole, and am sorie I shall not rather speak then write to them ; and the more, considering the wante of a preacher, which I shall also make sume spurr to my hastening after you. I doe ever commend my best affection unto you, which if I thought you made any doubte of, I would express in more, and the same more ample and full words. And the Lord in whom you trust and whom you serve ever in this bussines and journey, guid you with his hand, protecte you with his winge, and shew you and us his salvation in the end, and bring us in the mean while togeather in the place desired, if shuch be his good will, for his Christs sake. Amen. Yours, etc. July 27. 1620. Jo: R. ' In the prefatory pages of "Mourt's Relation" (1622). ' This passage has led to the supposition that Katherine Carver, the governor's wife, was Robinson's sister. 84 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1620 This was the last letter that Mr. Carver Uved to see from him. The other follows.' Lovinge Christian friends, I doe hartily and in the Lord salute you all, as being they with whom I am presente in my best affection, and most ernest longings after you, though I be constrained for a while to be bodily absente from you. I say constrained, God knowing how willingly, and much rather then otherwise, I would have borne my part with you in this first brunt, were I not by strong necessitie held back for the present. Make accounte of me in the mean while, as of a man devided in my selfe with great paine, and as (naturall bonds set a side) having my beter parte with you. And though I doubt not but in your godly wisdoms, you both foresee and resolve upon that which concerneth your presente state and condition, both severally and joyntly, yet have I thought it but my duty to add some furder spurr of provocation unto them, who rune allready, if not because you need it, yet because I owe it in love and dutie. And first, as we are daly to renew our repentance with our God, espetially for our sines known, and generally for our unknowne trespasses, so doth the Lord call us in a singular maner upon occasions of shuch difficultie and danger as lieth upon you, to a both more narrow search and careful! reformation of your ways in his sight; least he, calling to remembrance our sines forgotten by us or unrepented of, take advantage against us, and in judgmente leave us for the same to be swalowed up in one danger or other; wheras, on the contrary, sine being taken away by ernest re- pentance and the pardon therof from the Lord sealed up unto a mans conscience by his spirite, great shall be his securitie and peace in all dangers, sweete his comforts in all distresses, with hapie deliverance from all evill, whether in life or in death. Now next after this heavenly peace with God and our owne consciences, we are carefully to provide for peace with all men what in us lieth, es- petially with our associats, and for that watchfuUnes must be had, that we neither at all in our selves doe give, no nor easily take offence being given by others. Woe- be unto the world for offences, for though it be necessarie (considering the malice of Satan and mans corruption) that offences come, yet woe unto the man or woman either by whom the offence cometh, saith Christ, Mat. 18. 7. And if offences in the un- seasonable use of things in them selves indifferent, be more to be feared then death itself e, as the Apostle teacheth, 1. Cor. 9. 15. how much more in things simply evill, in which neither honour of God nor love of man is thought worthy to be regarded. Neither yet is it sufficiente that we keepe ' "This Letter is omitted in Gov. Bradford's Collection of Letters." (Prince.) 1620] THE VOYAGE TO ENGLAND 85 our selves by the»grace of God from giveing offence, exepte withall we be armed against the taking of them when they be given by others. For how unperfect and lame is the work of grace in that person, who wants charritie to cover a multitude of offences, as the scriptures speake. Neither are you to be exhorted to this grace only upon the commone grounds of Christianitie, which are, that persons ready to take offence, either wante charitie, to cover offences, of wisdome duly to waigh humane frailtie; or lastly, are grosse, though close hipocrites, as Christ our Lord teacheth. Mat. 7. 1, 2, 3, as indeed in my owne experience, few or none have bene found which sooner give offence, then shuch as easily take' it; neither have they ever proved sound and profitable members in societies, which have nurished this touchey humor. But besids these, ther are diverse motives provoking you above others to great care and conscience this way: As first, you are many of you strangers, as to the persons, so to the infirmities one of another, and so stand in neede of more watchfuUnes this way, least when shuch things fall out in men and women as you suspected not, you be inordinatly affected with them; which doth require at your hands much wLsdome and charitie for the covering and preventing of incident offences that way. And lastly, your intended course of civill comunitie will minister continuall occasion of offence, and will be as fuell for that fire, excepte you dilligently quench it with brotherly forbearance. And if taking of offence causlesly or easilie at mens doings be so carefuly to be avoyded, how much more heed is to be taken that we take not offence at God him selfe, which yet we certainly doe so often as we doe murmure at his providence in our crosses, or beare impatiently shuch afilictions as wherwith he pleaseth to visite us. Store up therfore patience against the evill day, without which we take offence at the Lord him selfe in his holy and just works. A 4. thing ther is carfully to be provided for, to witte, that with your commone imployments you joyne commone affections truly bente upon the generall good, avoyding as a deadly plague of your both commone and spetiall comfort all retirednes of mindefor proper advantage, and all singu- larly affected any maner of way; let every man represe in him selfe and the whol body in each person, as so many rebels against the commone good, all private respects of mens selves, not sorting with the generall conveniencie. And as men are carfull not to have a new house shaken with any violence before it be well setled and the parts firmly knite, so be you, I beseech you, brethren, much more carfull, that the house of God which you are, and are to be, be not shaken with unnecessarie novelties or other oppositions at the first setling therof . Lastly, wheras you are become a body politik, using amongst your 86 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1620 selves civill govermente, and are not furnished with any persons of spetiall eminencie above the rest, to be chosen by you into office of goverment, let your wisdome and godlines appeare, not only in chusing shuch persons as doe entirely love and will promote the commone good, but also in yeelding unto them all due honour and obedience in their lawfull adminis- trations; not behoulding in them the ordinarinesse of their persons, but Gods ordinance for your good, not being like the foolish multitud who more honour the gay coate, then either the vertuous minde of the man, or glorious ordinance of the Lord. But you know better things, and that the image of the Lords power and authoritie which the magistrate beareth, is honourable, in how meane persons soever. And this dutie you both may the more willingly and ought the more conscionably to performe, because you are at least for the present to have only them for your or- dinarie governours, which your selves shall make choyse of for that worke. Sundrie other things of importance I could put you in minde of, and of those before mentioned, in more words, but I will not so farr wrong your godly minds as to thinke you heedless of these things, ther being also diverce among you so well able to admonish both them selves and others of what concerneth them. These few things therfore, and the same in few words, I doe ernestly commend unto your care and conscience, joyning therwith my daily incessante prayers unto the Lord, that he who hath made the heavens and the earth, the sea and all rivers of waters, and whose providence is over all his workes, espetially over all his dear children for good, would so guide and gard you in your wayes, as inwardly by his Spirite, so outwardly by the hand of his power, as that both you and we also, for and with you, may have after matter of praising his name all the days of your and our lives. Fare you well in him in whom you trust, and in whom I rest. An unfained wellwiller of your hapie success in this hopeful! voyage, John Robinson. This letter, though large, yet being so frutfull in it selfe, and suitable to their occation, I thought meete to inserte in this place. All things being now ready, and every bussines dispatched, the company was caled togeather, and this letter read amongst them, which had good acceptation with all and after fruit with many. Then they ordered and distributed their company for either shipe, as they conceived for the best. And chose a 1620] THE VOYAGE OF THE MAVfLOWER 87 Gov"" and 2. or 3. assistants for each shipe, to order the peo- ple by the way, and see to the dispossing of there provissions, and shuch Mke affairs. All which was not only with the hking of the maisters of the ships, but according to their desires. Which being done, they sett sayle from thence aboute the 5. of August; but what befell them further upon the coast of England will appeare in the nexte chapter. The 8. Chap. Off the troubls that befell them on the coaste, and at sea being forced, after much trouble, to leave one of ther ships and some of their companie behind them. Being thus put to sea they had not gone farr, but Mr. Reinolds the m"" of the leser ship complained that he found his ship so leak as he durst not put fiu-ther to sea till she was mended. So the m"" of the biger ship (caled Mr. Jonas)^ be- ing consulted with, they both resolved to put into Dartmouth and have her ther searched and mended, which accordingly was done, to their great charg and losse of time and a faire winde. She was hear thorowly searcht from steme to steme, some leaks were found and mended, and now it was conceived by the workmen and all, that she was sufficiente, and they might proceede without either fear or danger. So with good hopes from hence, they put to seaagaine, conceiving they should goe comfortably on, not looking for any more lets of this kind; but it fell out otherwise, for after they were gone to sea againe above 100. leagues without the Lands End, houlding company ' Since the publication of Neill's Virginia Company of London, it has been usual to identify this Captain Jones with Thomas Jones, who in the Discovery sailed to Virginia in November, 1621, visited Plymouth the next summer (see p. 139, post), robbed the natives, and died in Virginia in 1624, under some suspicion of piracy. This identification has lent support to the view that he behaved with treachery toward the Pilgrims off Cape Cod. But Mr. R. G. Marsden seems to have proved, in the English Historical Review, XIX. 669-680, that the captain of the Mayflower was Christopher Jones, a man against whose character nothing is known. See also New England Historic Genealogical Register, XL. 62. Cap- tain Christopher Jones died in 1622. 88 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1620 togeather all this while, the m"" of the small ship complained his ship was so leake as he must beare up or sinke at sea, for they could scarce free her with much pumping. So they came to consultation againe, and resolved both ships to bear up backe againe and put into Plimmoth, which accordingly was done. But no spetiall leake could be foimde, but it was judged to be the generall weaknes of the shipe, and that shee would not prove sufficiente for the voiage. Upon which it was resolved to dismise her and parte of the companie, and pro- ceede with the other shipe. The which (though it was greevous, and caused great discouragmente) was put in execution. So after they had tooke out such provission as the other ship could well stow, and concluded both what number and what persons to send bak, they made another sad parting, the one ship going backe for London, and the other was to proceede on her viage. Those that went bak were for the most parte such as were willing so to doe, either out of some discontente, or feare they conceived of the ill success of the vioage, seeing so many croses befale, and the year time so farr spente; but others, in regarde of their owne weaknes, and charge of many yonge children, were thought least usefull, and most unfite to bear the brunte of this hard adventure; imto which worke of God, and judgmente of their brethem, they were contented to submite. And thus, like Gedions armie, this small number was devided, as if the Lord by this worke of his providence thought these few to many for the great worke he had to doe. But here by the way let me show, how afterward it was found that the leaknes of this ship was partly by being over masted, and too much pressed with sayles-; for after she was sould and put into her old trime, she made many viages and performed her service very sufficiently, to the great profite of her owners. But more espetially, by the cuning and deceite of the m' and his company, who were hired to stay a whole year in the cimtrie, and now fancying disUke and fearing wante of victeles, they ploted this strategem to free them selves; as afterwards 1620] THE VOYAGE OF THE MAYFLOWER \ was knowne, and by some of them confessed. For they ap- prehended that the greater ship, being of force, and in whom most of the provissions were stowed, she would retayne enough for her selfe, what soever became of them or the pas- sengers; and indeed shuch speeches had bene cast out by some of them; and yet, besids other incouragments, the cheefe of them that came from Leyden wente in this shipe to give the m'" contents. But so strong was self love and his fears, as he forgott all duty and former kindnesses, and delt thus falsly with them, though he pretended otherwise. Amongest those that returned was Mr. Cushman and his famihe, whose hart and courage was gone from them before, as it seems, though his body was with them till now he departed; as may appeal by a passionate letter he write to a freind in London from Dartmouth, whilst the ship lay ther a mending; the which, besids t he expression J^f-^'Js-ewae-ieara.-it-shaws-imicL. of .the J^a3dd£a££LJQiJGtg.d^ working ,iQiLJth£Jx..gQod., beyonde jnsm/s Vvjipptatinn^ n.nH other t,hing;s concerning their condit ion in thfiSE.stceatfei- I will hear relate it. And though it discover some infirmities in him (as who imder temtation is free), yet after this he continued to be a spetiall instrumente for their good, and to doe the offices of a loving freind and faithfuU brother tmto them, and pertaker of much comforte with them. The letter is as foUowth. To his loving friend Ed: S.^ at Henige House in the Duks Place, these, etc Dartmouth, Aug. 17. Loving friend, my most kind remembrance to you and your wife, with loving E. M. etc. whom in this world I never looke to see againe. For besids the eminente dangers of this viage, which are no less then deadly, an infirmitie of body hath ceased me, which will not in all licely- hoode leave me till death. What to call it I know not, but it is a bundle ' Straits. '^''In Governor Bradford's Collection of Letters, this is Edward South- worth." (Prince.) Edward Southworth was a member of the Leyden congrega- tion who did not go to New England. His widow, Alice, afterward became the second wife of Governor Bradford. Duke's Place is in London. 90 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1620 of lead, as it were, crushing my harte more and more these 14. days, as that allthough I doe the acctions of a liveing man, yet I am but as dead; but the will of God be done. Our pinass will not cease leaking, els I thinke we had been halfe way at Virginia, our viage hither hath been as full of crosses, as our selves have been of crokednes. We put in hear to trimme her, and I thinke, as others also, if we had stayed at sea but 3. or 4. howers more, shee would have sunke right downe. And though she was twise trimmed at Hamton, yet now shee is open and leakie as a seive; and ther was a borde, a man might have puld of with his fingers, 2 foote longe, wher the water came in as at a mole hole. We lay at Hamton 7. days, in fair weather, waiting for her, and now we lye hear waiting for her in as faire a wind as can blowe, and so have done these 4. days, and are like to lye 4. more, and by that time the wind will happily turne as it did at Hampton. Our victualls will be halfe eaten up, I thinke, before we goe from the coaste of England, and if ova viage last longe, we shall not have a months victialls when we come in the countrie. Neare 700/i. hath bene bestowed at Hampton, upon what I know not. Mr. Martin saith he neither can nor will give any accounte of it, and if he be called upon for accounts he crieth out of unthankf uUnes for his paines and care, that we are susspitious of him, and flings away, and will end nothing. Also he so insulteth over our poore people, with shuch scome and con- tempte, as if they were not good enough to wipe his shoes. It would break your hart to see his dealing,^ and the mourning of our people. They complaine to me, and alass ! I can doe nothing for them ; if I speake to him, he flies in my face, as mutinous, and saith no complaints shall be heard or received but by him selfe, and saith they are forwarde, and waspish, discontented people, and I doe ill to hear them. Ther are others that would lose all they have put in, or make satisfaction for what they have had, that they might depart; but he will not hear them, nor suffer them to goe ashore, least they should rune away. The sailors also are so offended at his ignorante bouldnes, in medling and controuling in things he knows not what belongs too, as that some threaten to misscheefe him, others say they will leave the shipe and goe their way. But at the best this Cometh of it, that he maks him selfe a scome and laughing stock unto them. As for Mr. Weston, excepte grace doe greatly swaye with him, he will hate us ten times more then ever he loved us, for not confirming the conditions. But now, since some pinches have taken them, they begine to reveile the trueth, and say Mr. Robinson was in the falte who charged them never to consente to those conditions, nor chuse me into oflSce, but ' "He was govemour in the biger ship, and Mr. Cushman assistant^^'' (Br.) 1620] THE VOYAGE OF THE MAYFLOWER ^ 91 indeede apointed them to chose them they did chose.' But he and they will rue too late, they may now see, and all be ashamed when it is too late, that they were so ignorante, yea, and so inordinate in their courses. I am sure as they were resolved not to scale those conditions, I was not so reso- lute at Hampton to have left the whole bussines, excepte they would scale them, and better the vioage to have bene broken of then, then to have brought such miserie to our selves, dishonour to God, and detrimente to our loving freinds, as now it is like to doe. 4. or 5. of the cheefe of them which came from Leyden, came resolved never to goe on those conditions. And Mr. Martine, he said he never received no money on those conditions, he was not beholden to the marchants for a pine, they wer&bloudsuckers, and I know not what. Simple man, he indeed never made any conditions with the marchants, nor ever spake with them. But did all that money flie to Hampton, or was it his owne ? Who will goe and lay out money so rashly and lavishly as he did, and never know how he comes by it, or on what conditions? 2'^. I tould him of the alteration longe agoe, and he was contente; but now he dominires, and said I had betrayed them into the hands of slaves; he is not beholden to them, he can set out 2. ships him selfe to a viage. When, good man? He hath but 50li. in, and if he should give up his accounts he would not have a penie left him,j as I am persuaded,^ etc. Freind, if ever w e make a p lantation, Go dj wjarks a mita kle; especially consider ing how s cante we shall be of yintngll a ! a£djn£ist-4aLalljlimmted amongst our selves, and devoyd of goodtutoi^l and rpgimpntp Vin1pnpp"wiTltyi7gi> all "VVhPT is thp mpplf and hnrnhlp spirite of Moyses ? and of Nehemiah who reedified the wals of Jerusalem, and the state of Israeli? Is not the sound of Rehoboams braggs daly hear amongst us ? Have not the philosophers and all wise men observed that, even in setled commone welths, violente governours bring either them selves, or people, or boath, to ruine; how much more in the raising of commone wealths, when the morter is yet scarce tempered that should bind the wales. JfJ iSll""H "^"'tfi ^" y"" "f "11 thi'nga wT^iVti prnmigfij^ngly forerune our ruin p^, T shnn lfl nvpr phHr;;;p my w^'ak" h"fld fi"d g^'ppv y^w^ tender hart; only this, I p ray yo ujgrepaEeior ^vill tiding" "f "s pvery day . Ba t pray fof Tismstantly, it mayHbe the Lord will be yet entreated one way or other to make for us. I see not in rea son how we shall escape even th e gasping of hung fii' stg^xyed-I!g;^"S~^"1' Grod can doemuchj_andhis will be done. It is better for metoHye, then now for meto bear itj which 1 ^e^'dalyTaMdrexpecte it howerly; haveing received the sentance of death, both within me and without me. Poore William King and my selfe doe • " I thinke he was deceived in these things." (Br.) 2 "This was found true afterward." (Br.) 92 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1620 strive who shall be meate first for the fishes; but we looke for a glorious rfisuri£ctiQnj_kno2sdng -Christ- Jesus -a£teLlhe_ untotke joy-eihalisbefoDe us, we will endure al l these thingsa nd^ccounte them light in comparison of that joye we hope for. Remember me in all love to our freinds as if I named them, whose praiers I desire ernestly, and wish againe to see, but not till I can with more comforte looke them in the face. The Lord give us that true comforte which none can take from us. I had a desire to make a breefe relation of our estate to some freind. I doubte not but your wisdome will teach you seasonably to utter things as here after you shall be called to it. That which I have writen is treue, and many things more which I have forborne. I write it as upon my life, and last confession in England. What is of use to be spoken of presently, you may speake of it, and what is fitt to conceile, con- ceall. Pass by my weake maner, for my head is weake, and my body feeble, the Lord make me strong in him, and keepe both you and yours. Your loving freind, ROBART CUSHMAN. L^ Dartmouth, Aug. 17. 1620. --f These being his conceptions and fears at Dartmouth, they must needs be much stronger now at Phmoth. The 9. Chap. Of their vioage, and how they passed the sea, and of their safe arrival at Cape Codd. Sept^: 6. These troubls being blowne over, and now all being compacte togeather in one shipe,^ they put to sea againe with a prosperus winde, which continued diverce days togeather, which was some incouragmente unto them; yet according to the> usuall nianer many were afflicted with sea- sicknes. And I may not omite hear a spetiall worke of Gods providence. Ther was a proud and very profane yonge man, one of the sea-men, of a lustie, able body, which made him the more hauty; he would allway be contemning the poore people in their sicknes, and cursing them dayly with greevous exe- crations, and did not let to tell them," that he hoped to help ' For Governor Bradford's list of passengers in the Mayflower, see Appendix, No. I. 2 Did not refrain from telling them. 1620] THE VOYAGE OF THE MAYFLOWER 93 to cast halfe of them over board before they came to their jurneys end, and to make mery with what they had; and if he were by any gently reproved, he would curse and swear most bitterly. But it plased God before* they came halfe seas over, to smite this yong man with a greeveous disease, of which he dyed in a desperate maner, and so was him selfe the first that was throwne overbord. Thus his curses hght on his owne head; and it was an astonishmente to all his fellows, for they noted it to be the just hand of God upon him. After they had injoyed faire winds and weather for a season, they were incountred many times with crosse winds, and mette with many feirce stormes, with which the shipe was shroudly' shaken, and her upper works made- very leakie; and one of the maine beames in the midd ships was bowed and craked, which put them in some fear that the shipe could not be able to performe the vioage. So some of the cheefe of the com- pany, perceiveing the mariners to feare the suffisiencie of the shipe, as appeared by their mutterings, they entred into serious consuUtation with the m"" and other officers of the ship, to consider in time of the danger; and rather to retume then to cast them selves into a desperate- and inevitable perill. And truly ther was great distraction and differance of opinion amongst the mariners them selves; faine would they doe what could be done for then- wages sake, (being now halfe the seas over,) and on the other hand they were loath to hazard their lives too desperately. But in examening of all opinions, the m"" and others affirmed they knew the ship to be stronge and firme tinder water; and for the buckling^ of the maine beame, ther was a great iron scrue the passengers brought out of Holland, which would raise the beame into his place; the which being done, the carpenter and m"" affirmed that with a post put imder it, set firme in the lower deck, and otherways bounde, he would make it sufficiente. And as for the decks and uper workes they would calke them as well as they could, ' Shrewdly, severely. ' Bending under strain. 94 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1620 and though with the workeing of the ship they would not longe keepe stanch, yet ther would otherwise be no great danger, if they did not overpress her with sails. So they commited them selves to the will of God, and resolved to proseede. In sundrie of these stormes the winds were so feirce, and the seas so high, as they could not beare a knote of saile, but were forced to hull,' for diverce days togither. And in one of them, as they thus lay at hull, in a mighty storme, a lustie yonge man (called John Howland) coming upon some occasion above the grattings, was, with a seele^ of the shipe throwne into [the] sea; but it pleased God that he caught hould of the top-saile halliards, which himge over board, and rane out at length; yet he held his hould (though he was simdrie fadomes under water) till he was hald up by the same rope to the brime of the water, and then with a boat hooke and other means got into the shipe againe, and his Ufe saved; and though he was something ill with it, yet he hved many years after, and became a profitable member both in chm-ch and commone wealthe. In all this viage ther died but one of the passengers, which was Wilham Butten,' a youth, servant to Samuell Fuller, when they drew near the coast. But to omite other things, (that I may be breefe,) after longe beating at sea they fell with that land which is called Cape Cod ; the which being made and certainly knowne to be it, they were not a htle joyfuU. After some dehberation had amongst them selves and with the m'' of the ship, they tacked aboute and resolved to stande for the southward (the wind and weather being faire) to finde some place aboute Hudsons river for their habitation. But after they had sailed that course aboute halfe the day,^ they fell amongst deangerous ' To drift. ^ The "seele" of a ship is the toss in a rough sea. ' William Butten, son of Robert, baptized in the Austerfield church Feb- ruary 12, 1598, O. S. * As the Mayflower approached Cape Cod she probably had the wind north- west and when she changed her course she stood south-southwest until she reached Pollock Rip. From that point up the Sound the deep water course is west- northwest, leaving Shovel Full Shoal on the port hand. On that course the northwest wind would shrink upon her, as expressed by Bradford. 4hr^il jtr m^- 'xS' Hi0i U 5^ W$iiw$ :;'.€# ■ j^v.CaritdynJo&t ^mitCj 1620] THE VOYAGE OF THE MAYFLOWER 95 shoulds and roring breakers, and they were so farr intangled ther with as they conceived them selves in great danger; and the wind shrinking upon them withall, they resolved to bear up againe for the Cape, and thought them selves hapy to gett out of those dangers before night overtooke them, as by Gods providence they did. And the next day they gott into the Cape-harbor wher they ridd in saftie. A word or too by the way of this cape; it was thus first named by Capten Gosnole and his company, An°: 1602,^ and after by Capten Smith was caled Cape James; but it retains the former name amongst seamen. Also that pointe which first shewed those dangerous shoulds unto them, they called Pointe Care, and Tuckers Terroiir; but the French and Dutch to this day call it Mala- barr,^ by reason of those perilous shoulds, and the losses they have suffered their. Being thus arived in a good harbor and brought safe to land, they fell upon their knees and blessed the God of heaven, who had brought them over the vast and furious ocean, and deHvered them from all the periles and miseries therof , againe to set their feete on the firme and stable earth, their proper elemente. And no marvell if they were thus joyefuU, seeing wise Seneca was so affected with sailing a few miles on the coast of his owne Italy; as he aflSrmed,' that he had rather remaine twentie years on his way by land, then pass by sea to any place in a short time; so tedious arid dreadfull was the same imto him. But hear I cannot but stay and make a pause, and stand half amased at this poore peoples presente condition; and so I thinke will the reader too, when he well considers the same. Being thus passed the vast ocean, and a sea of troubles before in their preparation (as may be remembred by that which ' "Because they tooke much of that fishe ther." (Br.) See Early English and French Voyages, in this series, p. 331. The name Cape James appears on Captain John Smith's map of New England; see the fac-simile in this volume. ' Cape Malabarr was the Mallebarre of Champlain. See his map, in Voy- ages of Samuel de Champlain, in this series. ' "Epist: 53." (Br.) 96 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1620 wente before), they had now no freinds to wellcome them, nor inns to entertaine or refresh their weatherbeaten bodys, no houses or much less townes to repaire too, to seeke for suc- coure. It is recorded in scripture' as- a mercie to the apostle and his shipwraked company, that the barbarians shewed them no smale kindnes in refreshing them, but these savage barbarians, when they mette with them (as after will appeare) were readier to fill their sids full of arrows then otherwise. And for the season it was winter, and they that know the winters of that cuntrie know them to be sharp and violent, and subjecte to cruell and feirce stormes, deangerous to travill to known places, much more to serch an unknown coast. Besids, what could they see but a hidious and desolate wilder- nes, full of wild beasts and willd men? and what multituds ther might be of them they knew not. Nether could they, as it were, goe up to the tope of Pisgah, to vew from this willdemes a more goodly cuntrie to feed their hops ; for' which way soever they tm-nd their eys (save upward to the heavens) they could have litle solace or content in respecte of any outward objects. I For summer being done, all things stand upon them with a wetherbeaten face ; and the whole countrie, full of woods and thickets, represented a wild and savage heiw. If they looked behind them, ther was the mighty ocean which they had passed, and was now as a maine barr and goulfe to seperate them from all the civill parts of the world. If it be said they had a ship to sucour them, it is trew; but what heard they daly from the m' and company? but that with speede they should looke out a place with their shallop, wher they would be at some near distance ; for the season was shuch as he would not stirr from thence till a safe harbor was discovered by them wher they would be, and he might goe without danger; and that victells consumed apace, but he must and would keepe sufficient for them selves and their retume. Yea, it was muttered by some, that if they gott not a place in time, they would tume ' "Act. 28." (Br.) 1620] THE EXPLORATION OF THE COAST 97 them and their goods ashore and leave them. Let it also be considred what weake hopes of supply and succoure they left behinde them, that might bear up their minds in this sade con- dition and trialls they were under; and they could not but be very smale. It is true, indeed, the affections and love of their brethren at Leyden was cordiall and entire towards them, but they had litle power to help them, or them selves; and how the case stode betweene them and the marchants at their coming away, hath allready been declared. What could now sustaine them but the spirite of God and his grace? MayjooL a nd ought not th e children of these father s rig htly say:_ j3j/.r fait hers wer e Englishmen which came over this grea t oceanj and were ready to perish in this.willdernes;^ but they cried unto the Lord, a'Mrh'e heard their voyce, and looked on their adversitie, etc. Let them therfore praise the Lord, because he is good, and ^ his mercies endure for ever.^ JY^a, le,t Ih^m rphichJimeJieaa^ . redeemed-jc4-ib& Lord, ^^^jijmvhe hath delivered them from the y^ mnd of the oppressour. When they~wandered in the deserte vMd^ni:ss~ovi~t)f-'-^ce~WdJy, and found no citie to dwell in, both hungrie, and thirstie, their sowle was overwhelmed in them. Let them conf£ss_ before the _Jj ord his loving kindneSj Und his wonderfyMjVjQxk s b e f o re JM-S.oiLS_olmm. The 10. Chap. Showing how they sought out a place of habitation, and what befell them theraboute. Being thus arrived at Cap-Cod the 11. of November, and necessitie calling them to looke out a place for habitation, (as well as the maisters and mariners importimitie,) they having brought a large shalop with theni out of England, stowed in quarters in the ship, they now gott her out and sett their car- penters to worke to trime her up; but being much brused and shatered in the shipe with foule weather, they saw she would ' "Deu: 26. 5, 7." (Br.) ' "107 Psa: v. 1, 2, 4, 5, 8." (Br.) 98 HISTORY OP PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1620 be longe in mending. Wherupon a few of them tendered them selves to goe by land and discovere those nearest places, whilst the shallop was in mending; and the rather because as they wente into that harbor ther seemed to be an opening some 2. or 3 leagues of, which the maister judged to be a river. It was conceived ther might be some danger in the attempte, yet seeing them resolute, they were permited to goe, being 16. of them well armed, under the conduct of Captain Standish,' having shuch instructions given them as was thought meete. They sett forth the 15. of Nove'^'': and when they had marched aboute the space of a mile by the sea side, they espied 5. or 6. persons with a dogg coming towards them, who were salv- ages; but they fled from them, and ranne up into the woods, and the English followed them, partly to see if they could speake with them, and partly to discover if ther might not be more of them Ijdng in ambush. But the Indeans seeing them selves thus followed, they againe forsooke the woods, and rane away on the sands as hard as they could, so as they could not come near them, but followed them by the tracte of their feet simdrie miles, and saw that they had come the same way. So, night coming on, they made their randevous and set out their sentinels, and rested in quiete that night, and the next morning followed their tracte till they had headed a great creake, and so left the sands, and turned an other way into the woods. ' Myles Standish is here mentioned for the first time in the history. He was bom in Lancashire about 1586, and was in service in Holland during her war with Spain. During the twelve years' truce he found the Pilgrims in Leyden and came in the Mayflower with his wife Rose, who died January 29, 1620/1. He married a second wife, Barbara, who may have come in the Anne or LMe James in 1623. In 1625 he went to England in behalf of the colony. He received a grant of land in Duxbury which he occupied as early as 1630. The state- ment often made that he was a Roman Catholic is probably not correct. The following entry in the Plymouth Colony records shows that he was a Protestant if not a full member of the Plymouth Church: "Anno 1632 Aprell 2— the names of those which promise to remove their families to live in the towne in the win- ter time that they may the better repaire to the worship of God— John Alden, Capt. Standish, Jonathan Brewster, Thomas Prence." Of the explorations on Cape Cod, here described, there is a fuller account in "Mourt's Relation." 1620] THE EXPLORATION OF THE COAST 99 But they still followed them by geuss, hopeing to find their dwellings; but they soone lost both them and them selves, falling into shuch thickets as were ready to tear their cloaths and armore in peeces, but were most distresed for wante of drinke. But at length they found water and refreshed them selves, being the first New-England water they drunke of, and was now in thir great thirste as pleasante unto them as wine or bear had been in for-times. Afterwards they directed their course to come to the other shore, for they knew it was a necke of land they were to crosse over, and so at length gott to the sea-side, and marched to this supposed river, and by the way found a pond of clear fresh water, and shortly after a good quantitie of clear ground wher the Indeans had formerly set come, and some of their graves/ And proceeding furder they saw new-stuble wher come had been set the same year, also they foimd wher latly a house had been, wher some planks and a great ketle was remaining, and heaps of sand newly padled with their hands, which they, digging up, found in them diverce faire Indean baskets filled with come, and some in eares, faire and good, of diverce coUours, which seemed to them a very goodly sight, (haveing never seen any shuch before). This was near the place of that supposed river they came to seeckf imto which they wente and found it to open it selfe into 2. armes with a high chffe of sand in the enterance, but more like to be crikes of salte water then any fresh, for ought they saw; and that ther was good harborige for their shalope; leaving it further to be discovered by their shalop when she was ready. So their time hmeted them being expired, they returned to the ship, least they should be in fear of their saftie; and tooke with them parte of the come, and buried up the rest, and so hke the men from EshcoU carried with them of the fruits of the land, and showed their breethren; of which, and • Near Pond Village, in Truro. ''Pamet River, in the same township. The second "discovery" or ex- ploration extended somewhat farther into the same region. The third extended quite around Cape Cod Bay. 100 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1620 their returne, they were marvelusly glad, and their harts incouraged. After this, the shalop being got ready, they set out againe for the better discovery of this place, and the m^ of the ship desired to goe him selfe, so ther went some 30. men, but found it to be no harbor for ships but only for boats; ther was allso found 2. of their houses covered with matts, and sundrie of their implements in them, but the people were rune away and could not be seen; also ther was found more of their come, and of their beans of various collours. The come and beans they brought away, pmposing to give them full satisfaction when they should meete with any of them (as about some 6. months afterward they did, to their good contente). And here is to be noted a spetiall providence of God, and a great mercie to this poore people, that hear they gott seed to plant them corne the next year, or els they might have starved, for they had none, nor any liklyhood to get any till the season had beene past (as the sequell did manyfest). Neither is it hckly they had had this, if the first viage had not been made, for the ground was now all covered with snow, and hard frozen. But the Lord is never wanting imto his in their greatest needs; let his holy name have all the praise. The month of November being spente in these affairs, and much foule weather falling in, the 6. of Desem"": they sente out their shallop againe with 10. of their principall men, and some sea men, upon further discovery, intending to circulate that deepe bay of Cap-codd. The weather was very could, and it frose so hard as the sprea of the sea hghtmg on their coats, they were as if they had been glased; yet that night betimes they gott downe into the botome of the bay, and as they drue nere the shore they saw some 10. or 12. Indeans very busie aboute some thmg. They landed aboute a league or 2. from them, and had much a doe to put a shore any wher, it lay so full of flats. Bemg landed, it grew late, and they made them selves a barricade with loggs and bowes as well as they 1620] THE EXPLORATION OF THE COAST 101 could in the time, and set out their sentenill and betooke them to rest, and saw the smoake of the fire the savages made that night. When morning was come they devided their company, some to coaste along the shore in the boate, and the rest marched throw the woods to see the land, if any fit place might be for their dwelling. They came allso to the place wher they saw the Indans the night before, and found they had been cuting up a great fish Uke a grampus, being some 2. inches thike of fate Uke a hogg, some peeces wher of they had left by the way; and the shallop found 2. more of these fishes dead on the sands, a thing usuall after storms in that place, by reason of the great flats of sand that lye of. So they ranged up and doune all that day, but found no people, nor any place they Uked. When the sime grue low, they hasted out of the woods to meete with their shallop, to whom they made signes to come to them into a creeke hardby, the which they did at highwater; of which they were very glad, for they had not seen each other all that day, since the morning. So they made them a barri- cado (as usually they did every night) with loggs, staks, and thike pine bowes, the height of a man, leaving it open to lee- ward, partly to shelter them from the could and wind (mak- ing their fire in the midle, and lying roimd aboute it), and partly to defend them from any sudden assaults of the sav- ags, if they should surroimd them.' So being very weary, they betooke them to rest. But aboute midnight, they heard a hideous and great crie, and their sentinell caled, "Arme, arme"; so they bestired them and stood to their armes, and ehote of a cupple of moskets, and then the noys seased. They concluded it was a companie of wolves, or such like willd beasts; for one of the sea men tould them he had often heard shuch a noyse in New-foimd land. So they rested till about 5. of the clock in the morning; for the tide, and ther purposs to goe from thence, made them be stiring betimes. So after praier they prepared for breakfast, and it being day dawning, ' Probably in or near Eastham, 102 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1620 it was thought best to be earring things downs to the boats. But soms said it was not best to carrie the armss downs, others said they would be the readier, for they had laped them up in their coats from the dew. But some 3. or 4. would not cary theirs till thsy wents them selves, yet as it fell out, ths water being not high enough, they layed them downs on ths banks side, and came up to breakfast. But presently, all on the sudain, they heard a great and strange crie, which they knew to be the same voycss they heard in ths night, though thsy varisd thsir notes, and one of their company being abroad came runing in, and cried, "Men, Indsans, Indsans"; and withall, thsir arowss cams flying amongst thsm. Their men rane with all speed to recover thsir armes, as by ths good providence of God thsy did. In ths msan tims, of thoss that were ther ready, tow muskets were discharged at them, and 2. more stood ready in ths snterance of ther randevous, but wsrs -comanded not to shoots till thsy could take full aims at thsm ; and the othsr 2. chargsd agains with all spssd, for thsr wsrs only 4. had armss thsr, and defended the baricado which was first assalted. The crie of the Indeans was dreadfuU, sspstially whsn they saw thsr men rune out of the randevous towourds ths shal- lop, to rscover their armes, the Indsans whssling abouts upon thsm. But some running out with coats of malls on, and cut- lasses in thsir hands, thsy soone got their armes, and let flye amongs them, and quickly stopped thsir violsncs. Yst thsr was a lustis man, and no Isss valiants, stood behind a tree within halfe a musket shot, and 1st his arrows flie at them. He was seen shoot 3. arrowes, which were all avoyded. He stood 3. shot of a musket, till one taking full aims at him, and made the barke or spliaters of ths trss fly about his sars, after which he gave an extraordinary shrike, and away they wsnte all of them. They left some to keep the shalop, and followed them aboute a quarter of a mills, and shouted ones or twise, and shot of 2. or 3. pscss, and so rstumed. This they did, that they might conceive that they were not affrade of thsm or any 1620] THE EXPLORATION OF THE COAST 103 way discouraged. Thus it pleased God to vanquish their eni- mies, and give them dehverance; and by his spetiall prov- idence so to dispose that not any one of them were either hurte, or hitt, though their arrows came close by them, and on every side them, and sundry of their coats, which hunge up in the barricado, were shot throw and throw. Aterwardsl they gave God soUamne thanks and praise for their deliverance, and gathered up a bimdle of their arrows, and sente them into England afterward by the m'' of the ship, and called that place the first encounter. From hence they departed, and costed all along, but discerned "no place likly for harbor; and therfore hasted to a place that their pillote, (one Mr. Coppin who had bine in the cuntrie before)^ did assure them was,a^ood harbor, which he had been in, and they might fetch.it before night; of which they were glad, for it begane to be .foule weather. After some houres sailing, it begane to snow and raine, and about the midle of the afternoone, the wind in- creased, and the sea became very rough, and they broake their rudder, and it was as much as 2. men could doe to steere her with a cupple of oares. But their pillott bad them be of good cheere, for he saw the harbor; but the storme increasing, and night drawing on, they bore what saile they could to gett in, while they could see. But herwith they broake their mast in 3. peeces, and their saill fell over bord, in a very grown sea, so as they had like to have been cast away; yet by God's mercie they recovered them selves, and having the floud with them, struck into the harbore. But when it came too, the pillott was deceived in the place, and said, the Lord be mercifull imto them, for his eys never saw that place before; and he and the m"" mate would have rune her ashore, in a cove full of breakers, before the winde. But a lusty seaman which steered, bad those which rowed, if they were men, about with her, or ells they were all cast away; the which they did with speed. So he bid them be of good cheere and row lustly, for ther was a ' Robert Coppin was second mate of the Mayflower. 104 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1620 faire sound before them, and he doubted not but they should find one place or other wher they might ride in saftie. And though it was very darke, and rained sore, yet in the end they gott imder the lee of a smalle iland, and remained ther all that night in saftie.' But they knew not this to be an iland till morning, but were devided in their minds; some would keepe the boate for fear they might be amongst the Indians; others were so weake and could, they could not endure, but got a shore, and with much adoe got fire, (all things being so wett,) and the rest were glad to come to them; for after midnight the wind shifted to the north-west, and it frose hard. But though this had been a day and night of much trouble and danger imto them, yet God gave them a morning of comforte and refreshing (as usually he doth to his children), for the next day was a faire sunshining day, and they found them sellvs to be on an iland secure from the Indeans, wher they might drie their stufe, fixe their peeces, and rest them selves, and gave God thanks for his mercies, in their manifould deliverances. And this being the last day of the weeke, they prepared ther to keepe the Sabath. On Munday they sounded the harbor, and founde it fitt for shipping; and marched into the land,^ and foimd diverse cornfeilds, and litle runing brooks, a place (as they supposed) fitt for situation; at least it was the best they could find, and the season, and their presente necessitie, made them glad to accepte of it. So they retm-ned to their shipp againe with this news ' The rough sea and rain make it probable that the wind was east or east- southeast. In my judgment the shallop passed over a part of what is called Brown's Island, which, as Champlain's map made in 1605 shows, was a sand- bar exposed at low tide, and approached Saquish Cove, thence steering up the channel and anchoring for the night under the shelter of a little island. Sa- quish was at that time an island, as Champlain's map shows, and was probably the little island which sheltered the shallop from the easterly wind. The record states that during the night the wind changed to the northwest, and Clark's Island with its southerly aspect undoubtedly became the resting place of the shallop party until Monday the 11th. "The landing on Plymouth Rock of the shallop party, December 11, O.S., December 21, N. S., was the historic landing. 1620] THE EXPLORATION OF THE COAST 105 to the rest of their people which did much comforte their harts. On the 15. of Desem'': they wayed anchor to goe to the place they had discovered, and came within 2. leagues of it, but were faine to bear up againej but the 16. day the winde came faire, and they arrived safe in this harbor. And after wards tooke better view of the place, and resolved wher to pitch their dwelling; and the 25. day begane to erecte the first house for commone use to receive them and their goods.' ' The site of the house is marked by a bronze tablet erected in 1898 by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. ^ 9 0^ THE 2. BOOKE. The rest of this History (if God give me life, and oppor- tunitie) I shall, for brevitis sake, handle by way of annalls, noteing only the heads of principall things, and passages as they fell in order of time, and may seeme to be profitable to know, or to make use of. And this may be as the 2. Booke. The remainder of An": 1620. I SHALL a htle returne backe and begine with a combina- tion' made by them before they came ashore, being the first foundation of their govermente in this place; occasioned partly by the discontented and mutinoiis speeches that some of the strangers amongst them had let fall from them in the ship — ^That when they came a shore they would use their owne libertie; for none had power to command them, the patents they had being for Virginia, and not for New-england, which belonged to an other Goverment, with which the Virginia Company had nothing to doe. And partly that shuch an acte by them done (this their condition considered) might be ^s firme as any patent, and in some respects more sure. / ' Perhaps an undue significance has been attached to this combination or compact. The President and Council of New England, from whom the Pil- grims received their patent or grant, were authorized by their royal charter "to make, ordain and establish all manner of orders, laws, directions, instructions, forms and ceremonies of government and magistracy, fit and necessary for and concerning the government of the said colony and plantation." The patent issued to the Pilgrims by the Council, June 1, 1621, authorized them "to estab- lish such Lawes and ordynaunces as are for their better government, and the same by such OflScer or Officers as they shall by most voices elect and choose to put in execution." Thus the principle of the rule of the majority in the enact- ment of laws and the election of officers was recognized by both the patent and the royal charter. But landing outside the jurisdiction of the company which had granted the patent actually brought with them, they were obliged to assume, though on recognized principles, such authority as was needful. A similar course was afterward followed by the river towns of Connecticut, at New Haven, by the settlers at Dover and Exeter on the Piscataqua, at Providence and else- where. 106 (T;^ /r ■f'^-'^ ^^^ ^-^^'' ^^^"' CO^Jvfic^ Co^/,Jcr,i]^.^,U ^f « i./ic,! >j»iis oios? j:a.cM Q_ ^oi-mt-n-faSfj^^ tvas '^''^^ '^'^ \ THE MAYFLOWER COMPACT From the original Bradford manuscript in the Massachusetts State Library 1620] JOHN CARVER, GOVERNOR 107 The forme was as foUoweth.' 1 In the name of God, Amen. We whose names are under-writen, the loyall subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King James, by the grace of God, of Great Britaine, Franc, and Ireland king, defender of the faith, etc., haveing undertaken, for the glorie of God, and advancemente of the Christian faith, and honour of our king and countrie, a voyage to plant the first colonic in the Northeme parts of Virginia, doe by these presents solemnly and mutualy in the presence of God, and one of another, cove- nant and combine our selves togeather into a civill body politick, for our better ordering and preservation and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; and by vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and frame such just and equall lawes, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meete and convenient for the generall good of the Colonie, unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witnes wherof we have hereunder subscribed our names at Cap-Codd the 11. of November, in the year of the raigne of our soveraigne lord, King James, of England, France, and Ireland the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fiftie fourth. An°: Dom. 1620. After this they chose, or rather confirmed/ Mr. John Carver (a man godly and well approved amongst them) their Govemom* for that year. And after they had provided a place for their goods, or comone store, (which were long in unlading for want of boats, foulnes of winter weather, and sicknes of diverce,) and begune some small cottages for their habitation, as time would admitte, they mette and consulted of lawes and orders, both for their civill and miUtary Govermente, as the necessitie of their condition did require, still adding therunto as urgent occasion in severall times, and as eases did reqmre. In these hard and difficulte beginings they found some dis- contents and murmurings arise amongst some, and mutinous speeches and carriags in other; but they were soone quelled and overcome by the wisdome, patience, and just and equall 'See the -fac-simile. ' John Carver had been informally appointed governor of the Mayflower when she sailed from England, so that his formal election by the company after the compact was signed is called confirmation. 108 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1621 carrage of things by the Gov'' and better part, which clave faithfully togeather in the maine. But that which was most sadd and lamentable was, that in 2. or 3. moneths time halfe of their company dyed, espetialy in Jan: and February, being the depth of winter, and wanting houses and other comforts; being infected with the scurvie and other diseases, which this long vioage and their inacomodate condition had brought upon them; so as ther dyed some times 2. or 3. of a day, in the fore- said time; that of 100. and odd persons, scarce 50. remained.' And of these in the time of most distres, ther was but 6. or 7. sound persons, who, to their great comendations be it spoken, spared no pains, night nor day, but with abimdance of toyle and hazard of their owne health, fetched them woode, made them fires, drest them meat, made their beads, washed their lothsome cloaths, cloathed and uncloathed them; in a word, did all the homly and necessarie offices for them which dainty and quesie stomacks cannot endure to hear named; and all this willingly and cherfuUy, without any grudging in the least, shewin g herein their truelove unto their frginds and bretheren. lArare example and woraTy to be remembre^. Tow of these 7. wefe~MrrWilUamBrewster, ther reverend Elder, and Myles Standish, ther Captein and mihtary comander, unto whom my selfe, and many others, were much beholden in our low and sicke condition. :4^d yet_the_ Lord so upheld these persons, as in tMs_.geiieraJlcalaniity they were not at aiTuifBcted* either with sicknes, or lanmes. ~"ajTa~wBan~Have said of these, I may say'or^Sinjrgttfers who dyed in this generall vissitation, and others- yet hving, that whilst they had health, yea, or any strength continuing, they were not wanting to any that had need ofjthem. And I doutejiot but their recompence is with the Lord. ~' — .— -- . — — ""^ But I may not hear pass by an other remarkable passage not to be forgotten. As this calamitie fell among the pas- sengers that were to be left here to plant, and were hasted a ' The sickness was perhaps typhus or ship fever. 1621] JOHN CARVER, GOVERNOR 109 shore and made to drinke water, that the sea-men might have the more bear/ and one in his sicknes desiring but a small cann of beere, it was answered, that if he were their owne father he should have none ; the disease begane to fall amongst them also, so as allmost halfe of their company dyed before they went away, and many of their officers and lustyest men, as the boatson, gunner, 3. quarter-maisters, the cooke, and others. At which the m"^ was something strucken and sent to the sick a shore and tould the Gov'' he should send for beer for them that had need of it, though he drunke water homward boxmd. But now amongst his company ther was farr another kind of carriage in this miserie then amongst the passengers; for they that before had been boone companions in drinking and joyllity in the time of their health and well- fare, begane now to deserte one another in this calamitie, saing they would not hasard ther fives for them, they should be infected by coming to help them in their cabins, and so, after they came to dye by it, would doe fitle or nothing for them, but if they dyed let them dye. But shuch of the passengers as were yet abord shewed them what mercy they could, which made some of their harts relente, as the boatson (and some others), who was a prowd yonge man, and would often curse and scofe at the passengers; but when he grew weak, they had compassion on him and helped him; then he confessed he did not deserve it at their hands, he had abused them in word and deed. 0! saith he, you, I now see, shew your love fike Christians indeed one to another, but we let one another lye and dye like doggs. Another lay cursing his wife, saing if it had not ben for her he had never come this imlucky viage, and anone cxirsing his felows, saing he had done this and that, for some of them, he had spente so much, and so much, amongst them, and they were now weary of him, and did not help him, having need. Another gave his companion aU he had, if he died, to help him in his weaknes; he went and got a fitle spise » " Which was this author him selfe." (Br.) no HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1621 and made him a mess of meat once or twise, and because he dyed not so soone as he expected, he went amongst his fellows, and swore the rogue would cousen him, he would see him choaked before he made him any more meate; and yet the pore fellow dyed before morning. All this while the Indians came skulking about them, and would sometimes show them selves aloofe of, but when any aproached near them, they would rune away. And once they stoale away their tools wher they had been at worke, and were gone to diner. But about the 16. of March a certains Indian came bouldly amongst them, and spoke to them in broken EngUsh, which they could well imderstand, but mar- velled at it. At length they understood by discourse with him, that he was not of these parts, but belonged to the eastrene parts, wher some EngUsh-ships came to fhish, with whom he was aquainted, and could name sundrie of them by their names, amongst whom he had gott his language. He became proftable to them in aquainting them with many things concerning the state of the cimtry in the east-parts wher he Uved, which was afterwards profitable unto them; as also of the people hear, of their names, number, and strength; of their situation and distance from this place, and who was cheefe amongst them. His name was Samaset;' he tould them also of another Indian whos name was Squanto,^ a native of this place, who had been in England and could speake better EngUsh then him selfe. Being, after some time of entertain- mente and gifts, dismist, a while after he came againe, and 5. more with him, and they bro&ght againe all the tooles that were stolen away before, and made way for the coming of their great Sachem, called Massasoyt; who, about 4. or 5. days * Samoset was a sagamore from Monhegan in Maine, and probably came to this region with Thomas Dermer and had not returned home. After his return to Maine he sold by deed in 1625 to John Brown of New Harbor twelve thousand acres of land for fifty beaver skins. ^ Squanto, or Tisquantum, was of much use to the Pilgrims as guide and interpreter. He died in Chatham in November, 1622. His eventful story is fully told in C. F. Adams's Three Episodes of Massachmetts History, pp. 23-44 1621] JOHN CARVER, GOVERNOR 111 after, came with the cheefe of his freinds and other attend- ance, with the aforesaid Squanto. With whom, after frendly entertainment, and some gifts given him, they made a peace with him (which hath now continued this. 24. years)' in these terms, 1. That neither he nor any of his, should injurie or doe hurte to any of their peopl. 2. That if any of his did any hurte to any of theirs, he should send the offender, that they might punish him. 3. That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause it to be restored; and they should doe the like to his. 4. If any did unjustly warr against him, they would aide him; if any did warr against them, he should aide them. 5. He should send to his neighbours confederats, to certifie them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise comprised in the conditions of peace. 6. That when ther men came to them, they should leave their bows and arrows behind them. After these things he returned to his place caled Sowams,' some 40. mile from this place, but Squanto continued with them, and was their interpreter, and was a spetiall instrument sent of God for their good beyond their expectation. He directed them how to set their corne, wher to take fish, and to procure other comodities, and was also their pilott to bring them to unknowne places for their profitt, and never left them till he dyed. He was a native- of this place, and scarce any left aUve besids him selfe. He was caried away with diverce others by one Hunt,' a m"" of a ship, who thought to sell them for ' It continued more than 50 years. ' On the present site of Warren, R. I. ' Thomas Hunt, captain of one of the ships in John Smith s expedition to New England in 1614, captured twenty of the Patuxet Indians and seven Nausets and carried them to Malaga, where he sold them. The friars caused them to be released and Squanto found his way to England, where he was a servant of Mr. John Slanie, a merchant of London. Before the return of Squanto to New England the Patuxet tribe had been swept away by disease. 112 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1621 slaves in Spaine; but he got away for England, and was entertained by a marchante in London, and imployed to New-foundland and other parts, and lastly brought hither into these parts by one Mr. Dermer, a gentle-man imployed by Sr. Ferdinando Gorges and others, for discovery, and other designes in these parts. Of whom I shall say some thing, be- cause it is mentioned in a booke set forth An°: 1622. by the Presidente and Counsell for New-England,' that he made the peace betweene the salvages of these parts and the English; of which this plantation, as it is intimated, had the benefits. But what a peace it was, may apeare by what befell him and his men. This Mr. Dermer was hear the same year that these people came, as apears by a relation written by him, and given me by a freind, bearing date Jvine 30. An°: 1620. And they came in Novemb'': following, so ther was but 4. months differance. In which relation to his honored freind, he hath these passages of this very place. I will first begine (saith he) with that place from whence Squanto, or Tisquantem, was taken away; which in Cap: Smiths mape is called Plimoth:^ and I would that Plimoth had the like comodities. I would that the first plantation might hear be seated, if ther come to the number of 50. persons, or upward. Otherwise at Charlton, because ther the savages are lese to be feared. The Pocanawkits,^ which live to the west of Plimoth, bear an inveterate malice to the English, and are of more streingth then all the savags from thence to Penobscote. Their desire of revenge was occasioned by an English man, who having many of them ' "Page 19." (Br.) The reference is to A brief e Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New England (London, 1622), reprinted in 1890 by the Prince Society in the first of its volumes on Gorges. See p. 221 of that volume. *See the fac-simile in this volume. In the later "states" of the map after the settlement, the name appears as New Plymouth. The adoption of the name by the Pilgrims was due to the nomenclature of Smith's map. Most of Smith's names for town-sites were not retained by the actual settlers. "Charl- ton," indeed, mentioned in the text above, lies not far from where Chariestown was actually established in 1630; but that name does not appear on the map till its later states. ^Pokanoket included what are now Bristol and Barrington in Rhode Island and parts of Swansea and Seekonk in Massachusetts. 1621] JOHN CARVER, GOVERNOR 113 on bord, made a great slaughter with their murderers and smale shot, when as (they say) they offered no injurie on their parts. Whether they were English or no, it may be douted; yet they beleeve they were, for the Frenche have so possest them; for which cause Squanto cannot deney but they would have kiled me when I was at Namasket,* had he not en- treated hard for me. The soyle of the borders of this great bay, may be compared to most of the plantations which I have seene in Virginia. The land is of diverce sorts ; for Patuxite is a hardy but strong soyle, Nawset and Saughtughtett are for the most part a blakish and deep mould, much like that wher groweth the best Tobacco in Virginia. In the botume of that great bay is store of Codd and basse, or mulett, etc. But above all he comends Pacanawkite for the richest soyle, and much open ground fitt for English graine, etc. Massachussets ^ is about 9. leagues from Plimoth, and situate in the mids betweene both, is full of Hands and peninsules very fertill for the most parte. With sundrie shuch relations which I forbear to transcribe, being now better knowne then they were to him. t~ He was taken prisoner by the Indeans at Manamoiak' (a place not farr from hence, now well knowne). He gave them what they demanded for his Hberty, but when they had gott what they desired, they kept him still and indevored to kill his men; but he was freed by seasing on some of them, and kept them bound till they gave him a cannows load of corne. Of which, see Purch : hb. 9. fol. 1778.' But this was An° : 1619. After the writing of the former relation he came to the He of Capawack ' (which lyes south of this place in the way to Virginia), and the foresaid Squanto with him, wher he going a shore amongst the Indans to trad, as he used to doe, was be- trayed and assaulted by them, and all his men slaine, but one ' Nemasket was in Middleborough, Patuxet in Plymouth, Nauset in East- ham, and Satucket in Brewster. ' Meaning Boston harbor. ' Chatham, on Cape Cod. * The reference is to Samuel Purchas's Pilgrimes (London, 1625), vol. IV., fol. 1778, where a letter of Dermer's is printed, which he wrote to Purchas from Virginia, in December, 1619, recounting this and other adventures. " Martha's Vineyard. RELATION OR lournall of the beginning and proceedings of the Endifti Vhtitmonkthdatflmoth in N fi w England; by certaine EngliQi AduentHrersboth .. Msrcihants and others. - ' With their difficuhpaira.ge,theirrafeanuall, their ioyfullbuildingbf, and comfortable plannngthefti- felucs ia the now well defended Towne ~ ' of New PtiMOTH. AS ALSO A RELATION OF FOVRE feuerall difcoueries fince made by fomc of the fame Englifti Planters tbere refident. • / lis a ioUrHey f o P v c k a n o k i c K t^f hditation of thelndutatt greti' • ittjiting Malfafoyt : at alfi their mcftge, thf aufwer and e}ittrtai>iment, thej kadof him. . ,. t av» r r- > lUIpavoyagemadehyteftofthemtotheKtttgdomeafiimlttytofifks ttiejthatbadhflhimfelfeintheyi'oodt : xvithfmh accidents as kifdthetTL, ■ i» that vty age.. : r t • J IT. Intheiriouruej tefhe Kiitgdonte fl/Namafchetj a-, defence of theif greatefi King MiffaCoyt,-agai>7J} the Narrohiggonfets, ^ftdtoreuengethf fuppofeddeath of theif ItiterpreterTJfqnziumn. , • ' ' nil, Iheirvoya^eto the MaiXich\irctSya>idtheir- etitertaifimefittbere^,.^ j^ithan'anfwerto all fucbobieaionsasare any way made. ' againfttheiavv'fuineire of Englifli plantations ■ -^.^1 ^■' -T :.> ^ in.tliofeparts. . ■K^ ■ LONBO-N,-' ^ Printed for hhn Mmie, and are to be fold at his fltopat the TITLE PAGE OF " MOURT'S RELATION " From a copy of the original edition in the Xew York Public Library (Lenox Building) 1621] JOHN CARVER, GOVERNOR 115 yea from their youth. Many other smaler maters I omite, sundrie of them having been alheady pubhshed in a Jumall made by one of the company;' and some other passages of jurneys and relations allredy pubhshed, to which I referr those that are wilhng to know them more perticulerly. And being now come to the 25. of March I shall begine the year 1621.' Anno. 1621. They now begane to dispatch the ship away which brought them over, which lay tille aboute this time, or the begining of Aprill. The reason on their parts why she stayed so long, was the necessitie and danger that lay upon them, for it was well towards the ende of Desember before she could land any thing hear, or they able to receive any thing ashore. Afterwards, the 14. of Jan: the hoiose which they had made for a generall randevoze by casulty fell afire, and some were faine to retire abord for shilter. Then the sicknes begane to fall sore amongst them, and the weather so bad as they could not make much sooner any dispatch. Againe, the Gov"" and cheefe of them, seeing so many dye, and fall downe sick dayly, thought it it no wisdom to send away the ship, their condition considered, and the danger they stood in from the Indeans, till they could procure some shelter; and therfore thought it better to draw some more charge upon them selves and freinds, then hazard all. The m"^ and sea-men hkewise, though before they hasted the passengers a shore to be goone, now many of their men being dead, and of the ablest of them, (as is before noted,) and of the rest many lay sick and weake, the m"' durst not put to sea, till he saw his men begine to recover, and the hart of winter over. Afterwards they (as many as were able) began to plant ther come, in which servise Squanto stood them in great stead, showing them both the maner how to set it, and after how to ' The journal referred to is that in "Mourt's Relation." See the editor's In- troduction and the fac-simile of the title-page. ' See p. 56, note 3. 116 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1621 dress and tend it. Also he tould them excepte they gott fish and set with it (in these old grounds)' it would come to nothing, and he showed them that in the midle of Aprill they should have store enough come up the brooke, by which they begane to build, and taught them how to take it, and wher to get other provissions necessary foLthem; all which they found true by triall and experience. / Some EngKsh seed they sew, as wheat p~ '^nd pease, but it came not to good, eather by the badnes of the seed, or latenes of the season, or both, or some other defectej In this month of Aprill whilst they were bussie about their seed, their Gov"" (Mr. John Carver) came out of the feild very sick, it being a hott day; he complained greatly of his head, and lay downe, and within a few howers his sences failed, so as he never spake more till he dyed, which was within a few days after. Whoss death was much lamented, and caused great heavines amongst them, as ther was cause. He was buried in the best maner they could, with some volhes of shott by all that bore armes; and his wife, being a weak woman, dyed within 5. or 6. weeks aiterjaim^ V- T" - ' ^'^ ^* Jr^^ " *' Shortly afteS^^^WilHam Bfadford ^as chosen Gove"" in his stead, and being nofyet recoverd of his ilnes, in which he had been near the point of death, Isaak AUerton was chosen to be an Asistante unto him, who, by renewed election every year, continued sundry years togeather, whichllliear note once for all. W i May 12. was the first mariage in this place,^ which/apcord- ing to the laudable custome of the Low-Cuntries, in wljidn they had lived, was thought most requisite to be perferfiied by the magistrate, as being a civill thing, upon which many questions aboute inheritances doe depende, with other things most proper to their cognizans, and most consonante to the scripturs, Ruth ' I. e., where the Indians had been accustomed to plant. ' This was the marriage of Edward Winslow, whose wife had died March 24, 1620/1, with Susanna White, whose husband, William White, had died February 21, 1620/1. ( ^ r " U '' 1621] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 117 4. and no wher found in the gospell to be layed on the ministers as a part of their office. "This decree or law about mariage was pubHshed by the Stats of the Low-Cuntries An°: 1590. That those of any rehgion, after lawfull and open publication, coming before the magistrats, in the Town or Stat-house, were to be orderly (by them) maried one to another." Petets Hist, fol : 1029.* And this practiss hath continued amongst, not only them, but hath been followed by all the famous churches of Christ in these parts to this time,— An°: 1646. Haveing in some sorte ordered their bussines at home, it was thought meete to send some abroad to see their new freind Massasoyet,^ and to bestow upon him some gratuitie to bind him the faster unto them; as also that hearby they might veiw the countrie, and see in what maner he hved, what strength he had aboute him, and how the ways were to his place, if at any time they should have occasion. So the 2. of July they sente Mr. Edward Winslow^ and Mr. Hopkins, with the foresaid ' J. F. le Petit, La Grande Chronique Ancienne et Moderne de Hollande, Zeelande, etc. (Dordrecht, 1601). The province of Holland had established civil marriage in 1680. "For an account of the visit to Massasoit, see "Mourt's Relation" in Dex- ter's reprint, or Arber, Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, pp. 462-473. ' Edward Winslow was born in Droitwich, Worcestershire, October 19, 1595. He joined the Pilgrim company in Leyden in 1617. While there he engaged in the business of a printer, and married in 1618 Elizabeth Barker of Chester, England. He came with his wife in the Mayflower to Plymouth,' where she died March 24, 1620/1. On May 12, 1621, he married Susanna, widow of William White. In 1623 he went to England as the agent of the colony, and returned in the Charity in 1624, bringing the first cattle introduced into the colony. While in England he published a book entitled Good News from New England (London, 1624). In 1633 he was chosen governor of the colony. He visited England again in 1634 and was imprisoned in the Fleet prison; see p. 316. He was again governor in 1636 and 1644. In 1646 he went to England for the fourth time and did not return. At that visit through his influence the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel among the Indians, which is still in existence, was established, in 1649. He published Hypocrisie Unmasked (London, 1646), and the next year published New England's Salamander. In the appendix of Hypocrisie Unmasked he gave an accoimt of the farewell discourse of Robinson concerning new light, which has been much discussed. He was intimate with Cromwell, who consulted him about colonial affairs and issued to him various commissions, in the execution of one of which, for the settlement of Jamaica, 118 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1621 Squanto for ther guid, who gave him a suite of cloaths, and a horsemans coate, with some other small things, which were kindly accepted; but they found but short commons, and came both weary and hungrie home. For the Indeans used then to have nothing so much come as they have since the English have stored them with their hows,' and seene their industrie in breaking up new groimds therwith. They found his place to be 40. miles from hence, the soyle good, and the people not many, being dead and abimdantly wasted in the late great mortahtie which fell in all these parts aboute three years before the coming of the EngUsh,^ wherin thousands of them dyed, they not being able to burie one another; ther sculs and bones were foimd in many places lying still above ground, where their houses and dwelHngs had been; a very sad spectackle to behould. But they brought word that the Narighansets Uved but on the other side of that great bay, and were a strong people, and many in number, living com- pacte togeather, and had not been at all touched with this wasting plague. Aboute the later end of this month, one John Billington lost him selfe in the woods, and wandered up and downe some 5. days, hving on beries and what he could find. At length he light on an Indean plantation, 20. mils south of this place, called Manamet, they conveid him fm-der of, to Nawsett, among those peopl that had before set upon the English when they were costing, whilest the ship lay at the Cape, as is before noted. But the Gove'' caused him to be enquired for among the Indeans, and at length Massassoyt sent word wher he was, and the Gove'' sent a shalop for him, and had he died at sea May 8, 1655. One of these commissions, a parchment containing a portrait of Cromwell, is preserved in Pilgrim Hall in Plymouth. In 1651, while in London, a portrait of Winslow was painted, probably by Robert Walker, Cromwell's court painter; this is also in Pilgrim Hall, together with portraits of his son Josiah and wife, painted presumably by the same artist. ' Hoes. ' The nature of the great pestilence which fell on the Massachusetts is not certain. It raged throughout the years 1616 and 1617. 1621] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 119 him delivered. Those people also came and made their peace; and they gave full satisfaction to those whose come they had found and taken when they were at Cap- Codd. Thus ther peace and aquaintance was prety well estab- Usht with the natives aboute them; and ther was an other Indean called Hobamack* come to Uve amongst them, a proper lustie man, and a man of accounte for his vallour and parts amongst the Indeans, and continued very faithfuU and con- stant to the Enghsh till he dyed. He and Squanto being gone upon bussines amonge the Indeans, at their rettUTie (whether it was out of envie to them or mahce to the Enghsh) ther was a Sachem called Corbitant, alyed to Massassoyte, but never any good freind to the Enghsh to this day, mett with them at an Indean towne caled Namassakett' 14. miles to the west of this place, and begane to quarell with them, and offered to stabe Hobamack ; but being a lusty man, he cleared him selfe of him, and came running away all sweating and tould the Gov*" what had befalne him, and he feared they had killed Squanto, for they threatened them both, and for no other cause but because they were freinds to the Enghsh, and servis- able unto them, jjpon this the Gove'' taking counsel l, it was conceivd not fitt-tQ-b£J)ome; for if they should suffer their fi^emds^an' ^^i^essenge rg.^fflLis to be wronged, they should have Tione wwild^leave unto them, or give them any intehgence, or doe them serviss afterwards; but nexte they would fall upon them selves. Whereupon it was resolved to send the Captaine and 14. men well armed, and to goe and fall upon them in the night; and if they found that Squanto was kild, to cut of Corbitants head, but not to hurt any but those that had a hand in it. Hobamack was asked if he would goe and be their guid, and bring them ther before day. He said he would, and 'Hobomok was one of the captains and counsellors of Massasoit. He early attached himself to the Pilgrims, whom he faithfully served until his death in old age. In the division of lands in 1624 a parcel was set to him which was known as "Hobomok's Ground." > Middleborough. 120 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1621 bring them to the house wher the man lay, and show them which was he. So they set forth the 14. of August, and beset the house round ; the Captin giving charg to let none pass out, entred the house to search for him. But he was goone away that day, so they mist him; but imderstood that Squanto was ahve, and that he had only threatened to kill him, and made an offer to stabe him but did not. So they withheld and did no more hurte, and the people came trembling, and brought them the best provissions they had, after they were aquainted by Hobamack what was only intended. Ther was 3. sore wounded which broak out of the house, and asaid to pass through the garde. These they brought home with them, and they had their wounds drest and cured, and sente home. After this they had many gratulations from diverce sachims, and much firmer peace ; yea, those of the lies of Capawack sent to make frendship; and this Corbitant him selfe used the medi- ation of Massassoyte to make his peace, but was shie to come neare them a longe while after. After this, the 18. of Sepemb'': they sente out ther shalop to the Massachusets, with 10. men, and Squanto for their guid and interpreter, to discover and veiw that bay, and trade with the natives; the which they performed, and found kind enter- tainement. The people were much affraid of the Tarentins,* a people to the eastward which used to come in harvest time and take away their come, and many times kill their persons. They returned in saftie, and brought home a good quanty of beaver, and made reporte of the place, wishing they had been ther seated; (but it seems the Lord, who assignes to all men the bounds of their habitations, had apoyiited it for an other use). And thus they found the Lord to be with them in all their ways, and to blesse their outgoings and incommings, for which let his holy name have the praise for ever, to all posteritie. • The Tarentins or Tarrantines were a fierce body of Indians living along the coast of Maine, who made bloody attacks on the weaker tribes. 1621] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 121 They begane now to gather in the small harvest they had, and to fitte up their houses and dwelhngs against winter, being all well recovered in health and strenght, and had all things in good plenty; for as some were thus imployed in affairs abroad, others were excersised in fishing, aboute codd, and bass, and other fish, of which they tooke good store, of which every family had their portion. All the sommer ther was no wante. And now begane to come in store of foule, as winter aproached, of which this place did abound when they came first (but afterward decreased by degrees). And besids water foule, ther was great store of wild Turkies, of which they tooke many, besids venison, etc. Besids they had aboute a peck a meale a weeke to a person, or now since harvest, Indean come to that proportion. Which made^^manj- afterwards write so la^gly of their plenty^ear_to^their,£reinds ia„England, which were"irot fained^..but true reports. In Novemb"", about that time twelfe month that them selves came, ther came in a small ship to them unexpected or loked for,^ in which came Mr. Cushman (so much spoken of before) and with him 35. persons^ to remaine and Hve in the plantation; which did not a litle rejoyce them. And they when they came a shore and found all well, and saw plenty of vitails in every house, were no less glade. For most of them were liisty yonge men, and many of them wild enough, who litle considered whither or aboute what they wente, till they came into the harbore at Cap-Codd, and ther saw nothing but a naked and barren place. They then begane to thinke what should become of them, if the people here were dead or cut of by the Indeans. They begane to consulte (upon some speeches that some of the sea-men had cast out) to take the sayls from the yeard least the ship should gett away and leave them ther. But the m'' hereing of it, gave them good words, and tould them ' "She came the 9. to the Cap." (Br.) ' For the list of passengers in the Fortune, see Davis's Ancient Landmarks o/ Plymouth, part i., page 51. The Fortune was of 56 tons. 122 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1621 if any thing but well should have befalhie the people hear, he hoped he had vitails enough to cary them to Virginia, and whilst he had a bitt they should have their parte; which gave them good satisfaction. So they were all landed ; but ther was not so much as bisket-cake or any other victialls' for them, neither had they any beding, but some sory things they had in their cabins, nor pot, nor pan, to drese any meate in; nor overmany cloaths, for many of them had brusht away their coats and cloaks at PUmoth as they came. But ther was sent over some burching-lane^ suits in the ship, out of which they were suppUed. The plantation was glad of this addition of strenght, but could have wished that many of them had been of beter condition, and all of them beter furnished with pro- Adssions; but that could not now be helpte. In this ship Mr. Weston sent a large leter to Mr. Carver, the late Gove'', now deseased, full of complaints and expostula- tions aboute former passagess at Hampton; and the keeping the shipe so long in the country, and returning her without lad- ing, etc., which for brevitie I omite. The rest is as foUoweth: Part of Mr. Westons letter. I durst never aquainte the adventurers with the alteration of the conditions first agreed on betweene us, which I have since been very glad of, for I am well assured had they knowne as much as I doe, they would not have adventured a halfe-peny of what was necesary for this ship. That you sent no lading in the ship is wonderfull, and worthily distasted. I know you' weaknes was the cause of it, and I beleeve more weaknes of judgmente, then weaknes of hands. A quarter of the time you spente in discoursing, arguing, and consulting, would have done much more; but that is past, etc. If you mean, bona fide, to performe the conditions agreed upon, doe us the favore to coppy them out f aire, and subscribe them with the principall of your names. And likwise give us accounte as per- ticulerly as you can how our moneys were laid out. And then I shall be able to give them some satisfaction, whom I am now forsed with good words to shift of. And consider that the life of the bussines depends on ' "Nay, they were faine to spare the shipe some to carry her home." (Br.) * Birchen or Birchover Lane in London was a headquarters of the sellers of clothing. 1621] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 123 the lading of this ship, which, if you doe to any good purpose, that I may be freed from the great siuns I have disbursed for the former, and must doe for the later, / promise you I will never quit the bussines, though all the other adventurers should. We have procured you a Charter,' the best we could, which is beter then your former, and with less limitation. For any thing that is els worth writting, Mr. Cushman can informe you. I pray write instantly for Mr. Robinson to come to you. And so praying God to blesse you with all graces nessessary both for this life and that to come, I rest Your very loving frend, Tho. Weston. London, July 6. 1621. This ship (caled the Fortune) was speedily dispatcht away, being laden with good clapbord as full as she could stowe, and 2. hoggsheads of beaver and otter skins, which they gott with a few trifling comodities brought with them at first, being al- togeather unprovided for trade ; neither was ther any amongst them that ever saw a beaver skin till they came hear, and were informed by Squanto. The fraight was estimated to be worth near 500li. Mr. Cushman returned backe also with this ship, for so Mr. Weston and the rest had apoynted him, for then- better information. And he doubted not, nor them selves neither, but they should have a speedy supply; considering allso how by Mr, Cushmans perswation,^ and letters received from Leyden, wherin they willed them so to doe, they yeel[d]ed to the afforesaid conditions, and subscribed them with their hands. But it proved other wise, for Mr. Weston, who had made that large promise in his leter, (as is before noted,) that if all the rest should fall of, yet he would never quit the bussines, ' This patent from the President and Council of New England, dated June 1, 1621, was issued to John Pierce and his associates and was brought over in the Fortune in November, 1621. The patent which the Pilgrims brought with them from the (southern) Virginia Company was surrendered. That of 1621 is preserved in Pilgrim Hall, Plymouth. For its text, see Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth, part i., page 40. ' Cushman came over probably as the agent of the London merchants to obtain the execution of the contract, which had never been signed. The address which he delivered in the common house, and which has been called a sermon, was a speech to induce the colonists to sign the contract. 124 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1621 but stick to them, if they yeelded to the conditions, and sente some lading in the ship ; and of this Mr. Cushman was confident, and confirmed the same from his mouth, and serious protesta- tions to him selfe before he came. But ^proved but wind, for he was the firsiMd pnly manthMiprsooke;^^^^ and-fcfrat before he so much^ash^rd of tlie returne of this ship, oFEnew whHI^lSoSeXlio^^ne^^ But of this more in its place. '"""' ^ """ A leter in answer to his write to Mr. Carver, was sente to him from the Gov"", of which so much as is pertenente to the thing in hand I shall hear inserte. Sr:. Your large letter writen to Mr. Carver, and dated the 6. of July, 1621, 1 have received the 10. of Novemb'', wherin (after the apologie made for your selfe) you lay many heavie imputations upon him and us all. Touching him, he is departed this life, and now is at rest in the Lord from all those troubls and incoumbrances with which we are yet to strive. He needs not my appologie; for his care and pains was so great for the commone good, both ours and yours, as that therwith (it is thought) he oppressed him selfe and shortened his days; of whose loss we cannot sufficiently complaine. At great charges in this adventure, I confess you have beene, and many losses may sustaine; but the loss of his and many other honest and industrious mens lives, cannot be vallewed at any prise. Of the one, ther may be hope of recovery, but the other no recompence can make good. But I will not insiste in generalls, but come more per- ticulerly to the things them selves. You greatly blame us for keping the ship so long in the countrie, and then to send her away emptie. She lay 5. weks at Cap-Codd, whilst with many a weary step (after a long journey) and the indurance of many a hard brunte, we sought out in the f oule winter a place of habitation. Then we went in so tedious a time to make pro- vission to sheelter us and our goods, abo.ute which labour, many of our armes and leggs can tell us to this day we were not necligent. But it pleased God to vissite us then, with death dayly, and with so generall a disease, that the living were scarce able to burie the dead; and the well not in any measure sufficiente to tend the sick. And now to be so greatly blamed, for not fraighting the ship, doth indeed goe near us, and much discourage us. But you say you know we will pretend weaknes; and doe you think we had not cause ? Yes, you tell us you beleeve it, but it was more weaknes of judgmente, then of hands. Our weaknes herin is great 1621] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 125 we confess, therfore we will bear this check patiently amongst the rest, till God send us wiser men. But they which tould you we spent so much time in discoursing and consulting, etc., their harts can tell their toungs, they lye. They cared not, so they might salve their owne sores, how they wounded others. Indeed, it is our callamitie that we are (beyound ex- pectation) yoked with some ill conditioned people, who will never doe good, but corrupte and abuse others, etc. The rest of the letter declared how they had subscribed those conditions according to his desire, and sente him the former accounts very perticulerly ; also how the ship was laden, and in what condition their affairs stood; that the coming of these people would bring famine upon them unavoydably, if they had not supply in time (as Mr. Cushman could more fully informe him and the rest of the adventurers). Also that see- ing he was now satisfied in all his demands, that offences would be forgoten, and he remember his promise, etc. After the depart\u"e of this ship, (which stayed not above 14. days,) the Gove'' and his assistante haveing disposed these late commers into severall families, as they best could, tooke an exacte accounte of all their provissions in store, and proportioned the same to the number of persons, and found that it would not hould out above 6. months at halfe alowance, and hardly that. And they could not well give less this winter time till fish came in againe. So they were presently put to half alowance, one as well as an other, which begane to be hard, but they bore it patiently under hope of supply. Soone after this ships departure, the great people of the Narigansets, in a braving maner, sente a messenger tmto them with a bundl of arrows tyed aboute with a. great sneak-skine ; which their interpretours tould them was a threatening and a chaleng. Upon which the Gov'', with the advice of others sente them a roxmd answere, that if they had rather have warre then peace, they might begine when they would; they had done them no wrong, neither did they fear them, or should they find them improvided. And by another mes- 126 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1622 senger sente the sneake-skine back with bulits in it; but they would not receive it, but sent it back againe. But these things I doe but mention, because they are more at large aUready put forth in printe,' by Mr. Wuislow, at the requeste of some freinds. And it is Uke the reason was their owne ambition, who, (since the death of so many of the Indeans,) thought to dominire and lord it over the rest, and conceived the English would be a barr in their way, and saw that Massasoyt took sheilter alh-eady under their wings. But this made them the more carefully to looke to them selves, so as they agreed to inclose their dwellings with a good strong pale, and make flankers in convenient places, with gates to shute, which were every night locked, and a watch kept and when neede required ther was also warding in the day time. And the company was by the Captaine and the Gov"" advise, devided into 4. squadrons, and every one had ther quarter apoynted them, xmto which they were to repaire upon any suddane alarme. And if ther should be any crie of fire, a company were appointed for a gard, with muskets, whilst others quenchet the same, to prevent Indean treachery. This was accompUshed very cherfully, and the towne impayled round by the begining- of March, in which evry family had a prety garden plote secured. And herewith I shall end this year. Only I shall remember one passage more, rather of mirth then of waight. One the day called Chrismasday, the Gov'' caled them out to worke, (as was used,) but the most of this new-company excused them selves and said it wente against their consciences to work on that day. So the Gov' tould them that if they made it mater of conscience, he would spare them till they were better informed. So he led-away the rest and left them ; but when they came home at noone from their worke, he foimd them in the streete at play, openly ; some pitching the barr and some at stoole-ball,^ and shuch like sports. ' In Good News from New England (London, 1624). " ' A play in which balls were driven from stool to stool. 1622] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 127 So he went to them, and tooke away their implements, and toiild them that was against his conscience, that they should play and others worke. If they made the keeping of it mater of devotion, let them kepe their houses, but ther should be no gameing or revelHng in the streets. Since which time nothing hath been atempted that way, at least openly. Anno 1622. At the spring of the year they -had apointed the Massa- chusets to come againe and trade with them, and begane now to prepare for that vioag about the later end of March. But upon some rumors heard, Hobamak, their Indean, tould them upon some jealocies he had, he feared they were joyned with the Narighansets and might betray them if they were not carefull. He intimated also some jealocie of Squanto, by what he gathered from some private whisperings betweene him and other Indeans. But they resolved to proseede, and sente out their shalop with 10. of their cheefe men aboute the begining of ApriU, and both Squanto and Hobamake with them, in re- garde of the jelocie betweene them. But they had not bene gone longe, but an Indean belonging to Squantos family came runing in seeming great fear, and tovld them that many of the Narihgansets, with Corbytant, and he thought also Massasoyte, were coining against them; and he gott away to tell them, not without danger. And being examined by the Gov*", he made as if they were at hand, and would still be looking back, as if they were at his heels. At which the Gov' caused them to take armes and stand on their garde, and supposing the boat to be still within hearing (by reason it was calme) caused a warning peece or 2. to be shote of, the which they heard and came in. But no Indeans apeared ; watch was kepte all night, but nothing was seene. Hobamak was confidente for Massasoyt,and thought all was false; yet the Gov'" caused him to send his wife privatly, to see what she could observe (pretening other occssions), but ther was nothing found, but all was quiet. 128 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1622 After this they proseeded on their vioge to the Massachusets, and had good trade, and returned in saftie, blessed be God. But by the former passages, and other things of hke nature, they begane to see that Squanto sought his owne ends, and plaid his owne game, by putting the Indeans in fear, and drawing gifts from them to enrich him selfe ; making them beleeve he could stur up warr against whom he would, and make peece for whom he would. Yea, he made them beleeve they kept the plague buried in the ground, and could send it amongs whom they would, which did much terrifie the Indeans, and made them depend more on him, and seeke more to him then to Massasoyte, which proucured him envie, and had like to have cost him his hfe. For after the discovery of his practises, Massasoyt sought it both privatly and openly; which caused him to stick close to the English, and never durst goe from them till he dyed. They also made good use of the emulation that grue betweene Hobamack and him, which made them cary more squarely. And the Gov"" seemed to countenance the one, and the Captaine the other, by which they had better intelligence, and made them both more dihgente. Now in a maner their provissions were wholy spent, and they looked hard for supply, but none came. But about the later end of May, they spied a boat at sea, which at first they thought had beene some Frenchman; but it proved a shalop which came from a ship which Mr. Weston and an other had set out a fishing, at a place called Damarins-cove,' 40. leagues to the eastward of them, wher were that year many more ships come a fishing. This boat brought 7. passengers and some letters, but no vitails, nor any hope of any. Some part of which I shall set downe. Mr. Carver, in my last leters by the Fortune, in whom Mr. Cushman wente, and who I hope is with you, for we daly expecte the shipe back againe. She departed hence, the begining of July, with 35. persons, though not over well provided with necesaries, by reason of the parsemonie ' Now Damariscove Island, near the mouth of Damariscotta River, on the Maine coast. 1622] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 129 of the adventure[r]s. I have solisited them to send you a supply of men and provissions before shee come. They all answer they will doe great maters, when they hear good news. Nothing before; so faithful!, con- stant, and caref ull of your good, are your olde and honest freinds, that if they hear not from you, they are like to send you no supplie, etc. I am now to relate the occasion of sending this ship, hoping if you give credite to my words, you will have a more favourable opinion of it, then some hear, wherof Pickering is one, who taxed me to mind my owne ends, which is in part true, etc. Mr. Beachamp ' and my selfe bought this litle ship, and have set her out, partly, if it may be, to uphold ^ the plantation, as well to doe others good as our selves; and partly to gett up what we are formerly out; though we are otherwise censured, etc. This is the occasion we have sent this ship and these passengers, on our owne accounte; whom we desire you will frendly entertaine and supply with shuch necesaries as you cane spare, and they wante, etc. And among other things we pray you lend or sell them some seed come, and if you have the salt remaining of the last year, that you will let them have it for their presente use, and we will either pay you for it, or give you more when we have set our salt- pan to worke, which we desire may be set up in one of the litle ilands in your bay, etc. And because we intende, if God plase, (and the generallitie doe it not,) to send within a month another shipe, who, having discharged her passengers, shal goe to Virginia, etc. And it may be we shall send a small ship to abide with you on the coast, which I conceive may be a great help to the plantation. To the end our desire may be effected, which, I assure my selfe, will be also for your good, we pray you give them enter- tainmente in your houses the time they shall be with you, that they may lose no time, but may presently goe in hand to fell trees and cleave them, to the end lading may be ready and our ship stay not. Some of the adventurers have sent you hearwith all some directions for your furtherance in the commone bussines, who are like those St. James speaks of, that bid their brother eat, and warme him, but give him nothing; so they bid you make salt, and uphold the plantation, but send you no means wherwithall to doe it, etc. By the next we purpose to send more people on our owne accounte, and to take a patente; that if your peopl should be as unhtmiane as some of the adventurers, not to admite ' John Beauchamp was one of the merchant adventurers. When eight of the leading members of the Pilgrim Colony made a settlement with the advent- urers after the expiration of the seven years' contract, he, with James Shirley, Richard Andrews and Timothy Hatheriey, endorsed the note which they gave to liquidate their indebtedness to the adventurers. ' " I know not which way." (Br.) 130 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1622 us to dwell with them, which were extreme barbarisme, and which will never enter into my head to thinke you have any shuch Pickerings amongst you. Yet to satisfie our passengers I must of force doe it; and for some other reasons not necessary to be writen, etc. I find the generall so backward, and your freinds at Leyden so could, that I fear you must stand on your leggs, and trust (as they say) to God and your selves. Subscribed, your loving freind, Jan: 12. 1621.' Tho: Weston. Stmdry other things I pass over, being tedious and imperti- nent. All this was but could comfort to fill their hungrie bellies, and a slender performance of his former late promiss; and as Utle did it either fill or warme them, as those the Apostle James spake of, by him before mentioned. And well might it make them remember what the psalmist saith, Psa. 118.8. It is better to trust in the Lord, then to have confidence in man. And Psa. 146. Put not you trust in princes (much less in the marchants) nor in the sone of man, for ther is no help in them. V. 5. Blesed is he that hath the God of Jacob for his help, whose hope is in the Lord his God. And as they were now fayled of suply by him and others in this their greatest neede and wants, which was caused by him and the rest, who put so great a com- pany of men upon them, as the former company were, without any food, and came at shuch a time as they must five almost a whole year before any could be raised, excepte they had sente some; so, upon the pointe they never had any supply of vitales more afterwards (but what the Lord gave them other- wise) ; for all the company sent at any time was allways too short for those people that came with it. Ther came allso by the same ship other leters, but of later date, one from Mr. Weston, an other from a parte of the ad- venturers, as foloweth. Mr. Carver, since my last, to the end we might the more readily pro- ceed to help the generall, at a meeting of some of the principall advent- • 7. e., 1622. 1622] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 131 urers, a proposition was put forth, and alowed by all presente (save Pickering), to adventure each man the third parte of what he formerly had done. And ther are some other that folow his example, and will ad- venture no furder. In regard wherof the greater part of the adventurers being willing to uphold the bussines, finding it no reason that those that are willing should uphold the bussines of those that are unwilling, whose backwardnes doth discourage those that are forward, and hinder other new-adventurers from coming in, we having well considered therof, have resolved, according to an article in the agreemente, (that it may be lawfull by a generall consente of the adventurers and planters, upon just occa- sion, to breake of their joynte stock,) to breake it of; and doe pray you to ratifie, and confirme the same on your parts. Which being done, we shall the more willingly goe forward for the upholding of you with all things necesarie. But in any case you must agree to the artickls, and send it by the first under your hands and seals. So I end. Your loving freind, Jan: 17. 1621. Tho: Weston. Another leter was write from part of the company of the adventurers to the same purpose, and subscribed with 9. of their names, wherof Mr. Westons and Mr. Beachamphs were tow. Thes things seemed Strang vmto them, seeing this un- constancie and shufling; it made them to thinke ther was some misterie in the matter. And therfore the Gov'" con- cealed these letters from the pubhck, only imparted them to some trustie freinds for advice, who concluded with him, that this tended to disband and scater them (in regard of their straits) ; and if Mr. Weston and others, who seemed to rune in a perticuler way, should come over with shiping so provided as his letters did intimate, they most would fall to him, to the prejudice of them selves and the rest of the adventure[r]s, their freinds, from whom as yet they heard nothing. And it was doubted whether he had not sente over shuch a company in the former ship, for shuch an end. Yet they tooke compassion of those 7. men which this ship, which fished to the eastward, had kept till planting time was over, and so could set no corne; and allso wanting vitals, (for they tinned them off without any, and indeed wanted for them selves,) neither was their salt- 132 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1622 pan come, so as they could not performe any of those things which Mr. Weston had apointed, and might have starved if the plantation had not succoured them; who, in their wants, gave them as good as any of their owne. The ship wente to Virginia, wher they sould both ship and fish, of which (it was conceived) Mr. Weston had a very slender accounte. After this came another of his ships, and brought letters dated the 10. of Aprill, from Mr. Weston, as followeth. Mr. Bradford, these, etc. The Fortune is arived, of whose good news touching your estate and proceedings, I am very glad to hear. And how soever he was robed on the way by the Frenchmen,^ yet I hope your loss will not be great, for the conceite of so great a returne doth much animate the adventurers, so that I hope some matter of importance will be done by them, etc. As for my selfe, I have sould my adventure and debts unto them, so as I am quit ^ of you, and you of me, for that matter, etc. Now though I have nothing to pretend as an adventurer amongst you, yet I will advise you a litle for your good, if you can apprehend it. I perceive and know as well as another, the dispositions of your ad- venturers, whom the hope of gaine hath drawne on to this they have done; and yet I fear that hope will not draw them much furder. Besids, most of them are against the sending of them of Leyden, for whose cause this bussines' was first begune, and some of the most religious (as Mr. Greene by name) ' excepts against them. So that my advice is (you may follow it if you please) that you forthwith break of your joynte stock, which you have warente to doe, both in law and conscience, for the most parte of the adventurers have given way unto it by a former letter. And the means you have ther, which I hope will be to some purpose by the trade of thb spring, may, with the help of some freinds hear, bear the charge of trans- porting those-of Leyden; and when they are with you I make no question but by Gods help you will be able to subsist of your selves. But I shall leave you to your discretion. I desired diverce of the adventurers, as Mr. Peirce, Mr. Greene, and others, if they had any thing to send you, either vitails or leters, to send them by these ships ; and marvelling they sent not so much as a letter, I asked our passengers what leters they had, and with some dificultie one of them tould me he had one, which was delivered him with great charge of secrecie; and for more securitie, to buy a paire of new -shoes, and sow 'See the Introduction. ^ "See how his promiss is fulfild." (Br.) ' William Greene was one of the' merchant adventurers. 1622] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 133 it betweene the soles for fear of intercepting. I, taking the leter, wonder- ing what mistrie might be in it, broke it open, and found this treacherous letter subscribed by the hands of Mr. Pickering and Mr. Greene. Wich leter had it come to you'' hands without answer, might have caused the hurt, if not the ruine, of us all. For assuredly if you had followed their instructions, and shewed us that unkindness which they advise you unto, to hold us in distruste as enimise, etc., it might have been an occasion to have set us togeather by the eares, to the distraction of us all. For I doe beleeve that in shuch a case, they knowing what bussines hath been betweene us, not only my brother, but others also, would have been violent, and heady against you, etc. I mente to have setled the people I before and now send, with or near you, as well for their as your more securitie and defence, as help on all occasions. But I find the adventurers so jealous and suspitious, that I have altered my resolution, and given order to my brother and those with him, to doe as they and him self e shall find fitte. Thus, etc. Your loving freind, Aprill 10. 1621. Tho: Weston. (Some part of Mr Pickerings letter before mentioned To Mr. Bradford and Mr. Brewster, etc. My dear love remembred unto you all, etc. The company hath bought out Mr. Weston, and are very glad they are freed of him, he being judged a man that thought him self e above the generall, and not expresing so much the fear of God as was meete in a man to whom sliuch trust should have been reposed in a matter of so great importance. I am sparing to be so plaine as indeed is clear against him; but a few words to the wise. Mr. Weston will not permitte leters to be sent in his ships, nor any thing for your good or ours, of which ther is some reason in respecte of him selfe, etc. His brother Andrew, whom he doth send as principall in one of these ships, is a heady yong man, and violente, and set against you ther, and the company hear; ploting with Mr. Weston their owne ends, which tend to your and our undooing in respecte of our estates ther, and prevention of our good ends. For by credible testimoney we are informed his purpose is to come to your colonic, pretending he comes for and from the adventurers, and will seeke to gett what you have in readynes into his ships, as if they came from the company, and possessing all, will be so much profite to him selfe. And further to informe them selves what spetiall places or things you have discovered, to the end that they may supres and deprive you, etc. 134 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1622 The Lord, who is the watchman of Israll and slepeth not, preserve you and deliver you from unreasonable men. I am sorie that ther is cause to admonish you of these things concerning this man; so I leave you to God, who bless and multiply you into thousands, to the advance- mente of the glorious gospell of our Lord Jesus. Amen. Fare well. Your loving freinds, Edwaed Pickeeing. William Geeene. 1 pray conceale both the writing and deliverie of this leter, but make the best use of it. We hope to sete forth a ship our selves with in this month. The heads of his answer. Mr. Bradford, this is the leter that I wrote unto you of, which to answer in every perticuler is needles and tedious. My owne conscience and all our people can and I thinke will testifie, that my end in sending the ship Sf arrow was your good, etc. Now I will not deney but ther are many of our people rude fellows, as these men terme them; yet I presume they will be governed by such as I set over them. And I hope not only to be able to reclaime them from that profanenes that may scandalise the vioage, but by degrees to draw them to God, etc. I am so farr from send- ing rude fellows to deprive you either by fraude or violence of what is yours, as I have charged the m''' of the ship Sparrow, not only to leave with you 2000. of bread, but also a good quantitie of fish,' etc. But I will leave it to you to consider what evill this leter would or might have done, had it come to your hands and taken the effecte the other desired. Now if you be of the mind that these men are, deale plainly with us, and we will seeke our residence els-wher. If you are as freindly as we have thought you to be, give us the entertainment of freinds, and we will take nothing from you, neither meat, drinke, nor lodging, but what we will, in one kind or other, pay you for, etc. I shall leave in the countrie a litle ship (if God send her safe thither) with mariners and fisher-men to stay ther, who shall coast, and trad with the savages, and the old plantation. It may be we shall be as helpfull to you, as you will be to us. I thinke I shall see you the next spring; and so I comend you to the protection of God, who ever keep you. Your loving freind, Tho: Weston. ' "But yo [he] left not his own men a bite of bread." (Br.) 1622] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 135 Thus all ther hops in regard of Mr. Weston were layed in the dust, and all his promised helpe turned into an empttie advice, which they apprehended was nether lawfull nor profit- able for them to follow. And they were not only thus left destitute of help in their extreme wants, haveing neither yitails, nor any thing to trade with, but others prepared and ready to glean up what the cimtrie might have afforded for their releefe. As for those harsh censures and susspitions in- timated in the former and following leters, they desired to judg as charitably and wisly of them as they could, waighing them in the ballance of love and reason ; and though they (in parte) came from godly and loveing freinds, yet they con- ceived many things might arise from over deepe jealocie and fear, togeather with immeete provocations, though they well saw Mr. Weston pursued his owne ends, and was imbittered in spirite. For after the receit of the former leters, the Gov'" received one from Mr. Cushman, who went home in the ship, and was allway intimate with Mr. Weston, (as former passages declare), and it was much marveled that nothing was heard from him, all this while. But it should seeme it was the difficulty of sending, for this leter was directed as the leter of a wife to her husband, who was here, and brought by him to the Gov"". It was as foUoweth. Beloved Sr: I hartily salute you, with trust of your health, and many thanks for your love. By Gods providence we got well home the 17. of Feb. Being robbed by the Frenchmen by the way, and carried by them into France, and were kepte ther 15. days, and lost all that we had that was worth taking; but thanks be to God, we escaped with our lives and ship. I see not that it worketh any discouragment hear. I purpose by Gods grace to see you shortly, I hope in June nexte, or before. In the mean space know these things, and I pray you be advertised a litle. Mr. Weston hath quite broken of from our company, through some discontents that arose betwext him and some of our adventurers, and hath sould all his adventurs, and hath now sent 3. smale ships for his perticuler planta- tion. The greatest wherof, being 100. tune, Mr. Reynolds goeth m'^ and he with the rest purposeth to come him selfe; for what end I know not. 136 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1622 The people which they cary are no men for us, wherfore I pray you entertaine them not, neither exchainge man for man with them, excepte it be some of your worst. He hath taken a patente for him selfe. If they offerr to buy any thing of you, let it be shuch as you can spare, and let them give the worth of it. If they borrow any thing of you, let them leave a good pawne, etc. It is like he will plant to the southward of the Cape, for William Trevore ^ hath lavishly tould but what he knew or imagined of Capewack, Mohiggen, and the Narigansets. I fear these peo- ple will hardly deale so well with the savages as they should. I pray you therfore signifie to Squanto, that they are a distincte body from us, and we have nothing to doe with them, neither must be blamed for their falts, much less can warrente their fidelitie. We are aboute to recover our losses in France. Our freinds at Leyden are well, and will come to you as many as can this time. I hope all will turne to the best, wherfore I pray you be not discouraged, but gather up your selfe to goe thorow these dificulties cherfully and with courage in that place wherin God hath sett you, untill the day of refreshing come. And the Lord God of sea and land bring us comfortably togeather againe, if it may stand with his glorie. Yours, ROBAET CUSHMAN. On the other sid of the leafe, in the same leter, came these few lines from Mr. John Peirce, in whose name the patente was taken, and of whom more will follow, to be spoken in its place. Worthy Sr: I desire you to take into consideration that which is writen on the other side, and not any way to damnific your owne collony, whos strength is but weaknes, and may therby be more infeebled. And for the leters of association, by the next ship we send, I hope you shall re- ceive satisfaction; in the mean time whom you admite I will approve. But as for Mr. Weston's company, I thinke them so base in condition (for the most parte) as in all apearance not fitt for an honest mans com- pany. I wish they prove other wise. My purpose is not to enlarge my selfe, but cease in these few lins, and so rest Your loving freind, John Peirce. All these things they pondred and well considered, yet concluded to give his men frendly entertainmente; partly in regard of Mr. Weston him selfe, considering what he had been unto them, and done for them, and to some, more espetially; ' William Trevore came in the Mayflower, having been hired for a year, and returned to England. 1622] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 137 and partly in compassion to the people, who were now come into a willdemes, (as them selves were,) and were by the ship to be presently put a shore, (for she was to cary other pas- sengers to Virginia, who lay at great charge,) and they were alltogeather unacquainted and knew not what to doe. So as they had received his former company of 7. men, and vitailed them as their owne hitherto, so they also received these (being aboute 60. lusty men), and gave housing for them selves and their goods; and many being sicke, they had the best means the place could aford them. They stayed hear the most parte of the sommer till the ship came back againe from Virginia. Then, by his direction, or those whom he set over them, they removed into the Massachusset Bay, he having got a patente for some part ther, (by hght of ther former discovery in leters sent home).' Yet they left all ther sicke folke hear till they were setled and housed. But of ther victails they had not any, though they were in great wante, nor any thing els in recompence of any courtecife done them; neither did they desire it, for they saw they were an unruly company, and had no good govermente over them, and by disorder would soone fall into wants if Mr. Weston came not the sooner amongst them; and therfore, to prevente all after occasion, would have nothing of them. Amids these streigths, and the desertion of those from whom they had hoped for supply, and when famine begane now to pinch them sore, they not knowing what to doe, the Lord, (who never fails his,) presents them with an occasion, beyond all expectation. This boat which came from the east- ward brought them a letter from a stranger, of whose name they had never heard before, being a captaine of a ship come ther a fishing. This leter was as foUoweth. Being thus inscribed. To all his good freinds at PHmoth, these, etc. Freinds, cuntrimen, and neighbours: I salute you, and wish you all health and hapines in the Lord. I make bould with these few lines to • Weston's patent is not extant. 138 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1622 trouble you, because unless I were unhumane, I can doe no les. Bad news doth spread it selfe too fair; yet I will so farr informe you that my selfe, with many good freinds in the south-collonie of Virginia, have re- ceived shuch a blow, that 400. persons large will not make good our losses. Therfore I doe intreat you (allthough not knowing you) that the old rule which I learned when I went to schoole, may be sufScente. That is, Hapie is he whom other mens harmes doth make to beware. And now againe and againe, wishing all those that willingly would serve the Lord, all health and happines in this world, and everlasting peace in the world to come. And so I rest. Yours, John Hudlston. By this boat the Gov"" returned a thankful! answer, as was meete, and sent a boate of their owne with them, which was piloted by them, in which Mr. Winslow was sente to pro- cure what provissions he could of the ships, who was kindly received by the foresaid gentill-man, who not only spared what he could, but writ to others to doe the hke. By which means he gott some good quantitie and returned in saftie, by which the plantation had a duble benefite, first, a present refreshing by the food brought, and secondly, they knew the way to those parts for their benifite hearafter. But what was gott, and this small boat brought, being devided among so many, came but to a htle, yet by Gods blesing it upheld them till harvest. It arose but to a quarter of a pound of bread a day to each person; and the Gov'' caused it to be dayly given them, otherwise, had it been in their owne custody, they would have eate it up and then starved. But thus, with what els they could get, they made pretie shift till come was ripe. This sommer they builte a fort with good timber, both strong and comly, which was of good defence, made with a flate rofe and batelments, on which their ordnance were moimted, and wher they kepte constante watch, espetially in time of danger. It served them allso for a meeting house, and was fitted accordingly for that use.* It was a great worke An interesting description of the town and its fortifications, a few years later, is given by Isaac de Rasiferes, secretary of New Netherland, who visited 1622] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 139 for them in this weaknes and time of wants; but the deanger of the time required it, and both the continuall rumors of the fears from the Indeans hear, espetially the Narigansets, and also the hearing of that great massacre in Virginia, made all hands willing to despatch the same. Now the Wellcome time of harvest aproached, in which all had their himgrie belMes filled. But it arose but to a litle, in comparison of a full years supphe; partly by reason they were not yet well aquainted with the manner of Indean come, (and they had no other,) allso their many other imployments, but cheefly their weaknes for wante of food, to tend it as they should have done. Also much was stobie both by night and day, before it became scarce eatable, and much more after- ward. And though many were well whipt (when they were taken) for a few ears of come, yet hunger made others (whom conscience did not restraine) to venture. So as it well ap- peared that famine must still insue the next year allso, if not some way prevented, or suppHe should faile, to which they durst not trust. Markets there was none to goe too, but only the Indeans, and they had no trading comodities. Behold now another providence of God; a ship comes into the har- bor, one Captain Jons being cheefe therin. They were set out by some marchants to discovere all the harbors betweene this and Virginia, and the shoulds of Cap-Cod, and to trade along the coast wher they could. This ship had store of Eng- lish-beads (which were then good trade) and some knives, but would sell none but at dear rates, and also a good quantie togeather. Yet they weere glad of the occasion, and faine to buy at any rate; they were faine to give after the rate of cento per cento, if not more, and yet pay away coat-beaver at 3s. per U., which in a few years after yeelded 20s. By this means they were fitted againe to trade for beaver and other things, and intended to buy what come they could. it in 1627. His letter is printed in the Collections of the New York Historical Society second series, II. 351. See also pp. 225, 226, 234, post. 140 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1622 But I will hear take liberty to make a little digression. Ther was in this ship a gentle-man by name Mr. John Poory;' he had been secretarie in Virginia, and was now going home passenger in this ship. After his departure he write a leter to the Gov"" in the postscrite wherof he hath these lines. To your selfe and Mr. Brewster, I must acknowledg my selfe many ways indebted, whose books I would have you thinke very well bestowed on him, who esteemeth them shuch juells. My hast would not suffer me to remember (much less to begg) Mr. Ainsworths elaborate worke upon the 5. books of Moyses. Both his and Mr. Robinsons doe highly comend the authors, as being most conversante in the scripturs of all others. And what good (who knows) it may please God to worke by them, through my hands, (though most unworthy,) who finds shuch high contente in them. God have you all in his keeping. Your unfained and firme freind, Aug. 28. 1622. John Poet. These things I hear inserte for honour sake of the authors memorie, which this gentle-man doth thus ingeniusly ac- knowledg; and him selfe after his returne did this poore- plantation much credite amongst those of no mean ranck. But to returne. Shortly after harvest Mr. Westons people who were now seated at the Massachusets, and by disorder (as it seems) had made havock of their provissions, begane now to perceive that want would come upon them. And hearing that they hear had bought trading comodities and intended to trade for come, they write to the Gov' and desired they might joyne with them, and they would imploy their small ship in the servise; and furder requested either to lend or sell them so much of their trading comodities as their part might come to, and they would undertake to make paymente when Mr. Weston ' A letter of Pory's describing conditions at Jamestown in 1619 is printed in Narratives of Early Virginia, in this series; its introduction gives an account of him. He was a traveller and an experienced member of Parliament. As speaker of the first elected legislative assembly in America, that which met in Jamestown in 1619, he drew up the joiu-nal of its proceedings, which is printed in the same volume. 16221 WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 141 or their supply, should come. The Gov"" condesended upon equall terms of agreemente, thinkeing to goe'aboute the Cap to the southward with the ship, wher some store of come might be got. Althings being provided, Captaint Standish was apointed to goe with them, and Squanto for a guid and interpreter, about the latter end .of September ; but the winds put them in againe, and putting out the 2. time, he fell sick of a feavor, so the Gov"" wente him selfe. But they could not get aboute the should of Cap-Cod, for flats and break- ers, neither could Squanto directe them better, nor the m"" durst venture any further, so they put into Manamoyack Bay and got w*^ [what] they could ther. In this place Squanto fell sick of an Indean feavor, bleeding much at the nose (which the Indeans take for a simptome of death), and within a few days dyed ther; desiring the Gov'' to pray for him, that he might goe to the Enghshmens God in heaven, and be- queathed sundrie of his things to simdry of his English freinds, as remembrances of his love; of whom they had a great loss. They got in this vioage, in one place and other, about 26. or 28. hogsheads of corne and beans, which was more then the Indeans could well spare in these parts, for the set but a htle till they got Enghsh hows. And so were faine to returne, being sory they could not gett about the Cap, to have been better laden. After ward the Gov"" tooke a few men and wente to the inland places, to get what he could, and to fetch it home at the spring, which did help them something. After these things, in Feb: a messenger came from John Sanders, who was left cheefe over Mr. Weston's men in the bay of Massachusets, who brought a letter shewing the great wants they were falen mto; and he would have borrowed a Ml of corne of the Indeans, but they would lend him none. He desired advice whether he might not take it from them by force to succore his men till he came from the eastward, whither he was going. The Gov"" and rest deswaded him by all means from it, for it might so exasperate the Indeans as 142 HISTORY OP PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1623 might endanger their saftie, and all of us might smart for it; for they had already heard how they had so wronged the Indeans by steaUng their corne, etc. as they were much in- censed against them. Yea, so base were some of their own company, as they wente and tould the Indeans that their Gov'' was purposed to come and take their come by force. The which with other things made them enter into a con- spiracie against the English, of which more in the nexte. Hear with I end this year. Anno Dom: 1623. It may be thought Strang that these people- should fall to these extremities in so short a time, being left competently provided when the ship left them, and had an addition by that moyetie of corn that was got by trade, besids much they gott of the Indans wher they hved, by one means and other. It must needs be their great disorder, for they spent excesseivly whilst they had, or could get it; and, it may be, wasted parte away among the Indeans (for he that was their cheef was taxed by some amongst them for keeping Indean women, how truly I know not). And after they begane to come into wants, many sould away their cloathes and bed coverings; others (so base were they) became servants to the Indeans, and would cutt them woode and fetch them water, for a cap full of corne; others fell to plaine stealing, both night and day, from the Indeans, of which they greevosly complained. In the end, they came to that misery, that some starved and dyed with could and hunger. One in geathering shell-fish was so weake as he stuck fast in the mudd, and was found dead in the place. At last most of them left their dwellings and scatered up and downe in the woods, and by the water sids, wher they could find groimd nuts and clames, hear 6. and ther ten. By which their cariages they became contemned and scorned of the Indeans, and they begane greatly to insulte over them in a most insolente maner; insomuch, many times as 1623] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 143 they lay thus scatered abrod, and had set on a pot with ground nuts or shell-fish, when it was ready the Indeans would come and eate it up; and when night came, wheras some of them had a sorie blanket, or such like, to lappe them selves in, the Indeans would take it and let the other lye all nighte in the could; so as their condition was very lamentable. Yea, in the end they were faine to hange one of their men, whom they could not reclaime from stealing, to give the Indeans contente. Whilst things wente in this maner with them, the Gov"" and people hear had notice that Massasoyte ther freind was sick and near unto death. They sent to vissete him, and withall sente him such comfortable things as gave him great contente, and was a means of his recovery; upon which occa- sion he discovers the conspiracie of these Indeans, how they were resolved to cutt of Mr. Westons people, for the con- tiauall injuries they did them, and would now take oppor- timitie of their weaknes to doe it; and for that end had con- spired with other Indeans their neighbours their aboute. And thinking the people hear would revenge their death, they therfore thought to doe the Uke by them, and had solisited him to joyne with them. He advised them therfore to prevent it, and that speedly by taking of some of the cheefe of them, before it was to late, for he asured them of the truth hereof. This did much trouble them, and they tooke it into serious dehbration, and found upon examenation other evidence to give Ught hear tmto, to longe hear to relate. In the mean time, came one of them from the Massachucts, with a small pack at his back ; and though he knew not a foote of the way, yet he got safe hither, but lost his way, which was well for him, for he was pursued, and so was mist. He tould them hear how all things stood amongst them, and that he durst stay no longer, he apprehended they (by what he observed) would be all knokt in the head shortly. This made them make the more hast, and dispatched a boate away with Capten Standish 144 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1623 and some men, who found them in a miserable condition, out of which he rescued them, and helped them to some releef, cut of some few of the cheefe conspirators, and, according to his order, offered to bring them all hither if they thought good; and they should fare no worse then them selves, till Mr. Weston or some supplie came to them. Or, if any other course liked them better, he was to doe them any helpfullnes he could. They thanked him and the rest. But most of them desired he would help them with some come, and they would goe with their smale ship to the eastward, wher hapily they might here of Mr. Weston, or some supply from him, seing the time of the year was for fishing ships to be ia the land. If not, they would worke among the fishermen for their hveing, and get ther passage into England, if they heard noth- ing from Mr. Weston in time. So they shipped what, they had of any worth, and he got them all the corne he could (scarce leaving to bring him home), and saw them well out of the bay, imder saile at sea, and so came home, not takeing the worth of a peny of any thing that was theirs. I have but touched these things breefiy, because they have alkeady been published in printe more at large.' This was the end of these that some time bosted of their strength, (being all able lustie men,) and what they would doe and bring to pass, in comparison of the people hear, who had many women and children and weak ons amongst them; and said at their first arivall, when they saw the wants hear, that they would take an other course, and not to fall into shuch a condition, as this simple people were come too. But a mans way is not in his owne power; God can make the weake to stand; let him also that standeth take heed least he fall. Shortly after, Mr. Weston came over with some of the fishermen, imder another name, and the disguise of a blacke- smith, were [where] he heard of the ruine and disolution of ' "Mourt's Relation," published in London in 1622, is here referred to. 1623] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 145 his colony. He got a boat and with a man or 2. came to see how things were. But by the way, for wante of skill, in a storme, he cast away his.shalop in the botome of the bay be- tween Meremek river and Pascataquack,' and hardly escaped with life, and afterwards fell into the hands of the Indeans, who pillaged him of all he saved from the sea, and striped him out of all his cloaths to his shirte. At last he got to Pascata- quack, and borrowed a suite of cloaths, and got means to come to Phmoth. A Strang alteration ther was in him to such as had seen and known him in his former florishing con- dition; so uncertaine are the mutable things of this unstable world. And yet men set their harts upon them, though they dayly see the vanity therof . After many passages, and much discourse, (former things boyhng in his mind, but bit in as was discemd,) he desired to borrow some beaver of them; and tould them he had hope of a ship and good supply to come to him, and then they should have any thing for it they stood in neede of. They gave Utle credite to his supplie, but pitied his case, and remembered former curtesies. They tould him he saw their wants, and they knew not when they should have any supply; also how the case stood betweene them and their adventurers, he well knew; they had not much bever, and if they should let him have it, it were enoughe to make a mutinie among the people, seeing ther was no other means to procure them foode which they so much wanted, and cloaths allso. Yet they tould him they would help him, considering his necessitie, but must doe it secretly for the former reasons. So they let him have 100. beaver-skins, which waighed 170U. odd pounds. Thus they helpt him when all the world faild him, and with this means he went againe to the ships, and stayed his small ship and some of his men, and bought provissions and fited him selfe; and it was the only foundation of his after course. But he ' I. e., near Hampton Beach, between the mouth of the Merrimac and the present site of Portsmouth. 146 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1623 requited them ill, for he proved after a bitter enimie unto them upon all occasions, and never repayed them any thing for it, to this day, but reproches and evill words. Yea, he divolged it to some that were none of their best freinds, whilst he yet had the beaver in his boat; that he could now set them all togeather by the ears, because they had done more then they could answer, in letting him have this beaver, and he did not spare to doe what he could. But his maUce could not prevaile. All this whille no supply was heard of, neither knew they when they might expecte any. So they begane to thinke how they might raise as much come as they could, and obtaine a beter crope then they had done, that they might not still thus languish in miserie. At length, after much debate of things, the Gov'' (with the advise of the cheefest amongest them) gave way that they should set corne every man for his owne perticuler, and in that regard trust to them selves; in all other things to goe on in the generall way as before. And so assigned to every family a parcell of land, according to the proportion of their number for that end, only for present use (but made no devission for inheritance), and ranged all boys and youth under some familie. This had very good success; for it made all hands very industrious, so as much more corne was planted then other waise would have bene by any means the Gov"" or any other could use, and saved him a great deall of trouble, and gave farr better contente. The women now wente wiUingly into the feild, and tooke their Utle-ons with them to set corne, which before would aledg weaknes, and inabihtie; whom to have compelled would have bene thought great tiranie and oppression. The experience that was had in this commone course and condition, tried sundrie years, and that amongst godly and sober men, may well evince the vanitie of that conceite of Platos and other .ancients, applauded by some of later times; — that the taking away of propertie, and bringing in com- 1623] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 147 munitie into a comone wealth, would make them happy and florishing ; as if they were wiser then God. For this comunitie (so farr as it was) was foimd to breed much confusion and discontent, and retard much imployment that would have been to their benefite and comforte. For the yong-men that were most able and fitte for labour and service did repine that they shoiild spend their time and streingth to worke for other mens wives and children, with out any recompence. The strong, or man of parts, had no more in devission of victails and cloaths, then he that was weake and not able to doe a quarter the other could; this was thought injuestice. The aged and graver men to be ranked and equaUsed in labotirs, and victails, cloaths, etc., with the meaner and yonger sorte, thought it some indignite and disrespect xmto them. And for mens wives to be commanded to doe servise for other men, as dresing their meate, washing their cloaths, etc., they deemd it a kind of slaverie, neither could many husbands well brooke it. Upon the poynte all being to have alike, and all to doe alike, they thought them selves in the like condition, and one as good as another; and so, if it did not cut of those relations that God hath set amongest men, yet it did at least much diminish and take of the mutuall respects that should be pre- served amongst them. And would have bene worse if they had been men of another condition. Let none objecte this is men's corruption, and nothing to the course it selfe. I an- swer, seeing all men have this corruption in them, God in his wisdome saw another course fiter for them. But to retume. After this course setled, and by that' their come was planted, all ther victails were spente, and they were only to rest on Gods providence; at night not many times knowing wher to have a bitt of any thing the next day. And so, as one well observed, had need to pray that God would give them their dayly brade, above all people in the world. Yet they bore these wants with great patience and allacritie ' By the time that. 148 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1623 of spirite, and that for so long a time as for the most parte of 2. years; which makes me remember what Peter Martire writs, (in magnifying the Spaniards) in his 5. Decade, pag. 208.' They (saith he) led a miserable life for 5. days togeather, with the parched graine of maize only, and that not to saturitie; and then concluds, that shuch pains, shuch labours, and shuch hunger, he thought none living which is not a Spaniard could have endured. But alass! these, when they had maize (that is, Indean come) they thought it as good as a feast, and wanted not only for 5. days togeather, but some time 2. or 3. months togeather, and neither had bread nor any kind of come. Indeed, in an other place, in his 2. Decade, page 94. he mentions how others of them were worse put to it, wher they were faine to eate doggs, toads, and dead men, and so dyed almost all. From these extremities they [the] Lord in his goodnes kept these his people, and in their great wants preserved both their hves and healthes ; let his name have the praise. Yet let me hear make use of his conclusion, which in some sorte may be ap- plied to this people: That with their miseries they opened a way to these new-lands; and after these stormes, with what ease other men came to inhabite in them, in respecte of the calamities these men suffered; so as they seeme to goe to a bride feaste wher all things are provided for them. They haveing but one boat left and she not over well fitted, they were devided into severall companies, 6. or 7. to a gangg or company, and so wente out with a nett they had bought, to take bass and such like fish, by course, every company knowing their turne. No sooner was the boate discharged of what she brought, but the next company tooke her and wente out with her. Neither did they returne till they had cauight something, though it were 5. or 6. days before, for they knew there was nothing at home, and to goe home emptie would be a great discouragemente to the rest. Yea, they strive who ' Peter Martyr of Anghiera, Decades de Rebus Oceanicis et Novo Orbe, the great Spanish history of America, translated into English by Richard Eden. 1623] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 149 should doe best. If she stayed longe or got litle, then all went to seeking of shel-fish, which at low-water they digged out of the sands. And this was their hving in the sommer time, till God sente them beter; and in winter they were helped with ground-nuts and foule. Also in the sommer they gott now and then a dear; for one or 2. of the fitest was apoynted to range the woods for that end, and what was gott that way was devided amongst them. At length they received some leters from the adventurers, too long and tedious hear to record, by which they heard of their fiu-der crosses and frustrations; begining in this maner. Loving freinds, as your sorrows and afflictions have bin great, so our croses and interceptions in our proceedings hear, have not been small. For after we had with much trouble and charge sente the Parra- gon away to sea, and thought all the paine past, within 14. days after she came againe hither, being dangerously leaked, and brused with tempest- ious stormes, so as shee was faine to be had into the docke, and an lOOli. bestowed upon her. All the passengers lying upon our charg for 6. or 7. weeks, and much discontent and distemper was occasioned hereby, so as some dangerous evente had like to insewed. But we trust all shall be well and worke for the best and your benefite, if yet with patience you can waite, and but have strength to hold in life. Whilst these things were doing, Mr. Westons ship came and brought diverce leters from you, etc. It rejoyseth us much to hear of those good reports that diverce have brought home from you, etc. These letters were dated Des. 21 : 1622. So farr of this leter. This ship was brought by Mr. John Peirce, and set out at his owne charge, upon hope of great maters. These passen- gers, and the goods the company sent in her, he tooke in for fraught, for which they agreed with him to be dehvered hear. This was he in whose name their first patente was taken, by reason of aquaintance, and some ahance that some of their freinds had with him. But his name was only used in trust. But when he saw they were hear hopfuUy thus seated, and by the success God gave them had obtained the favour of the 150 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1623 Coimsell of New-England, he goes and sues to them for an- other patent of much larger extente (in their names), which was easily obtained.* But he mente to keep it to him selfe and alow them what he pleased, to hold of him as tenants, and sue to his courts as cheefe Lord, as will appear by that which follows. But the Lord marvelously crost him; for after this first returne, and the charge above mentioned, when shee was againe fitted, he pesters him selfe and taks in more passengers, and those not very good to help to bear his losses, and sets out the 2. time. But what the event was will appear from another leter from one of the cheefe of the company, dated the 9. of Aprill, 1623. writ to the Gov"" hear, as fol- loweth. Loving freind, when I write my last leter, I hope to have received one from you. well-nigh by this time. But when I write in Des : I litle thought to have seen Mr. John Peirce till he had brought some good tidings from you. But it pleased God, he brought us the wofull tidings of his returne when he was half-way over, by extraime tempest, werin the goodnes and mercie of God appeared in sparing their lives, being 109. souls. The loss is so great to Mr. Peirce, etc., and the companie put upon so great charge, as veryly, etc. Now with great trouble and loss, we have got Mr. John Peirce to assigne over the grand patente to the companie, which he had taken in his owne name, and made quite voyd our former grante. I am sorie to writ how many hear thinke that the hand of God was justly against him, both the first and 2. time of his returne; in regard he, whom you and we so confidently trusted, but only to use his name for the company, should aspire to be lord over us all, and so make you and us tenants at his will and pleasure, our assurance or patente being quite voyd and disanuled by his means. I desire to judg charitably of him. But his unwillingnes to part with his royall Lordship, and the high-rate he set it at, which was 500li. which cost him but 50li., maks many speake and judg hardly of him. The company are out for goods in his ship, with charge aboute the passengers, QiOli., etc. ' April 20, 1622, John Pierce surrendered to the Council for New England the patent of June 1, 1621, which he had obtained ostensibly for the benefit of the Pilgrims, and took a new patent of the same lands for himself alone. On the facts being presented to the Council, March 25, 1623, they assured to the colonists all the rights to which they had been entitled under the former patent. 1623] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 151 We have agreed with 2. marchants for a ship of 140. tunes, caled the Anne, which is to be ready the last of this month, to bring 60. passengers and 60. tune of goods, etc. This was dated Aprill 9. 1623. These were ther owne words and judgmente of this mans deaUng and proceedings ; for I thought it more meete to ren- der them in theirs then my owne words. And yet though ther was never got other recompence then the resignation of this patente, and the shares he had in adventure, for all the former great sumes, he was never quiet, but sued them in most of the cheefe courts in England, and when he was still cast, brought it to the Parlemente. But he is now dead, and I will leave him to the Lord. This ship suffered the greatest extreemitie- at sea at her 2. retume, that one shall hghtly hear of, to be saved; as I have been informed by Mr. Wilham Peirce who was then m"" of her, and many others that were passengers in her. It was aboute the midle of Feb : The storme was for the most parte of 14. days, but for 2. or 3. days and nights togeather in most violent extremitie. After they had cut downe their mast, the storme beat of their round house and all their uper works; 3. men had worke enough at the helme, and he that cund' the ship before the sea, was faine to be bound fast for washing away; the seas did so overrake them, as many times those upon the decke knew not whether they were within bord or withoute ; and once she was so foundered ia the sea as they all thought she would never rise againe. But yet the Lord preserved them, and brought them at last safe to Ports-mouth, to the wonder of all men that saw in what a case she was in, and heard what they had endured. About the later end of Jime came in a ship, with Captaine Francis West,^ who had a commission to be admirall of New- England, to restraine interlopers, and shuch fishing ships as came to fish and trade without a hcence from the Counsell of ' "Conned," i. e., directed. " A brother of Lord Delaware. 152 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1623 New-England, for which they should pay a round sume of money. But he could doe no good of them, for they were to stronge for him, and he found the fisher men to be stubeme fellows. And their owners, upon complainte made to the Parlemente,' procured an order that fishing should be free. He tould the Gov'' they spooke with a ship at sea, and were abord her, that was coming for this plantation, in which were sxmdrie passengers, and they marvelled she was not arrived, fearing some miscariage; for they lost her in a storme that fell shortly after they had been abord. Which relation filled them full of fear, yet mixed with hope. The m'' of this ship had some 2. hh of pease to sell, but seeing their wants, held them at 9li. sterling a hoggshead, and imder 8li. he would not take, and yet would have beaver at an under rate. But they tould him they had lived so long with- out, and would doe still, rather then give sa unreasonably. So they went from hence to Virginia. [I may not here omite how, notwithstand all their great paines and Industrie, and the great hops of a large' cropp, the Lord seemed to blast, and take away the same, and to threaten further and more sore famine unto them, by a great drought which continued from the 3. weeke in May, till about the midle of July, without any raine, and with great heat (for the most parte), insomuch as the corne begane to wither away, though it was set with fishe, the moysture wherof helped it much. Yet at length it begane to languish sore, and some of the drier groimds were partched like withered hay, part wherof was never recovered. Upon which they sett a parte a solemne day of humilHation, to seek the Lord by humble and fervente prayer, in this great distrese. And he was pleased to give them a gracious and speedy answer, both to thier owne and the Indeans admiration, that lived amongest them. For all the morning, and greatest part of the day, it was clear ' The attack was made a part of the general movement in Parliament against monopolies. See Commons Journal, I. 688-697. 1623] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 153 weather and very hotte, and not a cloud or any signe of raine to be seen, yet toward evening it begane to overcast, and shortly after to raine, with shuch sweete and gentle showers, as gave them cause of rejoyceing, and blesing God. It came, without either wind, or thunder, or any violence, and by de- greese in that abundance, as that the earth was thorowly wete and soked therwith. Which did so apparently revive and quicken the decayed corne and other fruits, as was wonder- full to see, and made the Indeans astonished to behold; and afterwards the Lord sent them shuch seasonable showers, with enterchange of faire warme weather, as, through his blessing, caused a fruitfull and liberall harvest, to their no small com- forte and rejoycing. For which mercie (in time conveniente) they also ^ett aparte a day of thanksgiveing. This being over- slipt in its place, I thought meet here to inserte the same.] * About 14. days after came in this ship, caled the Anne, wherof Mr. William Peirce was m'', and aboute a weeke or 10. days after came in the pinass which in foule weather they lost at sea, a fine new vessell of about 44. time, which the company had builte to stay in the cimtrie.^ They brought about 60. persons for the generall, some of them being very usefull persons, and became good members to the body, and some were the wives and children of shuch as were hear all- ready. And some were so bad, as they were faine to be at charge to send them home againe the next year. Also, besids these ther came a company, that did not belong to the gen- erall body, but came one [on] their perticuler, and were to have lands assigned them, and be for them selves, yet to be subjecte to the generall Goverment; which caused some diferance and disturbance amongst them, as will after ap- ' The above is written on the reverse of page 103 of the original, and should properly be inserted here. This passage, "being oversHpt in its place," the author at first wrote it, or the most of it, under the preceding year; but, dis- covering his error before completing it, drew his pen across it, and wrote beneath, "This is to be here rased out, and is to be placed on page 103, wher it is inserted." ' These two vessels were the Anne and LitUe James. For their hst of pas- sengers, see Ancient Landmarks of Plymmdh, part i., p. 52, 154 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1623 peare. I shall hear againe take libertie to inserte a few things out of shuch leters as came in this shipe, desiring rather to manefest things in ther words and apprehentions, then in my owne, as much as may be, without tediousness. Beloved freinds, I kindly salute you all, with trust of your healths and wellf *re, being right sorie that no supplie hath been made to you all this while; for defence wher of, I must referr you to our generall leters. Naitheir indeed have we now sent you many things, which we should and would, for want of money. But persons, more then inough, (though not all we should,) for people come flying in upon us, but monys come creep- ing in to us. Some few of your old freinds are come, as, etc. So they come droping to you, and by degrees, I hope ere long you shall enjoye them all. And because people press so hard upon us to goe, and often shuch as are none of the fitest, I pray you write ernestly to the Treasurer and directe what persons should be sente. It greeveth me to see so weake a company sent you, and yet had I not been hear they had been weaker. You must still call upon the company hear to see that honest men be sente you, and threaten to send them back if any other come, etc. We are not any way so much in danger, as by corrupte an noughty per- sons. Shuch, and shuch, came without my consente; but the importu- nitie of their freinds got promise of our Treasurer in my absence. Neither is ther need we should take any lewd men, for we may have honest men Your assured freind, _, _,, The following was from the genrall. Loving freinds, we most hartily salute you in all love and harty affection; being yet in hope that the same God which hath hithertoo preserved you in a marvelous maner, doth yet continue your lives and health, to his owne praise and all our comforts. Being right sory that you have not been sent unto all this time, etc. We have in this ship sent shuch women, as were willing and ready to goe to their husbands and freinds, with their children, etc. We would not have you discontente, because we have not sent you more of your old freinds, and in spetiall, him ^ on whom you most depend. Farr be it from us to neclecte you, or contemne him. But as the intente was at first, so the evente at last shall shew it, that we will deal fairly, and squarly answer your expectations to the full. Ther are also come unto you, some honest men to plant upon their pM* ' Robert Cushman. ' " J. R." (Note by Bradford, meaning John Robinson.) 1623] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 155 ticulers besids you. A thing which if we should not give way unto, we should wrong both them and you. Them, by puting them on things more inconveniente, and you, for that being honest men, they will be a strength- ening to the place, and good neighbours unto you. Tow things we would advise you of, which we have likwise signified them hear. First, the trade for skins to be retained for the generall till the devidente; 2*''. that their setling by you, be with shuch distance of place as is neither inconvenient for the lying of your lands, nor hurtf uli to your speedy and easie assembling togeather. We have sente you diverse fisher men, with salte,- etc. Diverse other provissions we have sente you, as will appear in your bill of lading, and though we have not sent all we would (because our cash is small), yet it is that we could, etc. And allthough it seemeth you have discovered many more rivers and fertill grounds then that wher you are, yet seeing by Gods providence that place fell to your lote, let it be accounted as your portion; and rather fixe your eyes upon that which may be done ther, then languish in hops after things els-wher. If your place be not the best, it is better, you shall be the less envied and encroached upon; and shuch as are earthly minded, will not setle too near your border.^ If the land afford you bread, and the sea yeeld you fish, rest you a while contented, God will one day afford you better fare. And all men shall know you are neither fugetives nor discontents. But can, if God so order it, take the worst to your selves, with contend [content], and leave the best to your neighbours, with cherfuUnes. Let it not be greeveous unto you that you have been instruments to breake the ise for others who come after with less dificulty, the honour shall be yours to the worlds end, etc. We bear you always in our brests, and our harty affection is towards you all, as are the harts of hundreds more which never saw your faces, who doubtles pray for your saftie as their owne, as we our selves both doe and ever shall, that the same God which hath so marvelously preserved you from seas, foes, and famine, will still preserve you from all future dangers, and make you honourable amongst men, and glorious in blise at the last day. And so the Lord be with you all and send us joyfull news from you, and inable us with one shoulder so to accomplish and perfecte this worke, as much glorie may come to Him that conf oundeth the mighty by the weak, and maketh small thinges great. To whose greatnes, be all glorie for ever and ever. ' "This proved rather, a propheti, then advice." (Br.) 156 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1623 This leter was subscribed with 13. of their names.* These passengers, when they saw their low and poore condition a shore, were much danted and dismayed, and according to their diverse humores were diversly affected; some wished them selves in England againe; others fell a weeping, fancying their own miserie in what they saw now in others ; other some pitying the distress they saw their freinds had been long in, and still were under; in a word, all were full of sadnes. Only some of their old freinds rejoysed to see them, and that it was no worse with them, for they could not expecte it should be better, and now hoped they should injoye better days togeather. And truly it was no marvell they should be thus affected, for they were in a very low condition, many were ragged in aparell, and some Mtle beter then halfe naked; though some that were well stord before, were well enough in this regard. But for food they were all alike, save some that had got a few pease of the ship that was last hear. The best dish they could presente their freinds with was a lobster, or a peece of fish, without bread or any thiag els but a cupp of fair spring water. And the long continuance of this diate, and their laboxn^ abroad, had something abated the freshnes of their former complexion. But God gave them health and strength in a good measin-e ; and showed them by experience the truth of that word, Deut. 8. 3. That man liveth not by bread only, but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of the Lord doth a man live. When I think how sadly the scripture speaks of the famine in Jaakobs time, when he said to his sonns, Goe buy us food, that we may live and not dye. Gen. 42. 2. and 43. 1, that the famine was great, or heavie in the land; and yet they had such great herds, and store of catle of simdrie kinds, which, besids flesh, must needs produse other food, as milke, 'An answer to it, by Bradford and Allerton, found among the papers of the High Court of Admiralty in the British Public Record Office, is printed in the American Historical Review, VIII. 295-301. 1623] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 157 butter and cheese, etc., and yet it was counted a sore afflic- tion; theirs hear must needs be very great, therfore, who not only wanted the staffe of bread, but all these things, and had no Egipte to goe too. But God fedd them out of the sea for the most parte, so wonderfuU is his providence over his in all ages ; for his mercie endureth for ever. On the other hand the old planters were affraid that their corne, when it was ripe, should be imparted to the new- commers, whose provissions which they brought with them they feared would fall short before the year wente aboute (as indeed it did). They came to the Gov'' and besought him that as it was before agreed that they should set corne for their perticuler, and accordingly they had taken extraordinary pains ther aboute, that they might freely injoye the same, and they would not have a bitte of the victails now come, but waite till harvest for their owne, and let the new-commers injoye what they had brought; they would have none of it, excepte they could piu-chase any of it of them by bargaine or exchainge. Their requeste was granted them, for it gave both sides good contente ; for the new-commers were as much afraid that the hungrie planters would have eat up the provissions brought, and they should have fallen into the Uke condition. This ship was in a shorte time laden with clapbord, by the help of many hands. Also they sente in her all the beaver and other furrs they had, and Mr. Winslow was sent over with her, to informe of all things, and procure such things as were thought needfull for their presente condition. By this time harvest was come, and in stead of famine, now God gave them plentie, and the face of things was changed, to the rejoysing of the harts of many, for which they blessed God. And the effect of their particuler planting was well seene, for all had, one way and other, pretty well to bring the year aboute, and some of the abler sorte and more industrious had to spare, and sell to others, so as any generall wante or famine hath not been amongst them since to this day. 158 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1623 Those that come on their perticuler looked for greater matters then they found or could attaine unto, aboute building great houses, and such pleasant situations for them, as them selves had fancied ; as if they would be great men and rich, all of a sudaine ; but they proved castls in the aire. These were the conditions agreed on betweene the colony and them. First, that the Gov'', in the name and with the con- sente of the company, doth in all love and frendship receive and imbrace them; and is to allote them competente places for habitations within the towne. And promiseth to shew them all such other curtesies as shall be reasonable for them to desire, or us to performe. 2. That they, on their parts, be subjecte to all such laws and orders as are already made, or hear after shall be, for the pubUck good. 3. That they be freed and exempte from the generall im- ployments of the said company, (which their presente condi- tion of comimitie requireth,) excepte commime defence, and such other imployments as tend to the perpetuall good of the coUony. 4^y. Towards the maintenance of Gov"'*, and publick officers of the said collony, every male above the age of 16. years shall pay a bushell of Indean wheat, or the worth of it, into the commone store. 5^y. That (according to the agreemente the marchants made with them before they came) they are to be wholy debared from all trade with the Indeans for all sorts of furrs, and such like commodities, till the time of the comunalUtie be ended. About the midle of September arrived Captaine Robart Gorges ' in the Bay of the Massachusets, with sundrie pas- ' Robert Gorges, son of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who had been a soldier in the Venetian wars, had a private patent for a district on the north side of Massa- chusetts Bay, but planted his colony at Weymouth, in the buildings deserted by Weymouth's men. His patent, dated December 30, 1622, is printed in the Prince Society's Gorges, II. 61-54. 1623] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 159 sengers and families, intending ther to begine a plantation; and pitched upon the place Mr. Weston's people had for- saken. He had a commission from the Counsell of New- England, to be generall Gove"^ of the cuntrie, and they appoynted for his coimsell and assistance, Captaine Francis West, the aforesaid admirall, Christopher Levite, Esquire,' and the Gov"^ of PUmoth for the time beeing, etc. AUso, they gave him authoritie to chuse such other as he should find fit. Allso, they gave (by their commission) full power to him and his assistants, or any 3. of them, wherof him selfe was allway to be one, to doe and execute what to them should seeme good, in all cases, Capitall, Criminall, and Civill, etc., with diverce other instructions. Of which, and his comission, it pleased him to suffer the Gov'' hear to take a coppy. He gave them notice of his arivall by letter, but before they could visite him he went to the eastward with the ship he came in; but a storme arising, (and they wanting a good pilot to harbor them in those parts,) they bore up for this harbor. He and his men were hear kindly entertained; he stayed hear 14. days. In the mean time came in Mr. Weston with his small ship, which he had now recovered. Captaine Gorges tooke hold of the opportunitie, and acquainted the Gov"^ hear, that one occasion of his going to the eastward was to meete with Mr. Weston, and call him to accoxmte for some abuses he had to lay to his charge. Wherupon he called him before him, and some other of his assistants, with the Gov"" of this place; and charged him, first, with the ille carriage of his men at the Massachusets ; by which means the peace of the cuntrie was disturbed, and him selfe and the people which he had brought over to plante in that bay were therby much prejudised. To this Mr. Weston easily answered, that what was that way done, was in his absence, and might have ' Christopher Levite (Levett) came to New England in 1623 and explored its eastern coast with a view to a settlement. On his return to England in 1624 he published an account of his voyage, which has been reprinted by the Gorges Society. 160 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1623 befalen any man ; he left them sufficently provided, and con- ceived they would have been well governed; and for any errour committed he had sufficiently smarted. This par- ticuler was passed by. A 2^. was, for an abuse done to his father, Sr. Ferdenando Gorges, and to the State. The thing was this; he used him and others of the Counsell of New- England, to procure him a licence for the transporting of many peeces of great ordnance for New-England, pretending great fortification hear in the countrie, and I know not what shipping. The which when he had obtained, he went and sould them beyond seas for his private profite ; for which (he said) the State was much offended, and his father suffered a shrowd check, and he had order to apprehend him for it. Mr. Weston excused it as well as he could, but could not deney it; it being one maine thing (as was said) for which he with-drew himself. But after many passages, by the mediation of the Gov"" and some other freinds hear, he was inclined to gentlnes (though he aprehended the abuse of his father deeply); which, when Mr. Weston saw, he grew more pre- sumptuous, and gave such provocking and cutting speches, as made him rise up in great indignation and distemper, and vowed that he would either ciu-b him, or send him home for England. At which Mr. Weston was something danted, and came privatly to the Gov' hear, to know whether they would suffer Captaine Gorges to apprehend him. He was tould they could not hinder him, but much blamed him, that after they had pacified things, he should thus breake out, by his owne folly and rashnes, to bring trouble upon him selfe and them too. He confest it was his passion, and prayd the Gov'' to entreat for him, and pacifie him if he could. The which at last he did, with much adoe ; so he was called againe, and the Gov'' was contente to take his owne bond to be ready to make further answer, when either he or the lords should send for him. And at last he tooke only his word, and ther was a freindly parting on all hands. 1623] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 161 But after he was gone, Mr. Weston in lue of thanks to the Gov"^ and his freinds hear, gave them this quib (behind their baks) for all their pains. That though they were but yonge justices, yet they wear good beggers. Thus they parted at this time, and shortly after the Gov"" tooke his leave and went to the Massachusets by land, being very thankfull for his kind entertaiaemente. The ship stayed hear, and fitted her selfe to goe for Virginia, having some passengers ther to deliver; and with her retimied sundrie of those from hence which came over on their perticuler, some out of dis- contente and dislike of the cuntrie ; others by reason of a fire that broke out, and burnt the houses they lived in, and all their provisions so as they were necessitated therunto. This fire was occasioned by some of the sea-men that were roy- stering in a house wher it first begane, makeing a great fire in very could weather, which broke out of the chimney into the thatch, and bmnte downe 3. or 4. houses, and consumed all the goods and provissions in them. The house in which it begane was right against their store-house, which they had much adoe to save, in which were their commone store and all their provissions ; the which if it had been lost, the planta- tion had been overthrowne. But through Gods mercie it was saved by the great dilhgence of the people, and care of the Gov' and some aboute him. Some would have had the goods- throwne out; but if they had, ther would much have been stolne by the rude company that belonged to these 2. ships, which were allmost all ashore. But a trusty company was plased within, as well as those that with wet-cloaths and other means kept of the fire without, that if necessitie required they might have them out with all speed. For they suspected some maUcious dealing, if not plaine treacherie, and whether it was only suspition or no, God knows; but this is certaine, that when the tumulte was greatest, ther was a voyce heard (but from whom it was not knowne) that bid them looke well aboute them, for all were not freinds that were near them. 162 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1623 And shortly after, when the vemencie of the fire was over, smoke was seen to arise within a shed that was joynd to the end of the store-house, which was watled up with bowes, in the withered leaves wherof the fire was kindled, which some, running to quench, found a longe firebrand of an ell longe, lying under the wale on the inside, which could not possibly come their by cassualtie, but must be laid ther by some hand, in the judgmente of all that saw it. But God kept them from this deanger, what ever was intended. Shortly after Captaine Gorges, the generall Gov'', was come home to the Massachusets, he sends a warrante to arrest Mr. Weston and his ship, and sends a m'' to bring her away thither, and one Captain Hanson (that belonged to him) to conducte him along. The Gov'' and others hear were very sory to see him take this course, and tooke exception at the warrante, as not legall nor sufficiente; and withall write to him to disswade him from this course, shewing him that he would but entangle and burthen him selfe in doing this; for he could not doe Mr. Weston a better turne, (as things stood with him) ; for he had a great many men that belonged to him in this barke, and was deeply ingaged to them for wages, and was in a manner out of victails (and now winter) ; all which would hght upon him, if he did arrest his barke. In the mean time Mr. Weston had notice to shift for him selfe ; but it was conceived he either knew not whither to goe, or how to mend him selfe, but was rather glad of the occasion, and so stirred not. But the Gov'' would not be perswaded, but sent a very formall warrente under his hand and seall, with strict charge as they would answere it to the state; he also write that he had better considered of things since he was hear, and he could not answer it to let him goe so ; besids other things that were come to his knowledg since, which he must answer too. So he was suffered to proceede, but he found in the end that to be true that was tould him; for when an inven- torie was taken of what was in the ship, ther was not vitailes 1623] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 163 found for above 14. days, at a fare allowance, and not much else of any great worth, and the men did so crie out of him for wages and diate, in the mean time, as made him soone weary. So as in conclusion it turned to his loss, and the ex- pence of his owne provissions; and towards the spring they came to agreement, (after they had bene to the eastward,) and the Gov'' restord him his vessell againe, and made him satisfaction, in bisket, meal, and such like provissions, for what he had made use of that was his, or what his men had any way wasted or consumed. So Mr. Weston came hither againe, and afterward shaped his course for Virginie, and so for present I shall leave him.' The Gov'' and some that depended upon him returned for England, haveing scarcly saluted the cuntrie in his Gover- mente, not finding the state of things hear to answer his quaUitie and condition. The peopl dispersed them selves, some went for England, others for Virginia, some few re- mained, and were helped with supphes from hence. The Gov' brought over a minister with him, one Mr. Morell, who, about a year after the Gov"" returned, tooke shipping from hence.^ He had I know not what power and authority of superintendancie over other churches granted him, and sundrie instructions for that end; but he never shewed it, or made any use of it; (it should seeme he saw it was in vaine;) he only speake of it to some hear at his going away. This was in effect the end of a 2. plantation in that place. Ther were allso this year some scatering beginings made in other places, as at Paskataway, by Mr. David • "He dyed afterwards at Bristol!, in the time of the warrs, of the sicknes in that place." (Br.) ^ Rev. William Morell came over with Robert Gorges with a commission to regulate the religious affairs of the country and to compel the people to conform to the Church of England. Finding httle encouragement he abandoned his mission and spent a year in Wessagusset without disclosing until his final de- parture the purpose of his coming. After his return to England he published a Latm poem giving an account of his observations, which was published in the first volume of the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 164 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1623 Thomson, at Monhigen, and some other places by sundrie others.' It rests now that I speake a word aboute the pinnass spoken of before, which was sent by the adventurers to be imployed in the cimtrie. She was a fine vessell, and bravely set out,^ and I fear the adventurers did over pride them selves in her, for she had ill success. How ever, they erred grosly in tow things aboute her; first, though she had a sufficiente maister, yet she was rudly manned,^ and all her men were upon shars, and none was to have any wages but the m''. 2^^, wheras they mainly lookt at trade, they had sent nothing of any value to trade with. When the men came hear, and mette with ill counsell from Mr. Weston and his crue, with others of the same stampe, neither m'' nor Gov'' could scarce rule them, for they exclaimed that they were abused and deceived, for they were tould they should goe for a man of warr, and take I know not whom, French and Spaniards, etc. They would neither trade nor fish, excepte they had wages; in fine, they would obey no command of the maisters; so it was apprehended they would either rune away with the ves- sell, or get away with the ships, and leave her; so as Mr. Peirce and others of their freinds perswaded the Gov"" to chaing their condition, and give them wages; which was ac- cordingly done. And she was sente about the Cape to the Narigansets to trade, but they made but a poore vioage of it. Some come and beaver they got, but the Dutch used to fur- nish them with cloath and better commodities, they haveing only a few beads and knives, which were not ther much es- teemed. Allso, in her returne home, at the very entrance into ther owne harbore, she had like to have been cast away in a ' David Thompson was a Scotsman, and agent of Mason and Gorges. In the spring of 1623 he began a settlement at Little Harbor, near the mouth of the Piscataqua, and near the present site of Portsmouth. About 1626 he took pos- session of the island in Boston harbor still called Thompson's Island; indeed he may have occupied it before his settlement at Paskataway. ' " With her flages, and streamers, pendents, and wastcloaths, etc." (Br.) ' See American Historical Review, VIII. 295. 1624] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 165 storme, and was forced to cut her maine mast by the bord, to save herselfe from driving on the flats that lye without, caled Browns Hands/ the force of the wind being so great as made her anchors give way and she drive right upon them; but her mast and takhng being gone, they held her till the wind shifted. Anno Dom: 1624. The time of new election of ther officers for this year being come, and the number of their people increased, and their troubls and occasions therwith, the Gov"" desired them to chainge the persons, as well as renew the election f and also to adde more Assistans to the Gov"" for help and coimsell, and the better carrying on of affairs. Showing that it was necessarie it should be so. If it was any honour or benefite, it was fitte others should be made pertakers of it ; if it was a burthen, (as doubtles it was,) it was but equall others should help to bear it; and that this was the end^ of Annuall Elec- tions. The issue was, that as before ther was but one As- sistante, they now chose 5. giving the Gov"^ a duble voyce; and aftwards they increased them to 7. which course hath continued to this day. They having with some truble and charge new-masted and rigged their pinass, in the begining of March they sent her well vitaled to the eastward on fishing. She arrived safly at a place near Damarins cove,* and was there well harbored in a place wher ships used to ride, ther being also some ships all- ready arived out of England. But shortly after ther arose such a violent and extraordinarie storme, as the seas broak over such places in the harbor as was never seene before, and drive her against great roks, which beat such a hole in her buike, as a horse and carte might have gone in, and after ' Brown's Island is a sand-bar in the outer harbor of Plymouth, which a false tradition says was once an island. See Champlain's map. ' Bradford was not permitted to retire. ^ Purpose. * See p. 128, note 1. 166 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1624 drive her into deep-water, wher she lay sunke. The m''. was drowned, the rest of the men, all save one, saved their lives, with much a doe; all her provision, salt, and what els was in her, was lost. And here I must leave her to lye till afterward. Some of those that still remained hear on their perticuler, begane privatly to nurish a faction, and being privie to a strong faction that was among the adventurers in England, on whom sundry of them did depend, by their private whispering they drew some of the weaker sorte of the company to their side, and so filld them with discontente, as nothing would satisfie them excepte they might be suffered to be in their perticuler allso ; and made great offers, so they might be freed from the generall. The Gov'' consulting with the ablest of the gen- erall body what was best to be done hear in, it was resolved to permitte them so to doe, upon equall conditions. The con- ditions were the same in effect with the former before related. Only some more added, as that they should be bound here to remaine till the generall partnership was ended. And also that they should pay into the store, the on halfe of all such goods and comodities as they should any waise raise above their food, in consideration of what charg had been layed out for them, with some such hke things. This liberty granted, soone stopt this gape, for ther was but a few that undertooke this course when it came too ; and they were as sone weary of it. For the other had perswaded them, and Mr. Weston to- geather, that ther would never come more supply to the gen- erall body; but the perticulers had such freinds as would carry all, and doe for them I know not what. Shortly after, Mr, Winslow came over, and brought a prety good supply, and the ship came on fishing, a thing fatall to this plantation. He brought 3. heifers and a bull, the first begining of any catle of that kind in the land, with some cloathing and other necessaries, as will further appear; but withall the reporte of a strong faction amongst the ad- 1624] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 167 venture[r]s against them, and espetially against the coming of the rest from Leyden, and with what difficulty this supply was procured, and how, by their strong and long opposision, bussines was so retarded as not only they were now falne too late for the fishing season, but the best men were taken up of the fishermen in the west countrie, and he was forct to take such a m"". and company for that imployment as he could procure upon the present. Some letters from them shall beter declare these things, being as foUoweth. Most worthy and loving freinds, your kind and loving leters I have received, and render you many thanks, etc. It hath plased God to stirre up the harts of our adventure[r]s to raise a new stock for the seting forth of this shipe, caled the Charitie, with men and necessaries, both for the plantation and the fishing, though accomplished with very great diffi- culty; in regard we have some amongst us which undoubtedly aime more at their owns private ends, and the thwarting and opposing of some hear, and other worthy instruments,' of Gods glory elswher, then at the general! good and furtherance of this noble and laudable action. Yet againe we have many other, and I hope the greatest parte, very honest Christian men, which I am perswaded their ends and intents are wholy for the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the propagation of his gospell, and hope of gaining those poore salvages to the knowledg of God. But, as we have a proverbe. One seabed sheep may marr a whole flock, so these malecon- tented persons, and turbulente spirits, doe what in them lyeth to withdraw mens harts from you and your freinds, yea, even from the generall bussines ; and yet under show and pretence of godlynes and furtherance of the plantation. Wheras the quite contrary doth plainly appeare; as some of the honester harted men (though of late of their faction) did make manifest at our late meeting. But what should I trouble you or my selfe with these restles opposers of all goodnes, and I doubte will be continuall disturbers of our frendly meetings and love. On Thurs-day the 8. of Jan: we had a meeting aboute the artickls betweene you and us; wher thej would rejecte that, which we in our late leters prest you to grante, (an addition to the time of our joynt stock). And their reason which they would make known to us was, it trobled their conscience to exacte longer time of you then was agreed upon at the first. But that night they were so followed and crost of their perverse courses, as they were even wearied, and offered to sell their adventurs ; and some were willing to buy. But I, « "He means Mr. Robinson." (Br.) 168 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1624 doubting they would raise more scandale and false reports, and so diverse waise doe us more hurt, by going of in such a furie, then they could or can by continuing adventurers amongst us, v^^ould not suffer them. But on the 12. of Jan: we had another meting, but in the interime diverse of us had talked with most of them privatly, and had great combats and reasoning, pro and con. But at night when we mete to read the generall letter, we had the loveingest and f rendlyest meeting that ever I knew ' and our greatest enemise offered to lend us 50li. So I sent for a potle of wine, (I would you could ^ doe the like,) which we dranke freindly together. Thus God can turne the harts of men when it pleaseth him, etc. Thus loving freinds, I hartily salute you all in the Lord, hoping ever to rest, Yours to my power, Jan: 25. 1623. James Sheeley.' Another leter. Beloved Sr., etc. We have now sent you, we hope, men and means, to setle these 3. things, viz. fishing, salt making, and boat making; if you can bring them to pass to some perfection, your wants may be supplyed. I pray you bend you selfe what you can to setle these bussinesses. Let the ship be fraught away as soone as you can, and sent to Bilbow.* You must send some discreete man for factore, whom, once more, you must also authorise to confirme the conditions. If Mr. Winslow could be spared, I could wish he came againe. This ship carpenter is thought to be the fittest man for you in the land, and will no doubte doe you much good. Let him have an absolute comand over his servants and such as you put to him. Let him build you 2. catches, a lighter, and some 6. or 7. shalops, as soone as you can. The salt-man is a skillfull and indus- trious man, put some to him, that may quickly apprehende the misterie of it. The preacher we have sent is (we hope) an honest plaine man, though none of the most eminente and rare. Aboute chusing him into ' " But this lasted not long, they had now provided Lyford and others to send over." (Br.) ' "It is worthy to be observed, how the Lord doth chaing times and things; for what is now more plentiful} then wine? and that of the best, coming from Malago, the Cannaries, and other places, sundry ships lading in a year. So as ther is now more cause to complaine of the excess and the abuse of wine (through mens corruption) even to drunkennes, then of any defecte or wante of the same. Witnes this year 1646. The good Lord lay not the sins and unthankfullnes of men to their charge in this perticuler." (Br.) ^ James Shirley, "citizen and goldsmith," of London, was the treasurer of the merchant adventurers. The date is of course 1624 in new style. * Bilbao, on the north coast of Spain. 1624] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 169 office use your owne liberty and discretion; he knows he is no officer amongst you, though perhaps custome and universalitie may make him forget him selfe. Mr. Winslow and my selfe gave way to his going, to give contente to some hear, and we see no hurt in it, but only his great charge of children. We have tooke a patente for Cap Anne, etc.^ I am sory ther is no more discretion used by some in their leters hither.^ Some say you are starved in body and soule; others, that you eate piggs and doggs, that dye alone; others, that the things hear spoaken of, the goodnes of the cuntry, are gross and palpable lyes ; that ther is scarce a foule to be seene, or a fish to be taken, and many such like. I would such discontented men were hear againe, for it is a miserie when the whole state of a plantation shall be thus exposed to the passionate humors of some discontented men. And for my selfe I shall hinder for hearafter some that would goe, and have not better composed their affections ; mean space it is all our crosses, and we must bear them. I am sorie we have not sent you morS and other things, but in truth we have rune into so much charge, to victaile the ship, provide salte and other fishing implements, etc. as we could not provid other comfortable things, as buter, suger, etc. I hope the returne of this ship and the James,^ will put us in cash againe. The Lord make you full of courage in this troublesome bussines, which now must be stuck unto, till God give us rest from our labours. Fare well in all harty affection. Your assured freind, Jan: 24. 1623. R. C With the former lettter write by Mr. Sherley, there were sente sundrie objections concerning which he thus writeth. "These are the cheefe objections which they that are now returned make against you and the countrie. I pray you consider them, and answer them by the first conveniencie." These objections were made by some of those that came over ' The Council for New England had attempted to divide its coast among themselves individually. The patent alluded to was executed by Lord Sheffield in favor of Eobert Cushman and Edward Winslow, for themselves and their associates, and bore date of January 1, 1623-4. Its text is given in J. W. Thorn- ton, The Landing at Cafe Anne, pp. 31-35. See also American Historical Review, VIH. 296. ' "This was John Oldome and his like." (Br.) ' The Litde James was the pinnace which had accompanied the Anm. * Robert Cushman. 170 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1624 on their perticuler' and were returned home, as is before mentioned, and were of the same suite with those that this other letter mentions. I shall here set them downe, with the answers then made imto them, and sent over at the retume of this ship ; which did so confound the objecters, as some confessed their falte, and others deneyed what they had said, and eate their words, and some others of them have since come over againe and heere hved to convince them selves sufficiently, both in their owne and other mens judgments. 1. obj. was diversitie aboute Rehgion. Ans: We know no such matter, for here was never any controversie or oppo- sition, either pubUcke or private, (to, our knowledg,) since we came. 2. ob: Neglecte of famihe duties, one the Lords day. Ans. We allow no such thing, but blame it in our selves and others; and they that thus reporte it, should have shewed their Christian love the more if they had in love tould the offenders of it, rather then thus to reproach them behind their baks. But (to say no more) we wish them selves had given better example. 3. ob: Wante of both the sacrements. Ans. The more is our greefe, that our pastor is kept from us, by whom we might injoye them; for we used to have the Lords Supper every Saboth, and baptisme as often as ther was occasion of children to baptise. 4. ob: Children not catechised nor taught to read. Ans: Neither is true; for diverse take pains with their owne as they can; indeede, we have no commone schools for want of a fitt person, or hithertoo means to maintaine one; though we desire now to begine. 5. ob: Many of the perticuler members of the plantation will not work for the generall. Ans: This allso is not wholy true; for though some doe it ' On their own account. 1624] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 171 not willingly, and other not honestly, yet all doe it; and he that doth worst gets his owne foode and something besids. But we will not excuse them, but labour to reforme them the best we cane, or else to quitte the plantation of them. 6. ob: The water is not wholsome. Ans: If they mean, not so wholsome as the good beere and wine in London, (which they so dearly love,) we will not dis- pute with them; but els, for water, it is as good as any in the world, (for ought we knowe,) and it is wholsome enough to us that can be contente therwith. 7. ob: The groimd is barren and doth bear no grasse. Ans: It is hear (as in all places) some better and some worse; and if they well consider their words, in England they shall not find such grasse in them, as in their feelds and meadows. The catle find grasse, for they are as fatt as need be; we wish we had but one for every hundred that hear is grase to keep. Indeed, this objection, as some other, are ridiculous to all here which see and know the contrary. 8. ob: The fish will not take salt to keepe sweete. Ans: This is as true as that which was written, that ther is scarce a foule to be scene or a fish to be taken. Things hkly to be true in a cimtrie wher so many sayle of ships come yearly a fishing ; they might as well say, there can no aile or beere in London be kept from sowering. 9. ob: Many of them are theevish and steale on from an other. Ans: Would London had been free from that crime, then we should not have been trobled with these here; it is well knowne sundrie have smarted well for it, and so are the rest like to doe, if they be taken. 10. ob: The countrie is anoyed with foxes and woules.' Ans: So are many other good cuntries too; but poyson, traps, and other such means will help to destroy them. I ' Wolves. 172 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1624 IL ob: The Dutch are planted nere Hudsons Bay/ and are hkely to overthrow the trade. Ans : They will come and plante in these parts, also, if we and others doe not, but goe home and leave it to them. We rather corhmend them, then condemne them for it. 12. ob: The people are much anoyed with muskeetoes. Ans: They are too delicate and imfitte to begine new- plantations and collonies, that cannot enduer the biting of a muskeeto ; we would wish such to keepeat home till at least they be muskeeto proofe. Yet this place is as free as any, and ex- perience teacheth that the more the land is tild, and the woods cut downe, the fewer ther will be, and in the end scarseanyat all. Having thus dispatcht these things, that I may handle things togeather, I shall here inserte 2. other letters from Mr. Robinson their pastor; the one to the Gov'', the other to Mr. Brewster their Elder, which will give much Ught to the former things; and express the tender love and care of a true pastor over them. Hii leter to the Gov^. My loving and much beloved freind, whom God hath hithertoo pre- served, preserve and keepe you still to his glorie, and the good of many; that his blessing may make your godly and v/ise endeavours answerable to the valuation which they ther have, and set upon the same. Of your love too and care for us here, we never doubted; so are we glad to take knowledg of it in that fullnes we doe. Our love and care to and for you, is mutuall, though our hopes of coming unto you be small, and weaker then ever. But of this at large in Mr. Brewsters letter, with whom you, and he with you, mutualy, I know, comunicate your letters, as I desire you may doe these, etc. Concerning the killing of those poor Indeans, of which we heard at first by reporte, and since by more certaine relation, oh! how happy a thing had it been, if you had converted some, before you had killed any; besids, wher bloud is one begune to be shed, it is seldome stanched of a long time after. You will say they deserved it. I grant it; but upon what provocations and invitments by those heathenish Chris- ' Hudson's River is no doubt meant. Permanent settlement at its mouth has been supposed to have begun in 1623, but a trading post had been estab- lished there some years before that date. 1624] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 173 tians ? * Besids, you, being no magLstrats over them, were to consider, not what they deserved, but what you were by necessitie constrained to inflicte. Necessitie of this, espetially of killing so many, (and many more, it seems, they would, if they could,) I see not. Methinks on or tow principals should have been full enough, according to that approved rule. The punishmente to a few, and the fear to many. Upon this occasion let me be bould to exhorte you seriouly to consider of the dispossition of your Captaine,^ whom I love, and am perswaded the Lord in great mercie and for much good hath sent you him, if you use him aright. He is a man humble and meek amongst you, and towards all in ordinarie course. But now if this be meerly from an humane spirite, tlier is cause to fear that by occasion, espetially of provocation, ther may be wanting that tendernes of the life of man (made after Gods image) which is meete. It is also a thing more glori- ous in mens eyes, then pleasing in Gods, or conveniente for Christians, to be a terrour to poore barbarous people; and indeed I am afraid least, by these occasions, others should be drawne to affecte a kind of rufling course in the world. I doubt not but you will take in good part these things which I write, and as ther is cause make use of them. It were to us more com- fortable and convenient, that we comunicated our mutuall helps in pres- ence, but seeing that canot be done, we shall always long after you, and love you, and waite Gods apoynted time. The adventurers it seems have neither money nor any great mind of us, for the most parte. They deney it to be any part of the covenants betwixte us, that they should transporte us, neither doe I looke for any further help from them, till means come from you. We hear are strangers in effecte to the whole course, and so both we and you (save as your owne wisdoms and worths have intressed you further) of principals intended in this bussines, are scarce accessaries, etc. My wife, with me, resalute you and yours. Unto him who is the same to his in all places, and nere to them which are f arr from one an other, I comend you and all with you, resting. Yours truly loving, Leyden, Des: 19. 1623. John Robinson. His to Mr. Brewster. Loving and dear f reind and brother : That which I most desired of God in regard of you, namly, the continuance of your life and health, and the safe coming of these sent unto you, that I most gladly hear of, and praise God for the same. And I hope Mrs. Brewsters weake and decayed state of body will have some reparing by the coming of her daughters, and the protsdssions in this and former ships, I hear is made for you; which maks ' • "Mr. Westons men." (Br.) ' Standish. 174 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1624 us with more patience bear our languishing state, and the deferring of our desired transportation; which I call desired, rather than hoped for, whatsoever you are borne in hand by any others. For first, ther is no hope at all, that I know, or can -conceive of, of any new stock to be raised for that end; so that all must depend upon returns from you, in which are so many uncertainties, as that nothing with any certaintie can thence be concluded. Besids, howsoever for the presente the adventurers aledg nothing but want of money, which is an invincible dif culty, yet if that be taken away by you, others vidthout doubte will be found. For the beter clearing of this, we must dispose the adventurers into 3. parts; and of them some 5. or 6. (as I conceive) are absolutly bent for us, above any others. Other 5. or 6. are oiu- bitter professed adversaries. The rest, being the body, I conceive to be honestly minded, and loveingly also to- wards us; yet such as have others (namly the forward preachers) nerer unto them, then us, and whose course so farr as ther is any diflerance, they would rather advance then ours. Now what a hanck ' these men have over the professors, you know. And I perswade my selfe, that for me, they of all others are unwilling I should be transported, espetially such of them as have an eye that way them selves ; as thinking if I come ther, ther market will be mard in many regards. And for these adversaries, if they have but halfe the witte to their malice, they vnll stope my course when they see it intended, for which this delaying serveth them very op- portunly. And as one restie jade can hinder, by hanging back, more then two or 3. can (or will at least, if they be not very free) draw for- ward, so will it be in this case. A notable experimente of this, they gave in your messengers presence, constraining the company to promise that none of the money now gathered should be expended or imployed to the help of any of us towards you. Now touching the question propound- ed by you, I judg it not lawfuU for you, being a ruling Elder, as Rom. 12. 7. 8. and 1. Tim. 5. 17. opposed to the Elders that teach and exhorte and labore in the word and doctrine, to which the sacrements are annexed, to administer them, nor convenient if it were lawful!. Whether any lamed man will come unto you or not, I know not; if any doe, you must Consilium capere in arena^ Be you most hartily saluted, and your wife with you, both from me and mine: Your God and ours, and the God of all his, bring us together if it be his will, and keep us in the mean while, and allways to his glory, and make us servisable to his majestie, and faithfull to the end. Amen. .,,. , . , , Your very lovmg brother, Leyden, Des: 20. 1623. John Robinson. ' Hold. ' Take counsel at the moment, or on the spot. . 1624] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 175 These things premised, I shall now prosecute the proced- ings and afairs here. And before I come to other things I must speak a word of their planting this year; they having found the benifite of their last years harvest, and setting corne for their particuler, having therby with a great deale of patience overcome hunger and famine. Which maks me re- member a saing of Senecas, Epis: 123. That a great parte of libertie is a well governed belly, and to be patiente in all wants. They begane now highly to prise come as more pretious then silver, and those that had some to spare begane to trade one with another for smale things, by the quarte, potle, and peck, etc.; for money they had none, and if any had, corne was prefered before it. That they might therfore encrease their tillage to better advantage, they made suite to the Gov"^ to have some portion of land given them for continuance, and not by yearly lotte, for by that means, that which the more industrious had brought into good culture (by much pains) one year, came to leave it the nexte, and often another might injoye it; so as the dressing of their lands were the more sleighted over, and to lese profite. Which being well con- sidered, their request was granted. And to every person was given only one acrre of land, to them and theirs, as nere the towne as might be, and they had no more till the 7. years were expired. The reason was, that they might be kept close to- gether both for more saftie and defence, and the better im- provement of the generall imployments. Which condition of theirs did make me often thinke, of what I had read in Phnie^ of the Romans first beginings in Romulus time. How every man contented him selfe with 2. Acres of land, and had no more assigned them. And chap. 3. It was thought a great reward, to receive at the hands of the people of Rome a pinte of corne. And long after, the greatest presente given to a Captaine that had gotte a victory over their enemise, was as »"Plin: lib: 18. chap. 2." (Br.) The reference is to Pliny's Natural History. 176 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1624 much ground as they could till in one day. And he was not counted a good, but a dangerous man, that would not contente him selfe with 7. Acres of land. As also how they did pound their corne in morters, as these people were forcte to doe many years before they could get a mille. The ship which brought this supply,^ was speedily dis- charged, and with her m''. and company sente to Cap-Anne (of which place they had gott a patente, as before is shewed) on fishing, and because the season was so farr spente some of the planters were sent to help to build their stage,^ to their owne hinderance. But partly by the latenes of the year, and more espetialy by the basnes of the m''., one 'Baker, they made a poore viage of it. He proved a very drunken beast, and did nothing (in a maner) but drink, and gusle, and consume away the time and his victails ; and most of his company followed his example ; and though Mr. WiUiam Peirce was to over see the busines, and to be m''. of the ship home, yet he could doe no good amongst them, so as the loss was great, and would have bene more to them, but that they kept one a trading ther, which in those times got some store of skins, which was some help unto them. The ship-carpenter that was sent them, was an honest and very industrious man, and followed his labour very dilhgently, and made all that were imployed with him doe the like; he quickly builte them 2 very good and strong shalops (which after did them greate service), and a great and strong lighter, and had hewne timber for 2. catches; but that was lost, for he fell into a feaver in the hote season of the year, and though he had the best means the place could aforde, yet he dyed; of whom they had a very great loss, and were very sorie for his death. But he whom they sent to make salte was an ignorante, foolish, self-willd fellow; he bore them in hand he could doe great matters in making salt-works, so he was sente to seeke out fitte ground for his purpose; and after some serch hetould ' The Charity. ' Frames or scaffolds for drying fish. 1624] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 177 the Gov"" that he had found a sufficente place, with a good botome to hold water, and otherwise very conveniente, which he doubted not but in a short time to bring to good perfection, and to yeeld them great profite ; but he must have 8. or ten men to be constantly imployed. He was wisht to be sure that the ground was good, and other' things answer- able, and that he could bring it to perfection; otherwise he would bring upon them a great charge by imploying him selfe and so many men. But he was, after some triall, so confidente, as he caused them to send carpenters to rear a great frame for a large house, to receive the salte and such other uses. But in the end all proved vaine. Then he layed fault of the ground, in which he was deceived; but if he might have the Ughter to cary clay, he was sure then he could doe it. Now though the Gov"" and some other foresaw that this would come to litle, yet they had so many mahgnant spirits amongst them, that would have laid it upon them, in their letters of complainte to the adventurers, as to be their falte that would not suffer him to goe on to bring his work to perfection; for as he by his bould confidence and large promises deceived them in England that sente him, so he had wound him selfe in to these mens high esteeme hear, so as they were faine to let him goe on till all men saw his vanity. For he could not doe any thing but boyle salt in pans, and yet would make them that were joynd with him beleeve ther was so grat a misterie in it as was not easie to be attained, and made them doe many unnecessary things to bUnd their eys, till they discerned his sutltie. The next yere he was sente to Cap- Anne, and the pans were set up ther wher the fishing was; but before som- mer was out, he bumte the house, and the fire was so vehe- mente as it spoyld the pans, at least some of them, and this was the end of that chargable bussines. The 3*^- eminente person (which the letters before men- tion) was the minister which they sent over, by name Mr. j^ohn Lyford, of whom and whose doing I must be more large, 178 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1624 though I shall abridg things as much as I can. When this man first came a shore, he saluted them with that reverence and humiUtie as is seldome to be seen, and indeed made them ashamed, he so bowed and cringed imto them, and would have kissed their hands if they would have suffered him;' yea, he wept and shed many tears, blessing God that had brought him to see their faces ; and admiring the things they had done in their wants, etc. as if he had been made all of love, and the humblest person in the world. And all the while (if we may judg by his after cariags) he was but hke him mentioned in Psa: 10. 10. That croucheth and boweth, that heaps of poore may fall by his might. Or Hke to that dissembling Ishmaell,^ who, when he had slaine GedeUa, went out weeping and mette them that were coming to offer incence in the house of the Lord; saing, Come to GedeUa, when he ment to slay them. They gave him the best entertainment they could, (in all simpUsitie,) and a larger alowans of food out of the store then any other had, and as the Gov'' had used in all waightie affairs to- consulte with their Elder, Mr. Brewster, (togeither with his assistants,) so now he caled Mr. Liford also to counsell with them in their waightiest bussineses. After some short time- he desired to joyne himself e a member to the church hear, and was accordingly received. He made a large confession of his faith, and an acknowledgemente of his former disorderly walking, and his being intangled with many corruptions, which had been a burthen to his conscience, and blessed God for this opportimitie of freedom and hbertie to injoye the ordinances of God in puritie among his people, with many more such like expressions. I must hear speake a word also of Mr. John Oldom, who was a copartner with him in his after courses. He had bene a cheefe sticler in the former faction among the perticulers, and an intelUgencer to those in England. But now, since the coming of this ship and he saw the supply that came, he tooke occasion to open his minde to some of the • " Of which were many witneses." (Br.) » " Jer. 41. 6." (Br.) 1624] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 179 cheefe amongst them heere, and confessed he had done them wrong both by word and deed, and writing into England; but he now saw the eminente hand of God to be with them, and his blesing upon them, which made his hart smite him, neither should those in England ever use him as an instru- mente any longer against them in any thing; he also desired former things might be forgotten, and that they would looke upon him as one that desired to close with them in all things, with such like expressions. Now whether this was in hipoc- risie, or out of some sudden pange of conviction (which I rather thinke), God only knows. Upon it they shew all ready- nes to imbrace his love, and carry towards him in all frendlynes, and called him to covmsell with them in all cheefe affairs, as the other, without any distrust at all. Thus all things seemed to goe very comfortably and smothly on amongst them, at which they did much rejoyce; but this lasted not long, for both Oldom and he grew very perverse, and shewed a spirite of great maUgnancie, drawing as many into faction as they could; were they never so vile or profane, they did nomish and back them in all their doings; so they would but cleave to them and speak against the church hear; so as ther was nothing but private meetings and whisperings amongst them; they feeding themselves and others with what they should bring to pass in England by the faction of their freinds their, which brought others as well as them selves into a fools paradise. Yet they could not cary so closly but much of both their doings and sayings were discovered, yet outwardly they still set a faire face of things. At lenght when the ship was ready to goe, it was observea Liford was long in writing, and sente many letters, and could not forbear to comunicate to his intimats such things as made them laugh in their sleeves, and thought he had done ther errand svifiiciently. The Gov"" and some other of his freinds knowing how things stood in England, and what hurt 180 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1624 these things might doe, tooke a shalop and wente out with the ship a league or 2. to sea, and caled for all Lifords and Old- ums letters. Mr. WiUiam Peirce being m' of the ship, (and knew well theu* evill dealing both in England and here,) af- forded him all the assistance he could. He foimd above 20. of Lyfords letters, many of them larg, and full of slanders, and false accusations, tending not only to their prejudice, but to their ruine and utter subversion. Most of the letters they let pas, only tooke copys of them, but some of the most materiall they sent true copyes of them, and kept the originalls, least he should deney them, and that they might produce his owne hand against him. Amongst his letters they found the cop- pyes of tow letters which he sent inclosed in a leter of his to Mr. John Pemberton, a minister, and a great opposite of theirs. These 2. letters of which he tooke the coppyes were one of them write by a gentle-man in England to Mr. Brewster here, the other by Mr. Winslow to Mr. Robinson, in Holand, at his com- ing away, as the ship lay at Gravsend. They lying sealed ia the great cabin, (whilst Mr. Winslow was bussie aboute the affairs of the ship,) this slye marchante taks and opens them, taks these coppys, and seals them up againe; and not only sends the coppyes of them thus to his friend and their adver- sarie, but adds thertoo in the margente many scurrilous and flouting anotations. This ship went out towards evning, and in the night the Gov' returned. They were somwaht blanke at it, but after some weeks, when they heard nothing, they then were as briske as ever, thinking nothing had been knowne, but all was gone currente, and that the Gov"' went but to dispatch his owne letters. The reason why the Gov"" and rest concealed these things the longer, was to let things ripen, that they might the better* discover their intents and see who were their adherents. And the rather because amongst the rest they found a letter of one of their confederats, in which was writen that Mr. Oldame and Mr. Lyford intended a reformation in church and commone wealth; 1624] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 181 and, as soone as the ship was gone, they intended to joyne to- geather, and have the sacrements, etc. For Oldame, few of his leters were foiind, (for he was so bad a scribe as his hand was scarce legible,) yet he was as deepe in the mischeefe as the other. And thinking they were now strong enough, they begane to pick quarells at every thing. Oldame being called to watch (according to order) refused to come, fell out with the Capten, caled him raskell, and beg- gerly raskell, and resisted him, drew his knife at him; though he offered him no wrong, nor gave him no ille termes, but with all faimes required him to doe his duty. The Gov'', hear- ing the tumiilte, sent to quiet it, but he ramped more Uke a furious beast then a man, and cald them all treatours, and rebells, and other such foule language as I am ashamed to remember; but after he was clapt up a while, he came to him selfe, and with some slight punishmente was let goe upon his behaviour for further censure. But to cutt things shorte, at length it grew to this esseue, that Lyford with his compUcies,' without ever speaking one word either to the Gov"", Church, or Elder, withdrewe them selves and set up a pubhck meeting aparte, on the Lord's day; with sundry such insolente cariages, too long here to relate, begining now publikly to acta what privatly they had been long plotting. It was now thought high time (to prevent further mis- cheefe) to calle them to accounte; so the Gov"" called a courts and summoned the whol company to appeare. And then charged Lyford and Oldom with such things as they were guilty of. But they were stiffe, and stood resolutly upon the deneyall of most things, and required proofe. They first alledged what was write to them out of England, compared with their doings and practises hear; that it was evident they joyned in plotting against them, and disturbing their peace, both in respecte of their civill and church state, which was * Accomplices. 182 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1624 most injiirious; for both they and all the world knew they came hither to injoye the hbertie of their conscience and the free use of Gods ordinances; and for that end had ventured their lives and passed throwgh so much hardshipe hithertoo, and they and their freinds had borne the charg of these begin- ings, which was not small. And that Lyford for his parte was sent over on this charge, and that both he and his great fam- ily was maintained on the same, and also was joyned to the church, and a member of them; and for him to plote against them and seek their ruine, was most unjust and perfidious. And for Oldam or any other that came over at their owne charge, and were on ther perticuler, seeing they were received in curtesie by the plantation, when they came only to seeke shelter and protection imder their wings, not being able to stand alone, that they, (according to the fable,) like the Hedg- hogg whom the conny in a stormy day in pittie received into her borrow, would not be content to take part with her, but in the end with her sharp pricks forst the poore conny to forsake her owne borrow ; so these men with the like injustice indevored to doe the same to thos that entertained them. Lyford denyed that he had any thing to doe with them in England, or knew of their courses, and made other things as strange that he was charged with. Then his letters were prodused and some of them read, at which he was struck mute. But Oldam begane to rage fiu-iously, because they had intercepted and opened his letters, threatening them in very high language, and in a most audacious and mutinous maner stood up and caled upon the people, saying, My maisters, wher is your harts? now shew your coiu-age, you have oft complained to me so and so ; now is the time, if you will doe any thing, I will stand by you, etc. Thinking that every one (knowing his humor) that had soothed and flattered him, or other wise in their discontente uttered any thing unto him, would now side with him in open rebelUon. But he was de- 1624] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 183 ceived, for not a man opened his mouth, but all were silent, being strucken with the injustice of the thing. Then the Gov'' turned his speech to Mr. Lyford, and asked him if he thought they had done evill to open his letters; but he was silente, and would not say a word, well knowing what they might reply. Then the Gov"^ shewed the people he did it as a magistrate, and was bound to it by his place, to prevent the mischeefe and rviine that this conspiracie and plots of theirs would bring on this poor colony. But he, besids his evill dealing hear, had delte trecherusly with his freinds that trusted him, and stole their letters and opened them, and sent coppies of them, with disgracefull annotations, to his freinds in England. And then the Gov"" produced them and his other letters under his owne hand, (which he could not deney,) and caused them to be read before all the people ; at which all his freinds were blanke, and had not a word to say. It would be too long and tedious here to inserte his letters (which would almost fill a volimie), though I have them by me. I shall only note a few of the cheefe things collected out of them, with the answers to them as they were then given; and but a few of those many, only for instance, by which the rest may be judged of. 1. First, he saith, the church would have none to Uve hear but them selves. 2'^. Neither are any wilUng so to doe if they had company to five elswher. Ans: Their answer was, that this was false, in both the parts of it ; for they were willing and desirous that any honest men may Uve with them, that will cary them selves peacably, and seek the commone good, or at least doe them no hurte. And againe, ther are many that will not live els wher so long as they may Uve with them. 2. That if ther come over any honest men that are not of the seperation, they will quickly distast them, etc. A. Ther answer was as before, that it was a false callum- niation, for they had many amongst them that they liked 184 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1624 well of, and were glad of their company; and should be of any such like that should come amongst them. 3. That they excepted against him for these 2. doctrins raised from 2. Sam: 12. 7. First, that ministers must sume times perticulerly apply their doctrine to spetiall persons; 2^y, that great men may be reproved as well as meaner. A. Their answer was, that both these were without either truth or colour of the same (as was proved to his face), and that they had taught and beleeved these things long before they knew Mr. Liford. 4. That they utterly sought the ruine of the perticulers; as appeareth by this, that they would not suffer any of the generall either to buy or sell with them, or to exchaing one commoditie for another. Ans: This was a most malicious slander and voyd of all truth, as was evidently proved to him before all men; for any of them did both buy, sell, or exchaing with them as often as they had any occation. Yea, and allso both lend and give to them when they wanted; and this the perticuler persons them selves could not deney, but freely confest in open court. But the ground from whence this arose made it much worse, for he was in counsell with them. When one was called be- fore them, and questioned for receiving powder and bisket from the gimner of the small ship, which was the companys, and had it put in at his window in the night, and allso for bujdng salt of one, that had no right to it, he not only stood to back him (being one of these perticulers) by excusing and extenuating his falte, as long as he could, but upon this builds this mischeevous and most false slander: That because they would not suffer them to buy stolne goods, ergo, they sought their utter ruine. Bad logick for a devine. 5. Next he writs, that he chocked them with this; that they turned men into their perticuler, and then sought to starve them, and deprive them of all means of subsistance. A. To this was answered, he did them manifest wrong, 1624] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 185 for they turned none into their perticuler; it was their owne importnnitie and emest desire that moved them, yea, con- strained them to doe it. And they apealed to the persons them selves for the truth hereof. And they testified the same against him before all present, as allso that they had no cause to complaine of any either hard or unkind usage. 6. He accuseth them with unjust distribution, and writeth, that it was a Strang difference, that some have bene alowed 16K. of meale by the weeke, and others but 4Zi. And then (floutingly) saith, it seems some mens mouths and belUes are very litle and slender over others. Ans: This might seeme strange indeed to those to whom he write his leters in England, which knew not the reason of it ; but to him and others hear, it could not be strange, who knew how things stood. For the first commers had none at all, but hved on their corne. Those which came in the Anne, the August before, and were to five 13. months of the provis- sions they brought, had as good alowance in meal and pease as it would extend too, the most part of the year; but a litle before harvest, when they had not only fish, but other fruits began to come in, they had but 4K. having their hbertie to make their owne provisions. But some of these which came last, as the ship carpenter, and sawiers, the salte-men and others that were to follow constante imployments, and had not an howers time, from their hard labours, to looke for any thing above their alowance; they had at first, 16li. alowed them, and afterwards as fish, and other food coued be gott, they had as balemente,' to 14. and 12. yea some of them to 8. as the times and occasions did vary. And yet those which followed planting and their owne occasions, and had but 4K. of meall a week, lived better then the other, as was well knowne to all. And yet it must be remembered that Lyford and his had allwais the highest alowance. Many other things (in his letters) he accused them of, with Bailment, delivery of goods on trust, in advance of payment. 186 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION [1624 many aggravations; as that he saw exseeding great wast of tools and vesseles; and this, when it came to be examened, all the instance he could give was, that he had seen an old hogshed or too fallen to peeces, and a broken how or tow lefte carlesly in the feilds by some. Though he also knew that a godly, honest man was appointed to looke to these things. But these things and such hke was write of by him, to cast disgrace and prejudice upon them; as thinking what came from a minister would pass for currente. Then he tells them that Winslow should say, that ther was not above 7. of the adventurers that souight the good of the coUony. That Mr. Oldam and him selfe had had much to doe with them, and that the faction here might match the Jesuits for pohtie. With many the hke greevious complaints and accusations. 1. Then, in the next place, he comes to give his freinds counsell and directtion. And first, that the Leyden company (Mr. Robinson and the rest) must still be kepte back, or els all will be spoyled. And least any of them should be taken in privatly somewher on the coast of England, (as it was feared might be done,) they must chaing the m''. of the ship (Mr. Wilham Peirce), and put another allso in Wiaslows stead, for marchante,' or els it would not be prevented. 2. Then he would have such a number provided as might oversway them hear. And that the perticulers should have voyces in all courts and elections, and be free to bear any office. And that every perticuler should come over as an ad- venturer, if he be but a servante ; some other ventiuing IQli, the bill may be taken out in the servants name, and then as- signed to the party whose money it was, and good covenants drawn betweene them for the clearing of the matter; and this (saith he) would be a means to strengthen this side the more. 3. Then he tells them that if that Capten they spoake of should come over hither as a generall,^ he was perswaded ' Merchant in the sense of cape merchant or supercargo. ' I. e., as one of the colony. 1624] WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOVERNOR 187 he would be chosen Capten ; for this Captaine Standish looks Uke a silly boy, and is in utter contempte. 4. Then he shows that if by the forementioned means they cannot be strengthened to cary and overbear things, it will be best for them to plant els wher by them selves; and would have it artickled by them that they might make choyse of any place that they liked best within 3. or 4. myls distance, shewing ther were farr better places for plantation then this. 5. And lastly he concluds, that if some number came not over to bear them up here, then ther would be no abiding for them, but by joyning with these hear. Then he adds: Since I begane to write, ther are letters come from your company, wherin they wovild give sole authoritie in diverce things unto the Go v"" here; which, if it take place, then, Ve Nobis. ^ But I hope you wiU be more vigilante hereafter, that nothing may pass in such a manner. I suppose (saith he) Mr. Oldame will write to you further of these things. I pray you conceall me in the discovery of these things, etc. Thus I have breefly touched some cheefe things in his leters, and shall now retiraie to their procceeding with him. After the reading of his leters before the whole company, he was demanded what he could say to these things. But all the answer he made was, that Billington and some others had informed him of many things, and made sundrie complaints, which they now deneyed. He was againe asked if that was a sufficiente groimd for him thus to accuse and traduse them by his letters, and never say word to them, considering the many bonds betweene them. And so they went on from poynte to poynte; and wisht him, or any of his freinds and confederats, not to spare them in any thing; if he or they had any proof e or witnes of any corrupte or evill deaUng of theirs, his or their evidence must needs be ther presente, for ther was the whole company and sundery strangers. He said he had been abused by others in their informations, (as he now well saw,) and so Woe to us 1
Of Plymouth Plantation by Bradford part one
BRADFORD'S HISTORY
